IDATIID 


Life  and  Times 

of 

David    Humphreys 

Soldier — Statesman — Poet 

"Belov'd  of  Washington" 


Frank  Landon  Humphreys 


In  Two  Volumes 
Volume  One 


Illustrated 


G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 

New  York  and  London 

Gbe    fmicfeerbocfeer    press 

1917 


*  ••  •    « 

•  •     *  *  • 

•  ••*••    • 

•  ••••»• 


COPYRIGHT,  1917 

BY 
FRANK  LANDON  HUMPHREYS 


Ube  ftnicfterbocfter  {press,  1*ew 


£22£T ~  £<iu^u^,  l*~ 


Epitaph  Written  by  Colonel  Trumbull. 


PREFACE 

IT  is  singular  how  historians  and  other  writers  have 
ignored  the  share  which  David  Humphreys  had  in  the 
career  of  Washington.  The  fair-minded  reader  of  those 
stirring  times  would  have  thought  that  the  mere  fact  that 
Humphreys  was  the  friend  and  trusted  confidant  of  Wash 
ington  would  have  been  sufficient  to  induce  writers  to 
dwell  lovingly  on  his  character  and  his  deeds.  Authors, 
and  especially  those  who  give  attention  to  historical 
matters,  are  too  fond  of  following  in  the  steps  of  those 
who  have  preceded  them.  Independent  research  and 
independent  thinking  are  laborious,  and  are  more  excep 
tional  than  they  ought  to  be.  These  are,  we  conceive, 
the  grounds  for  the  silence  which  has  been  maintained  in 
regard  to  the  companion  and  friend  of  Washington — one 
whom  Washington  delighted  to  honour  and  for  whom  no 
office  in  the  Commonwealth  was,  as  we  shall  see,  considered 
too  high. 

The  biographies  of  many  men  of  the  Revolutionary 
period  who  ranked  but  insignificantly  in  their  day  have 
been  produced  and  some  of  these  present  an  amplitude 
of  detail  that  is  as  wonderful  as  it  is  amusing. 

It  may  safely  be  said  that  as  it  is  impossible  to  write 
the  Life  of  Humphreys  without  including  a  large  part  of 
the  life  of  Washington,  so  it  is  almost  as  impossible  to 
write  tully  of  the  career  of  Washington  without  present- 


M15385 


iv  Preface 

ing,  in  large  measure  at  least,  the  life  of  Humphreys.  It  is 
with  the  hope  of  putting  Humphreys  into  his  proper  place 
in  American  history  that  this  book  has  been  written. 

Not  only  have  new  facts  been  brought  forward,  but 
new  light  has  been  thrown  upon  what  has  long  been  known 
in  part. 

Much  of  the  original  correspondence  between  Washing 
ton  and  Humphreys,  and  between  Humphreys  and  his 
distinguished  contemporaries,  has  been  preserved  in  the 
State  Archives  and  the  Congressional  Library  at  Wash 
ington,  and  is  now  first  published  or  is  for  the  first  time 
reprinted  accurately. 

The  life  of  one  who  was  styled  by  his  contemporaries 
the  "Belov'd  of  Washington,"  and  whom  Washington 
repeatedly  hoped  to  secure  not  only  as  his  friend  and 
companion  in  his  declining  years  at  Mount  Vernon,  but 
also  as  his  biographer,  is  now  presented  to  a  later  genera 
tion  of  Americans  who  have  realized  that  the  honour 
and  glory  of  their  country  are  to  be  found  in  an  adher 
ence  to  the  principles  laid  down  by  Washington. 

David  Humphreys  was,  perhaps,  the  most  versatile  of 
the  men  who  composed  what  was  known  as  "  Washington's 
Family."  Soldier,  Statesman,  Poet,  and  Manufacturer, 
he  won  for  himself  an  unique  position  among  the  many 
able  men  of  the  Revolutionary  period. 

Soldier. — While  not  given  command  of  any  division  of 
the  Continental  Army,  he  was  time  and  time  again  selected 
by  the  Commander-in-Chief  to  head  expeditions  where 
coolness,  courage,  and  audacity  were  the  essential  requi 
sites.  From  the  Battle  of  Long  Island  to  the  surrender  at 
Yorktown,  we  find  him  always  to  the  fore  as  the  trusted 
officer  and  Aide.  And  later  on  in  the  Shays  Rebellion  and 
the  tumults  of  the  East,  he  won  distinction.  To  him  must 
be  given  the  credit  of  being  the  first  military  man,  not 
only  to  see  the  wisdom  of  enlisting  the  aid  and  sympathy 


Preface  v 

of  coloured  men,  but  actually  to  form  a  company  of  negro 
troops. 

Statesman. — The  high  opinion  entertained  by  Wash 
ington  of  Humphreys'  statesmanlike  qualities  was  shown 
by  the  fact  that  the  only  favour  that  the  Father  of 
our  Country  ever  asked  of  Congress  was  the  appointment 
of  David  Humphreys  as  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs. 
This  request  Congress  denied,  but  that  the  appointment 
would  have  been  a  wise  one  is  proved  by  the  singular 
wisdom  and  skill  which  Humphreys  showed  when  ap 
pointed  our  first  Minister;  first  in  Lisbon,  and  afterwards 
in  Madrid.  At  both  Courts  his  position  was  difficult  in 
the  extreme,  yet  by  his  courtliness  of  manner,  his  quiet 
but  insistent  demands  that  the  rights  of  the  United  States 
be  respected,  he  won  first  the  respect  and  then  the  admira 
tion  of  the  two  Courts  in  the  Peninsula.  His  despatches  are 
not  mere  official  reports.  They  all  show  the  breadth  of  a 
statesman  who  plans  for  the  future.  Thus,  while  battling 
for  the  release  of  American  citizens  from  the  slavery  in 
which  they  were  being  held  by  the  Barbary  pirates,  he 
repeatedly  points  out,  and  was  the  first  to  do  so,  the 
absolute  necessity  of  a  Naval  Militia  to  protect  the  com 
merce  of  the  United  States,  and  also  the  needs  of  a  mer 
chant  marine  that  should  carry  the  growing  commerce 
of  the  new  nation  into  all  seas. 

To  him  is  due  the  credit  of  freeing  all  commerce  of  the 
intolerable  yoke  of  the  Algerine  pirates  to  whom  hitherto 
even  Great  Britain  and  France  had  truckled  and  paid 
ransom.  He  even  went  so  far  as  to  demand  redress 
from  Spain  for  the  wrongs  done  to  American  shipping 
by  French  privateers  who  made  Spanish  ports  a  base 
for  their  operations. 

Polite  and  courtly,  suave  and  man  of  the  world  as 
Humphreys  was,  he  was  bedrock  when  the  honour  and 
dignity  of  America  was  at  stake. 


vi  Preface 

Poet. — There  is  a  fashion  in  Poetry  as  in  all  else.  Poets 
of  the  Elizabethan  day  wrote  differently  from  those  in  the 
times  of  Chaucer,  and  the  Addisonian  Poets  wrote  again 
differently  from  the  contemporaries  of  Shakespeare. 
Humphreys  followed  the  fashion  of  his  day.  His  versifica 
tion  is  smooth  and  he  inclines  to  prolixity — yet  in  every 
thing  he  wrote  as  in  everything  he  did,  Humphreys  shows 
that  to  him  America  and  Americanism  was  a  passion. 

That  his  contemporaries  valued  his  Poetry  is  proved  by 
the  many  editions  his  poems  went  through. 

Manufacturer. — If  not  the  first  to  import  Merino  Sheep 
into  America,  David  Humphreys  was  the  founder  of  the 
Woollen  Industry  in  this  Country.  His  Mills  at  Hum 
phrey  sville  produced  work  that  became  famous  for  the 
excellence  of  its  quality,  and  his  factories  were  cited  as 
models  for  the  harmonious  relations  that  existed  between 
owner  and  employed,  and  for  the  regulations  under  which 
work  was  carried  on.  Humphreys  took  a  personal  interest 
in  his  mills  and  his  work  people. 

Soldier,  Statesman,  Poet,  Manufacturer — David  Hum 
phreys  was  a  forerunner  of  that  class  of  Americans 
who  have  won  the  admiration  of  the  world  for  their  restless 
energy  and  versatility. 

It  must  be  noted  that  very  little  of  the  Humphreys  cor 
respondence  is  published  in  these  volumes.  Let  us  hope 
that  at  some  future  time  all  the  Humphreys  correspond 
ence  will  be  carefully  edited  and  annotated.  His  cor 
respondence  with  the  first  three  Presidents  of  the  United 
States,  the  different  Secretaries  of  State,  and  most  of  the 
eminent  men  of  that  period  is  a  mine  of  information  for 
every  student  of  our  country's  life  while  its  history  was  in 
the  making. 

It  is  well  to  observe  that  Humphreys  did  not  spell 
his  name  uniformly,  in  fact  it  was  not  until  about  1794 
that  he  finally  permanently  adopted  the  signature  of 


Preface  vii 

"Humphreys. "  To  avoid  confusion,  however,  it  has  been 
decided  to  print  his  name  as  "Humphreys"  throughout 
the  correspondence. 

When  this  work  was  being  compiled,  the  Humphreys  and 
Washington  correspondence  was  all  housed  in  the  State 
Department,  and  the  references  were  accordingly  made  to 
the  Archives  of  the  State  Department.  It  has  not  been 
found  expedient  to  alter  the  references,  although  most  of 
the  correspondence  has  been  transferred  to  the  Manu 
script  Department  of  the  Library  of  Congress,  where  it 
is  now  being  lovingly  cared  for  by  the  present  Librarian 
of  that  Department. 

F.  L.  H. 
January,  1917. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

I. — ANCESTRY i 

II. — EARLY  DAYS 16 

III. — COLLEGE  DAYS 29 

IV. — BEGINNING  OF  THE  WAR     ....  37 

V. — EARLY  BATTLES           .....  54 

VI. — EARLY  BATTLES  (Continued}          ...  77 

VII. — THE  CONTINENTAL  FORCES           .         .         .  101 

VIII. — F AIRFIELD   AND   STONY    POINT          .  .  .126 

IX. — THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1780      .         .         .  143 

X. — THE  FRENCH  ALLIES  .         .         .         .  .166 

XI. — WASHINGTON  AND  THE  FRENCH  OFFICERS  .  193 

XII. — THE  SURRENDER  OF  CORNWALLIS         .  .  229 

XIII. — THE  SUMMER  OF  1782          ....  255 

XIV. — PEACE  AND  WASHINGTON'S  FAREWELL  .  272 

XV. — BEGINNINGS  OF  DIPLOMATIC  CAREER    .  .  289 

XVI. — HUMPHREYS  IN  FRANCE       .         .         .         .313 

ix 


x  Contents 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

XVII. — HUMPHREYS  IN  ENGLAND     ....  337 

XVIII. — HUMPHREYS'  RETURN  TO  AMERICA       .         .  350 

XIX. — TUMULTS  AND  CONTROVERSIES  OF  1786.         .  368 

XX. — SHAYS'S  REBELLION 388 

XXI. — WASHINGTON  ELECTED  PRESIDENT       .         .412 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

DAVID  HUMPHREYS         ....        Frontispiece 

FACSIMILE  OF  AN  EPITAPH  BY  COLONEL  TRUMBULL      .  ii 

THE  BIRTHPLACE  OF  DAVID  HUMPHREYS     ...  2 

LEAD  ORNAMENTATION  IN  THE  WINDOWS  OF  THE  OLD 

HUMPHREYS  HOUSE          .....  4 

FACSIMILE  OF  FRESHMEN  LAWS  OF  YALE  COLLEGE        .  26 

OLD  SOUTH  MIDDLE,  YALE  COLLEGE           ...  36 

ISRAEL  PUTNAM 60 

RETURN  JONATHAN  MEIGS 96 

NATHANIEL  GREENE          .         .         .         .         .         .146 

WASHINGTON'S  HEADQUARTERS  AT  MORRISTOWN           .  158 

TENCH  TILGHMAN 168 

BENJAMIN  TALLMADGE 194 

PLAN  OF  THE  SIEGE  OF  YORKTOWN     ....  230 

PRESENTATION    TO  CONGRESS  BY  DAVID  HUMPHREYS 

OF  THE  FLAGS  SURRENDERED  AT  YORKTOWN          .  236 

From  the  Painting  by  Colonel  Trumbull  in  the  Posses 
sion  of  the  Author 

xi 


xii  Illustrations 

PACK 

FRAUNCE'S  TAVERN,  AS  RESTORED  BY  THE  SONS  OF  THE 

REVOLUTION .     284 

WASHINGTON'S     FAREWELL     TO     HIS     OFFICERS     AT 

FRAUNCE'S  TAVERN 286 

WASHINGTON      RESIGNING      HIS      COMMISSION       AT 

ANNAPOLIS 288 

The  Original,  by  Colonel  Trumbull,  is  in  the  Rotunda  of 
the  Capitol  at  Washington. 

FACSIMILE    OF    A    LETTER    FROM     WASHINGTON     TO 

FRANKLIN  INTRODUCING  HUMPHREYS    .         .         .     304 

THE  DANIEL  HUMPHREYS  TOMBSTONE         .         .         .     420 
MOUNT  VERNON        . 428 


Life  and  Times  of  David  Humphreys 


The 
Life    of    David    Humphreys 


CHAPTER  I 

Ancestry 

The  Birth  of  David  Humphreys — The  Old  Humphrey  House — The  Rev. 
Daniel  Humphrey  and  Lady  Humphrey— Their  Ancestry — The 
Humphreys  in  England — In  America — Michael  Humphrey — Religious 
Convictions — Sergeant  John  Humphrey — Deacon  John  Humphrey — A 
Seat  in  the  Meeting  House  and  its  Significance — Daniel  Humphrey — 
His  Appointment  as  Pastor — His  Character  and  Influence — Lady 
Humphrey — Her  Ancestry — Her  Character  and  Disposition. 

DAVID  HUMPHREYS,  the  "beloved  of  Washington," 
was  born  in  Derby,  Connecticut,  July  10,  1752.  If 
tradition  is  to  be  believed,  and  tradition  still  lingers  round 
the  name  of  Lady  Humphrey, x  that  tenth  of  July  was  an 
exceptionally  hot  and  sultry  day,  and  the  flowers  and 
flower  beds  which  Lady  Humphrey  loved  to  tend  were 
drooping,  parched  and  wilted,  beneath  the  windows  of  her 
stately  house  when  her  fourth  son  was  born  to  her. 

The  room  in  which  David  was  born,  so  runs  tradition,  is 

1  Both  forms  of  the  name — Humphrey  and  Humphreys — appear  in  the 
records  of  the  family.  During  and  after  the  Revolution  the  Colonel  usually 
followed  the  latter  form. 

VOL.   I I  T 


2  Ancestry 

the  large  front  one,  on  the  first  floor  on  the  east  side  of 
the  house.  Built  prior  to  1730,  this  dwelling  still  stands 
pathetic  amid  its  neglected  grounds,  yet  bearing  marks  of 
its  ancient  stateliness.  It  is  built  in  the  prevailing  style 
of  the  first  third  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  while  not 
much  removed  from  the  road,  yet  stands  on  a  high  bank, 
which  thus  gives  it  an  appearance  of  height  and  dignity 
that  it  would  not  otherwise  have. 

Only  two  great  elms  now  remain  of  the  row  which 
fringed  the  boundary  of  the  property  along  the  road. 
No  trace  of  the  gardens  is  left  save  some  irises,  narcissi 
and  other  flowers  of  the  bulb  variety-^-which  defy  man's 
ingratitude  and  come  up  year  after  year  in  the  bed  on 
tiie  eaist/side  of  the  house  and  beneath  the  parlour 


Scarcely*  'any  marks  of  the  ancient  elegance  of  the  old 
house  now  remain.  On  the  window  panes,  here  and  there, 
are  a  few  of  the  ancient  lead  ornamentations  which 
descended  like  garlands  from  the  top  panes.  On  these 
leaden  ornaments,  traces  of  gilding  can  still  be  faintly 
seen,  proving,  however,  that  the  house  in  its  day  must 
have  been  designed  with  more  than  the  usual  elegance  of 
finish  customary  at  that  period.  The  old  brass  knocker 
was  wrenched  off  the  door  by  some  vandal,  as  recently  as 
the  spring  of  1902. 

The  frame  is  of  massive  oak,  and  its  roof  is  supported 
by  timbers  still  sound.  It  is  two  stories  high  with  the 
garret  overhanging  the  second  story.  Up  through  the 
centre  runs  the  great  square  stone  chimney.  Within, 
the  rooms  are  spacious,  the  parlour  being  seventeen  feet 
square.  The  front  hall  is  devoid  of  any  special  decoration, 
the  staircase  being  boxed  in  with  a  small  closet  beneath. 
The  mantels  are  handsomely  carved  and  even  now  the 
house  shows  that  it  was  one  of  those  belonging  to  people 
of  distinction  and  refinement. 


Humphrey  Ancestry  3 

It  was  to  this  house  that  the  Rev.  Daniel  Humphrey 
brought  his  bride  in  1737,  v^ho  soon  became  known,  partly 
as  a  compliment  to  her  grace  and  refinement,  but  perhaps, 
more  on  account  of  her  dignity  and  aristocratic  demeanour, 
which  as  we  shall  see  her  son  David  inherited  from  her, 
as  "Lady"  Humphrey.  Here  through  his  long  ministry, 
lived  the  pastor  of  the  church  which  was  then  located  a 
short  distance  from  his  dwelling,  on  the  brow  of  Clark's 
Hill.  Here  his  children  were  born,  here  he  pondered  his 
solemn  discourses,  here  he  received,  with  Lady  Humphrey, 
his  parishioners  on  great  occasions,  such  as  Fast  Day, 
Thanksgiving  or  Election  Day.  Opposite  was  the  modest 
building  of  Christ  Church,  in  which  faithfully  for  seventy- 
two  years,  Richard  Mansfield  broke  for  his  flock  the  Bread 
of  Life.  The  old  cemetery  still  remains,  but  the  busy  life 
of  Derby,  Ansonia  and  Seymour  no  longer  centres  around 
these  relics  of  the  past.  According  to  present  boundaries 
the  house  is  in  South  Ansonia  on  the  street  known  as  Elm 
Street. 

The  view  on  the  opposite  page  is  reproduced  from  a 
photograph  taken  in  the  summer  of  1902. 

In  the  large  east  room  upstairs  is  an  old  mahogany  ward 
robe,  which  must  have  been  set  up  in  the  room  itself,  as  it 
is  too  large  to  take  out  of  the  room  or  to  have  been  moved 
into  it.  This  and  an  old  broken  spindle  in  the  attic  are  the 
only  ancient  pieces  of  furniture  in  the  house.  Possibly 
they  date  back  to  Lady  Humphrey's  time. 

The  curious  and  patient  investigation  of  the  origin  of  the 
family  of  Humphreys  finds  persons  of  the  name  living  in 
Norway  or  other  portions  of  the  Scandinavian  peninsula 
in  remote  antiquity.  In  those  days  when  other  lands  of 
Europe  were  in  the  grasp  of  the  feudal  system  and  no  one 
from  peasant  to  baron  could  call  himself  really  free,  these 
fierce  and  courageous  men  rejoiced  in  their  name  of 
"Home  frei,"  that  is  "free  home"  which  in  Anglo-Saxon 


4  Ancestry 

became  ' '  Home  freid  "  or  in  its  latinized  form,  ' '  Umfridus. ' ' 
It  has  been  not  only  conjectured  but  practically  proven 
that  there  were  families  of  the  name  in  Great  Britain 
as  early  as  the  sixth  century;  Umfridus,  Bishop,  witnessed 
about  604  a  gift,  from  "Ethelbert  King  of  Kent"  to  St. 
Paul's  Church  now  St.  Paul's  Cathedral,  London,  of  the 
manor  of  Tillingham.  The  further  research  of  members 
of  the  family  interested  in  its  origin  has  discovered  that 
those  who  crossed  the  Channel  were  probably  the  more 
enterprising  and  ambitious. 

The  name  of  Umfrey  or  Humphrey  is  found  as  early  as 
the  eighth  century  in  Normandy  and  Brittany.  It  was 
borne  by  dignified  Bishops,  mitred  Abbots,  brave  knights 
and  wealthy  landowners. 

Several  of  the  name  accompanied  William,  Duke  of 
Normandy,  when  in  1066  he  claimed  from  King  Harold  the 
fulfilment  of  his  promise  and  conquered  England.  Sir 
Robert  de  Umfreville,  who  is  called  his  "kinsman," 
Humphrey  de  Carteret,  Humphrey,  Lord  of  Bohun,  whose 
descendants  were  Hereditary  Constables  of  England, 
afterward  Earls  of  Hereford,  Essex,  and  Northampton, 
are  among  those  known  to  have  been  honoured  by  him 
and  granted  estates  in  England.  Many  of  their  descend 
ants  went  to  the  Holy  Land  during  the  Crusades,  and 
especially  distinguished  were  Peter  d'Amfreville,  1197, 
"le  Sir  d'  Umfreville,"  and  "le  Sir  d'  Onfrei"  in  1091. 
Then  afterward,  several  families  were  prominent  in  vari 
ous  civic  and  other  positions,  and  resided  upon  extensive 
estates  in  various  parts  of  England  and  Wales. 

It  is  well  known  that  King  Henry  IV.  married  Mary  de 
Bohun,  a  descendant  of  Humphrey  de  Bohun,  who  had 
settled  in  Midhurst,  Essex,  and  that  the  infant  King  Henry 
VI.,  son  of  Henry  V.,  was  committed  to  the  care  of  his 
uncles  the  dukes  of  Bedford  and  Gloucester.  The  Duke 
of  Gloucester  was  popularly  known  as  the  ' '  Good  Duke 


Lead  Ornamentation  in  the  Windows  of  the  Old  Humphreys  House 


Humphrey  Ancestry  5 

Humphrey"  and  wielded  his  regency  in  England  with 
much  approbation  from  the  people. z 

The  fact  of  the  early  fame  of  their  ancestors  is  traced 
by  the  authors  of  the  work  cited  in  the  footnote  with  much 
care,  and  authorities  cited  for  its  statements.  The  line 
age  of  present  English  families  is  given,  including  John 
Richard  Humfray,  Esq.,  of  Penllyne  Castle,  Glamorgan 
shire;  Henry  Revel  Humfray,  of  the  Place,  Newmarket, 
Suffolk;  William  Humphrey  of  Llwyn,  Montgomeryshire; 
Robert  Blake  Humfrey  of  Wroxham  House,  Norfolk- 
shire;  John  Keys  Humfrey,  Cavancor,  County  Donegal, 
Ireland. 

The  American  ancestry  of  David  Humphreys  was  of 
sturdy  New  England  stock ;  Michael  Humphrey  was  among 
the  early  settlers  of  Windsor,  one  of  the  three  towns 
which  formed  the  original  colony  of  Connecticut.  In 
1743  he  was  engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  tar  and  turpen 
tine  with  John  Griffin,  at  Massaco  (now  Simsbury).  As 
his  name  does  not  appear  upon  any  list  of  the  persons 
who  emigrated  from  Dorchester,  Massachusetts,  to  the 
banks  of  the  Connecticut,  it  has  been  supposed  that  he 
came  directly  from  England  in  his  own  vessel  and  sailed 
up  the  Connecticut  to  Windsor.  A  letter  from  his  father 
and  mother  written  from  Lyme,  "24th  day  of  January 
1648, "  shows  that  they  were  then  living  in  the  Dorsetshire 
seaport,  one  hundred  and  forty-three  miles  south-west 
of  London  and  that  their  names  were  Samuel  and  Susana. 
A  careful  search  of  the  parish  registers  and  the  records 
of  the  "Peculiar  Court  of  Lyme-Regis, "  fails  to  give  any 
information  in  regard  to  them.  An  examination  of  the 
registers  of  wills  at  Exeter  and  Salisbury  shows  that  their 
wills,  if  they  made  any,  were  never  filed  and  registered. 
The  whole  subject  of  the  English  line  of  the  family  is  thus 
an  unsolved  problem  although  probabilities,  and  the  coats 

1  The  Humphrey  Family  in  America,  Part  i,  pp.  1-17,  242. 


6  Ancestry 

of  arms  borne  in  the  various  branches  of  the  family, 
identify  it  with  the  families  of  that  name  living  in  the 
south  of  England  in  Devonshire  and  Dorsetshire. 

Michael  Humphrey's  brother  Samuel  lived  at  St.  Malo 
on  the  coast  of  Brittany,  nearly  opposite  Lyme-Regis. 
With  his  partner,  Henry  Rose,  he  regularly  consigned 
merchandise  to  Michael  at  Windsor,  which  found  a  ready 
sale.  It  is  probable  that  it  was  frequently  exchanged 
for  the  tar  and  turpentine  which  Michael  Humphrey 
manufactured,  and  by  the  sale  of  which  he  derived  a 
comfortable  income. 

He  lived  upon  his  home  lot  in  the  "Pound  Close"  just 
outside  the  "North  Line  of  the  Palisado  or  fortification 
which  had  been  set  up  on  the  North  side  of  the  Little 
Rivulet  as  a  defence  against  surprisal  by  the  Indians  dur 
ing  the  Pequot  War  in  1637.  "x 

Mr.  Humphrey  appears  to  have  been  respected  by  his 
fellow  townsmen.  He  held  firmly  to  his  religious  and 
political  convictions,  which  may  have  been  the  reason  that 
he  waited  until  May  21,  1657,  before  becoming  a  freeman 
of  the  town.  He  married,  on  October  14,  1647,  Priscilla, 
daughter  of  Matthew  Grant,  of  Windsor.  Seven  children 
were  born  to  them: 

John,  born  June  7,  1650;  died  January  14,  1697-8. 

Mary,  born  October  24,  1653. 

Samuel,  born  May  15,  1656;  died  June  15,  1736. 

Sarah,  born  March  6,  1658-9. 

Martha,  born  October  5,  1663. 

Abigail,    born   March  23,    1665-6;  died   January  27, 

1697. 
Hannah,  born  October  21,  1669. 2 

1  The  Humphrey  Family,  p.  102,  quoted  there  from  Stiles's  History  of 
Ancient  Windsor,  p.  132. 

a  The  Humphrey  Family,  p.  112. 


Humphrey  Ancestry  7 

There  were  some  of  the  settlers  who  did  not  join  them 
selves  to  the  church  of  the  town  by  signing  and  assenting 
to  its  particular  confession  of  faith.  They  considered 
that  their  membership  in  the  Church  of  England  was 
sufficient  to  entitle  them  to  church  privileges  and  claim 
baptism  for  their  children.  The  theory  of  Congregation 
alism  and  the  Cambridge  Platform  of  1648  conferred 
sacramental  rites  only  upon  those  who  were  under  the 
covenant.  Thus  the  children  of  those  persons  who  were 
not  members  of  the  local  church  could  not  receive  the  rite. 
Brought  up  as  these  settlers  had  been  in  England,  and 
regarding  Holy  Baptism  as  essential,  they  were  both  hurt 
and  aggrieved  when  their  request  for  the  baptism  of 
their  children  was  refused.  In  1664,  Michael  Humphrey 
with  James  Eno,  John  Moses  and  Jonas  Westover  of 
Windsor,  together  with  William  Pitkin  and  John  Stedman 
of  Hartford,  and  Robert  Reeve  whose  residence  has 
not  been  fully  ascertained,  joined  in  a  petition  "To  the 
Hon.  Gen.  Assembly  of  the  Corporation  of  Connecticut 
in  New  England,"  in  which  they  state  that  they  are 
' '  Professors  of  the  Protestant  Christian  Religion,  members 
of  the  Church  of  England,  and  under  those  sacred  ties  men 
tioned  and  contained  in  our  Covenant  sealed  with  our 
Baptism."  They  have 

seriously  pondered  our  past  and  present  want  of  those  Ordi 
nances  wh  to  us  and  our  Children  as  members  of  Christs 
vissible  Church  ought  to  bee  administered.  Which  wee  Ap 
prehend  to  bee  to  the  Dishonour  of  God  and  the  obstruction 
of  our  owne  and  our  Childrens  good.  .  .  .  Our  aggreiuance 
is  that  wee  and  ours  are  not  under  the  Due  care  of  an 
orthodox  Ministry  that  will  in  a  due  manner  administer 
to  us  those  ordinances  that  we  stand  capable  of,  as  the 
Baptizeing  of  our  Children,  our  beeing  admitted  (as  wee  ac 
cording  to  Christs  order  may  bee  found  meete)  to  the  Lord's 
table.  .  .  .  Wee  humble  Request  that  this  Honrd  Court 


8  Ancestry 

would  take  into  Serious  Consideration  our  present  state  in 
this  respect,  that  wee  are  thus  as  sheep  scattered  haueing 
no  Shepherd,  and  compare  it  with  what  we  conceiue  you  can 
not  but  know  both  God  and  our  King  would  haue  it  different 
from  what  it  now  is  And  take  some  Speedy  and  effectuall 
Course  for  redress  herein.  And  put  us  in  a  full  and  free 
capacity  of  enjoying  those  forementioned  Aduantages  which 
to  us  as  members  of  Christ's  uissible  Church  doe  of  right 
bellong.  By  Establishing  som  wholesome  Law  in  this  Cor 
poration,  by  uertue  whereof  wee  may  both  claime  and  receiue 
of  such  officers  as  are  or  shall  bee  by  Law  set  ouer  us  in  the 
Church  or  Churches  where  wee  haue  our  abode  or  residence 
those  fore  mentioned  priuileges  and  advantages. 

furthermore  wee  humbly  request  that  for  the  future  no  Law 
in  this  Corporation  may  be  of  any  force  to  make  us  pay  or 
contribute  to  the  maintaineance  of  any  Minister  or  officer  in 
the  Church  that  will  neglect  or  refuse  to  Baptise  our  Children, 
and  to  take  care  of  us  as  such  members  of  the  Church  as  are 
under  his  or  their  Charge  and  care. 

The  petition,  dated  October  I7th,  was  presented  to  the 
General  Court  sitting  at  Hartford. 1 

The  disturbed  state  of  the  country  and  the  frequent 
complaints  that  had  reached  them  upon  this  subject,  led 
to  a  serious  consideration  of  the  Petition,  and  the  passage 
of  a  resolution  recommending  the  ministers  and  churches 
in  this  colony  to  consider,  "whether  it  be  not  their  duty  to 
entertaine  all  such  persons  who  are  of  an  honest  and  goodly 
conversation  and  that  they  have  their  children  baptized.  " 

The  Petition  has  been  much  discussed  and  was  for  a  long 
time  misunderstood.  It  was  thought  that  these  reputable 
citizens  desired  to  introduce  a  priest  of  the  Church  of 
England  and  wished  their  property  exempted  for  that 
purpose.  But  their  subsequent  course  shows  that  all  they 

1  The  original  will  be  found  in  the  Connecticut  State  A  rchiv es,  Ecclesiastical, 
I,  Doc.  1 06.  An  accurate  transcript  is  in  The  Humphrey  Family,  n.,  pp. 
104-5. 


Humphrey  Ancestry  9 

requested  was  to  become  members  of  the  existing  church 
organizations  without  submitting  to  an  examination 
as  to  their  piety  and  worth  and  a  formal  assent  to  its 
confession  of  Faith.  The  action  of  the  Court  was  not 
mandatory  and  practically  referred  the  matter  back  to  the 
church  at  Windsor.  Its  suggestions  were  followed,  and 
thus  what  was  known  as  the  "Half  Way  Covenant" 
was  introduced,  which  made  its  way  slowly  into  favour  in 
the  Congregational  Church  of  the  colony.  "Many 
hesitated  for  years  and  others  utterly  refused  to  adopt  it 
into  practice."1 

Michael  Humphrey  removed  before  1670  to  Massaco, 
where  his  business  was,  when  that  part  of  the  town  of 
Windsor  was  erected  into  a  separate  township  by  the  name 
of  Simsbury.  His  homestead  was  in  that  portion  of  the 
town  known  as  Weatogue.  He  died  previous  to  1795. 
The  exact  date  is  not  known.  He  transmitted  to  his 
descendants  several  traits  of  character,  notably  industry, 
perseverance,  and  thrift  which  have  ever  since  distin 
guished  them. 

His  son  John,  whose  military  services  gave  him  the 
appellation  of  "Sergeant  John,"  continued  his  father's 
business,  in  which  he  prospered.  He  married  Hannah,  the 
daughter  of  Sergeant  John  Griffin,  his  father's  partner,  and 
had  seven  children. 2 

After  holding  numerous  town  offices  and  retaining  the 

1  Stiles,  History  of  Ancient  Windsor,  p.  170.     A  full  discussion  will  be 
found  on  pp.  170-3. 

2  John,  born  Nov.  18,  1671;  died  Dec.  31,  1732. 
Mary,  born  April  14,  1674. 

Thomas,  born  Sept.  n,  1676;  died  Oct.  23,  1714. 
Abigail,  born  November  8,  1678. 
Nathaniel,  born  March  3,  1680. 
Samuel,  born  1684;  died  September  20,  1685. 

Joseph,  born  ,  who  married  Abigail  Griffin. 

The  first  five  children  are  recorded  in  the  earliest  record  book  of  Simsbury 
known  as  the  "Red  Book."     See  Humphrey  Family,  p.  115. 


io  Ancestry 

respect  of  his  townsmen,  and  the  affection  of  his  family,  he 
died  January  24,  1697-8. 

His  son  John  lived  upon  the  old  home  plot  and  was  an 
active  and  useful  member  of  the  community.  He  seems 
to  have  engaged  more  extensively  in  farming  than  his 
father  or  his  grandfather.  He  served  in  several  town 
offices  and  was  for  two  years  the  Town  Clerk.  He  was 
prominent  in  the  affairs  of  the  church  and  was  one  of  its 
deacons,  from  which  office  he  received  the  title  of  "Dea 
con  John."  He  was  chosen,  1718,  one  of  the  committee 
"to  seat  the  meeting  house."  This  was  a  peculiar  New 
England  custom.  Although  nominally  all  were  equal  in  the 
house  of  God  and  the  salary  of  the  minister  was  derived 
from  the  rate  fixed  upon  the  property  of  the  town,  still 
custom  regulated  the  seats  which  should  be  occupied 
by  each  family.  The  minister's  family  was  assigned  the 
most  eligible  seat  and  the  others  were  allotted  by  a  com 
mittee  chosen  by  the  congregation  from  whose  decision 
there  was  no  appeal.  There  might  be  jealousies  and  unfair 
discriminations,  there  might  be  invidious  distinctions,  but 
all  had  to  submit  in  silence  to  the  judgment  of  the 
committee. 

Deacon  John  Humphrey  married  on  July  6,  1699, 
Sarah  Mills,  the  widow  of  John  Mills,  and  the  daughter  of 
John  Pettibone,  the  senior,  of  Simsbury.  Five  children 
were  born  to  them,  of  whom  Daniel,  afterward  the  min 
ister  of  Derby,  and  the  father  of  David,  was  the  youngest.1 

Daniel  married  Sarah,  widow  of  John  Bowers,  and  had 
five  children,  the  youngest  being  David,  the  subject  of 
this  memoir. 

1  John,  born  March  17,  1700-01 ;  died  November  2,  1760. 
Hannah  ;  died  December  7,  1721. 

Benjah,  born  December  20,  1701 ;  died  August  4,  1772. 
Michael,  born  November  20,  1703;  died  1778. 
Daniel,  born  in  1707;  died  September  2,  1787. 
The  Humphrey  Family,  pp.  116-18. 


Daniel  Humphrey  " 

Daniel,  born  May  18,  1740;  married  Mary  King;  died 
Sept.  30,  1827. 

John,  born  January  3,  1744;  married  Rachel  Durand; 
died  February  18,  1832. 

Elijah,  born  April  27,  1746;  married  Anna  Mansfield; 
died  July  2,  1785. 

Sarah,  born  July  29,  1748;  married  the  Rev.  Samuel 
Mills  who  died  in  1814  and  his  widow  married  Chipman 
Swift  in  1819.  She  died  March  31,  1827. 

David,  born  July  10,  1752;  married  Anne  Frances 
Bulkley;  died  February  21,  1818. 

Daniel  Humphrey  occupied  a  most  honourable  position 
in  the  community  as  the  beloved  pastor  of  "the  first 
Church  of  Christ."  In  Colonial  Connecticut  the  minis 
ters  of  the  "Standing  Order,"  that  is,  those  who  served 
in  the  Congregational  or  Presbyterian  Churches  as  they 
were  sometimes  called,  had  their  rights  confirmed  by  law. 
All  other  forms  of  religious  belief  were  styled  dissent. 
To  "sober  dissenters"  certain  exemptions  from  taxation 
for  the  support  of  the  ministers  of  the  several  towns 
were  granted  by  act  of  the  General  Assembly.  There  was, 
however,  no  complete  freedom  in  religion,  until  the  last 
vestige  of  the  supremacy  of  the  Congregational  Churches 
was  taken  away  in  the  new  Constitution  of  i8i8.x 

The  minister  of  the  town  was  not  only  pastor  of  his 
congregation  but  also  the  leader  in  educational,  social,  and 
town  affairs.  As  the  learned  element  of  the  community  he 
was  looked  up  to  by  the  people  with  profound  respect. 

1  For  a  summary  of  the  early  disabilities  and  inconveniences  of  members 
of  the  "Churches  of  England,"  see  pp.  16,  17,  23,  26,  57,  61,  of  The 
History  of  the  Episcopal  Church  in  Connecticut  from  the  Settlement  Of  The 
Colony  To  The  Death  Of  Bishop  Seabury,  By  Edward  Beardsley,  D.D., 
Rector  Of  St.  Thomas'  Church,  New  Haven,  vol.  i.,  Third  Edition,  Pub 
lished  by  Kurd  and  Houghton,  Cambridge,  Riverside  Press.  8vo.,  pp. 
XXIX.,  470.  1874. 


12  Ancestry 

To  many  his  word  was  law;  he  was  the  arbiter  of  the 
disputes  and  disagreements  and  usually  exercised  his 
authority  in  a  judicious  and  discreet  manner. 

Mr.  Humphrey  had  the  full  confidence  of  the  people  of 
Derby.  They  recognized  in  him  strength  of  character  and 
independence  of  action.  From  the  day  of  his  settlement 
on  March  6,  1734,  to  his  death  on  September  2,  1787,  at 
the  age  of  eighty,  there  seemed  to  have  been  nothing  to 
disturb  the  harmony  and  peace  between  himself  and  his 
congregation.  A  graduate  of  Yale  in  the  class  of  1732,  an 
ardent  student  and  well  equipped  scholar,  he  was  not 
averse  to  the  reception  of  new  truth.  He  was  ready  to  dis 
cern  the  signs  of  the  time  and  examine  for  himself  the 
presentation  of  the  Gospel  by  Wesley  and  others  who 
aroused  the  conscience  of  New  England  and  divided  it 
religiously  into  two  camps.  Mr.  Humphrey's  attitude 
towards  the  "New  Lights"  was  one  of  friendly  inter 
course  and  serious  inquiry  as  to  the  value  of  their  peculiar 
tenets.  This  liberality  and  his  willingness  to  officiate  in 
"separate"  meetings  brought  him  at  various  times  under 
the  censure  of  the  New  Haven  East  Association. x 

An  appreciative  notice  in  the  New  Haven  Gazette,  of 
September  6,  1787,  says  of  Mr.  Humphreys: 

He  was  possessed  of  a  masculine  understanding,  particularly 
calculated  to  reason  and  distinguish.  His  manners  instead 
of  being  tinctured  with  the  austere  gloom  of  superstition 
exhibited  that  hilarity  which  made  him  the  delight  of  his 
acquaintance.  A  consciousness  of  internal  rectitude  was 
productive  of  cheerfulness  and  serenity;  a  desire  of  making 
others  happy  was  the  effect  of  philanthropy  and  religion. 
These  conspired  to  give  him  a  peculiar  facility  and  dignity  of 

1  Contributions  to  the  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Connecticut  prepared  under 
the  direction  of  the  General  Association  to  commemorate  the  completion  of  One 
Hundred  and  Fifty  Years  since  its  first  assembly,  p.  323.  New  Haven: 
Published  by  Wm.  Kingsley,  1851.  8vo.  pp.  XIV.,  562. 


Lady  Humphrey  13 

behaviour  on  every  occasion.  The  honourable  discharge  of 
all  the  duties  of  the  domestic,  the  social,  the  sacred  functions ; 
and  the  undeviating  practice  of  unaffected  piety,  through 
a  long  life,  will  be  the  best  comment  on  his  creed  and  complete 
his  character.1 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Stiles,  President  of  Yale  College  dur 
ing  the  later  years  of  Mr.  Humphrey's  life,  occasion 
ally  officiated  for  him,  as  appears  from  his  published 
Diary. 2 

On  January  28,  1781,  he  makes  this  entry,  "Preached 
all  day  at  Darby  for  good  Mr.  Humphrey";  and  he  also 
notices  the  funeral  ceremonies  occurring  September  4, 
1787: 

Rode  over  to  Darby  &  attended  the  Funeral  of  the  Revd 
Daniel  Humphreys.  The  Corps  was  carried  into  the  Meetg 
House,  the  service  begun  by  Prayer  by  Dr.  Edwds.  Then 
the  7ist  Ps.  Watts  was  sung.  The  Revd  Mr.  Leavenworth 
preached  on  2  Tim.  Iv,  6-8  an  hour  &  5'.  After  Prayer  an 
Anthem  from  7th  Chapter  of  Job.  One  hour  &  three  Qurs  in 
Exercise.  Procession  to  the  Grave.  After  Interment,  I 
made  a  Speech  at  the  desire  of  Col  Humphreys  &  Family. 
Returned  home — Twelve  Ministers  attended  the  Funeral  & 
a  numerous  Concourse. 

Mrs.  Daniel  Humphrey,  or  Lady  Humphrey  as  she  was 
popularly  called  throughout  the  countryside,  was  the 
daughter  of  Captain  John  and  Elizabeth  (Tomlinson) 
Riggs,  and  was  born  in  Derby  on  December  17,  1711. 
She  married  John  Bowers  on  November  22,  1732,  and 
had  by  him  two  children;  Nathaniel,  who  died  May  6, 

1  This  obituary  is  reprinted  by  Professor  Dexter  in  his  Yale  Biographies 
and  Annals,  1701-1745,  p.  459. 

2  The  Literary  Diary  of  Etra  Stiles.     Edited  under  the  authority  of  the 
Corporation  of  Yale  University  by   Franklin   Bowditch   Dexter,   M.A. 
Three  Volumes,  New  York,  1901.     Vol.  iii.,  p.  280. 


14  Ancestry 

1738,  and  Sarah  who  was  born  on  August  8,  1736  and 
died  December  3,  1738.  John  Bowers  died  January 
26,  1738,  and  on  April  18,  of  the  following  year,  his  widow 
married  the  Rev.  Daniel  Humphrey. x 

She  was  a  descendant  of  Sergeant  Edward  Riggs  who 
settled  in  the  wilderness  then  known  as  Paugassett,  the 
Indian  name  for  Derby,  in  1654.  He  was  one  of  the  little 
band  who  in  1637,  under  Col.  John  Mason,  destroyed 
the  Pequot  Fort  in  Groton  and  thus  saved  the  settlements. 

He  is  also  associated  with  that  romantic  incident  of 
early  New  English  history,  the  wanderings  and  conceal 
ment  of  three  of  the  Judges  who  condemned  Charles  I. 
to  death,  General  William  Goffe,  General  Edward  Whal- 
ley,  and  Colonel  John  Dixwell,  in  and  around  New  Haven, 
from  June,  1661,  to  October,  1664.  His  house,  which  was 
forted  or  palisaded  in,  to  secure  it  from  the  Indians, 
''was  one  of  the  places  to  which  they  came  regularly  for 
refuge  from  their  pursuers.  "2 

Lady  Humphrey's  sweetness  and  gentleness,  combined  with 
firmness  and  sound  common  sense,  gave  her  a  firm  place  in 
the  hearts  of  her  husband's  parishioners,  and  all  who  knew 
her.  Her  natural  dignity,  elegance,  refinement,  intelligence, 
and  aristocratic  deportment,  had  won  for  her  as  we  have 
seen  the  title  of  "Lady,"  and  more  perfect  ornament  to  that 
title  was  probably  not  known  in  the  community.3 

With  such  parents,  we  are  not  surprised  that  David 
achieved  for  himself,  and  at  a  very  early  period,  so  dis 
tinguished  a  place  among  the  founders  of  the  United 
States. 

1  History  of  Derby,  pp.  592,  703;  also  The  Humphrey  Family  in  America, 
p.  129. 

2  A  History  of  Three  Judges  of  King  Charles  I.,  Major  General  Whalley, 
Major  General  Goffe  and  Colonel  Dixwell,  p.  113,  by  Pres.  Stiles.    Hartford: 
Printed  by  Elisha  Babcock,  1794. 

3  History  of  Derby,  p.  592. 


Lady  Humphrey  15 

His  shrewdness,  industry,  indefatigability,  he  inherited 
from  his  father,  while  his  mother  dowered  him  with  her 
love  for  beautiful  things.  His  passion  for  poetry,  his  love 
for  art,  his  distinguished  bearing  and  aristocratic  tastes 
all  came  from  "Lady"  Humphrey. 


CHAPTER  II 

Early  Days 

Ministers  of  New  England  in  the  Eighteenth  Century — Manner  of  Living 
— Education — Schoolhouses — Special  Opportunities  of  David  Humph 
reys — Daniel  Humphrey,  Jr. — Entrance  of  David  at  Yale — Character 
of  the  Instruction  at  Yale — The  Rev.  Thomas  Clap — Dr.  Daggett — 
Yale  in  1767 — Seniors  and  Freshmen — The  Freshmen  Laws. 

IN  those  early  days,  the  Ministers  of  New  England,  who 
usually  had  large  families,  would  often  supplement 
their  salary,  which  was  generally  small  and  irregularly 
paid,  by  cultivating  the  farm  which  they  had  received  as 
"settlement  land."  Many  became  expert  farmers,  and 
their  sons  efficient  helpers.  '  This  manual  labour  was  not 
allowed  to  interfere  with  their  hours  for  study  and  medita 
tion,  or  the  regular  round  of  pastoral  work.  Their  dili 
gence  and  thrift  often  enabled  them  to  give  their  sons  a 
college  education,  and  their  daughters  the  training  they 
thought  necessary  to  fit  them  for  home  life. 

The  boys  and  girls  attended  school  for  a  few  weeks  in 
the  late  fall  and  winter,  and  the  younger  children  were 
sent  for  a  short  summer  term.  Young  men  who  were 
working  their  way  through  college  were  often  employed 
for  brief  periods,  and  at  other  times  some  respected 
citizen  of  the  town  would  condescend  to  keep  the  village 
school.  The  law  school  of  the  Colony  of  Connecticut 
provided  that  "A  tax  of  forty  shillings  on  every  thousand 
pounds  of  the  lists  of  the  estates"  should  be  paid  into  the 

16 


School-Days  17 

Colonial  Treasury,  and  then  distributed  proportionately 
to  the  number  of  children  to  the  various  towns.  In 
towns  having  seventy  families  the  schools  were  to  be  kept 
for  eleven  months  in  the  year,  and  a  less  number  of  fam 
ilies  for  at  least  six  months.  The  authorization  for  the 
selectmen  to  divide  the  towns  into  suitable  districts  for 
the  convenience  of  those  attending  the  schools  was  given 
by  the  General  Assembly  in  I766.1 

Soon  after  the  passage  of  this  act,  the  town  of  Derby 
was  laid  out  into  nine  school  districts.  Mr.  Humphrey's 
homestead  was  in  the  first, 

which  was  on  the  east  side  of  Naugatuck  River  and  shall  be 
bound  westerly  on  the  Great  River  and  Naugatuck  River, 
southerly  and  easterly  on  Milford  line,  northerly  the  line  shall 
begin  half  way  between  the  Rev.  Mr.  Daniel  Humphrey's 
dwelling  house,  and  Mr.  Curtis's  dwelling  house,  and  so  a  west 
line  to  Naugatuck  River,  and  so  run  north  eastward  forty  rods 
north  westerly  of  Mr.  Joseph  Loveland's  dwelling  house,  and 
thence  an  east  line  to  Milford  line, — forty  seven  families.2 

The  teaching  given  in  the  primitive  schoolhouses,  with 
their  desks  running  around  three  sides  of  the  room,  so  that 
the  pupils  had  to  face  the  wall  when  studying,  and  the 
teacher's  high  desk  and  stool  near  the  centre  of  the  room, 
was  of  a  most  rudimentary  character.  Arithmetic, 
popularly  called  "ciphering,"  was  taught  to  the  older 
pupils.  There  were  few  text-books,  and  the  teacher  would 
often  write  for  his  pupils  their  sums,  and  show  them  how 
to  do  them.  Dil worth's  School  Master's  Assistant, 
published  in  England  in  1743,  was  the  book  then  used  by 
many  schoolmasters  in  teaching  arithmetic.  There  was 
little  more  attempted  in  explaining  the  theory  of  pen- 

1  Report  of  the  Board  of  Education,  State  of  Connecticut,  1901,  Public 
Document  8,  Hartford  Press,  1901,  pp.  20-21. 
3  History  of  Derby,  p.  153. 
VOL.  i — 2 


1 8  Early  Days 

manship  than  setting  a  copy  and  expecting  the  pupil  to 
write  an  exact  imitation  of  it.  In  reading,  only  two  books 
were  known  in  the  schoolhouse.  The  young  child  was 
given  the  New  England  Primer  to  master,  with  its  wondrous 
woodcuts,  its  fascinating  pictures  of  John  Rogers,  the 
martyr,  bound  to  the  stake,  while  his  wife  and  children 
stand  near  by,  weeping,  and  men  are  piling  faggots  at  the 
base  of  the  stake.  The  little  book  had  many  excellencies, 
some  quaint  rhymes,  and  also  much  sound  moral  and 
religious  teaching. z 

When  that  had  been  thoroughly  mastered  the  Psalter 
was  given  them  to  read,  and  they  were  drilled  in  the  vari 
ous  psalms  until  they  knew  them  by  heart.  Toward  the 
end  of  the  eighteenth  century  Webster's  Spelling  Book 
replaced  Dilworth's,  which  had  been  used  since  1740, 
and  from  which  many  words  of  learned  length  and 
thundering  sound  "were  hurled  at  the  trembling  children 
on  the  days  when  they  spelled  down."  There  was  no 
attempt  to  teach  the  principles  of  English  grammar,  or 
of  the  structure  of  the  language.  For  the  girls,  there  was 
also  instruction  by  the  schoolmistresses,  who  often  taught, 
during  the  summer  terms,  sewing  and  fine  needlework. 
With  such  instruction  many  had  to  be  content.  For  those 
who,  like  the  young  David,  had  a  learned  father,  there 
was  patient  drilling  in  the  Latin  Grammar  at  home,  there 
was  instruction  in  rhetoric  and  English  Grammar,  and 
from  the  shelves  of  the  small  but  well-chosen  library,  the 
choice  volumes  of  the  Spectator,  or  the  latest  poem  or 
essay  of  Dr.  Johnson  were  taken  down,  and  placed  in  the 
hands  of  the  boys  to  form  their  taste.  It  is  said  that 
David  was  exceptionally  and  passionately  fond  of  books, 
and  from  a  very  early  age  showed  a  desire  for  knowledge. 

1  Mr.  Paul  Leicester  Ford  published  an  edition  of  this  book  facsimile, 
with  an  elaborate  historical  introduction,  notes,  and  comments.  New 
York,  Dodd,  Mead  &  Co. 


School-Days  19 

His  father's  scholarly  attainments,  choice  collection  of 
books  to  which  the  boy  had  access,  and  the  short  distance 
from  Derby  (eleven  miles)  to  the  large  library  of  Yale 
College,  whose  four  thousand  volumes  included  the  stand 
ard  classical,  patristic,  and  English  literature,  allowed  him 
to  gratify  his  taste.  He  was  able,  therefore,  to  read  the 
best  books  of  the  period.  It  had  been  Mr.  Humphrey's 
happiness  to  send  his  oldest  son,  Daniel,  to  Yale  College, 
from  which  he  graduated  with  honours  at  the  age  of  seven 
teen.  He  had  observed  with  pleasure  his  successful 
career  as  a  teacher  and  a  lawyer. 

Daniel  was  born  May  18,  1740,  in  Derby.  He  grad 
uated  from  Yale  College  in  1757,  and  studied  law  with  the 
Hon.  James  Hillhouse  of  New  Haven.  After  practising 
for  a  short  time,  he  turned  his  attention  to  teaching,  and 
was  married  in  1769  to  Mary,  daughter  of  William  King, 
of  Portsmouth,  N.  H.  For  about  two  years  after  his 
marriage  he  taught  in  Connecticut.  He  opened,  about 
1775,  a  classical  school  in  New  York,  which  was  well  pat 
ronized  by  the  children  of  the  leading  families.  In  1783 
he  settled  in  Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  as  a  lawyer,  and  was 
appointed  in  1804  United  States  Attorney  for  the  district 
of  New  Hampshire,  which  office  he  held  until  his  death. 
He  was  a  man  of  great  benevolence  and  kindness,  ready 
to  aid  the  poor,  and  all  who  were  in  distress.  He  gained 
the  full  confidence  of  his  fellow  lawyers,  and  of  the  whole 
town.  In  religion  he  was  a  strict  Calvinist,  and  a  disciple 
of  Robert  Sandeman.  He  was,  for  a  number  of  years, 
the  teacher  of  the  little  flock  of  Sandemanians  in  Portland, 
and  died  on  September  30,  1827,  in  the  eighty-eighth  year 
of  his  age.  He  wrote  a  rhymed  English  Grammar,  and 
several  pamphlets  defending  the  Sandemanian  tenets.1 

Much  as  he  had  done  for  his  oldest  boy,  the  Reverend 

1  Condensed  from  The  Humphrey  Family  in  America,  p.  115,  and  Prof. 
F.  B.  Dexter's  Yale  Annals,  ii.,  p.  471. 


2o  Early  Days 

Daniel  wished  to  do  even  more  for  his  youngest.  He 
fitted  David  with  great  care  for  entrance  to  Yale  before  his 
fifteenth  year.  From  its  first  foundation  as  the  Collegiate 
School  at  Saybrook  in  1701,  the  institution  which  received 
its  name  from  that  of  Governor  Elihu  Yale,  a  liberal 
benefactor,  had  been  noted  for  the  great  care  it  took  in  the 
training  of  young  men.  It  had  definite  aims  in  its  in 
struction,  primarily  intended  to  give  a  learned  ministry 
to  Connecticut,  and  it  had  attracted  many  students  who 
were  designed  for  an  active  professional  or  mercantile  life. 
Its  Rectors  had  been  men  eminent  for  their  piety  and 
learning,  its  Alumni  distinguished  in  the  Church,  at  the 
Bar,  or  in  the  social  or  business  world.  Under  the  last 
Rector  of  the  Collegiate  School,  the  Rev.  Thomas  Clap, 
there  had  been  a  great  improvement  in  methods  of  teach 
ing  and  an  enlargement  of  the  curriculum. 

By  his  efforts,  a  chapel,  and  a  new  building  known  as 
Connecticut  Hall,  for  the  use  of  the  students,  had  been 
erected.  He  showed  the  inadequacy  of  the  former  charter, 
and  a  new  one  was  granted  with  ample  powers,  by  the 
General  Assembly,  in  May,  1745,  incorporating  the  school 
as  a  college,  of  which  Mr.  Clap  became  the  President. 
His  zeal  and  practical  turn  of  mind,  as  well  as  his  great 
intellectual  capacity,  caused  a  large  increase  in  the  number 
of  students  which  continued  until  the  controversies  over 
the  control  of  the  religious  tenets  of  the  students,  the 
restraining  them  from  attending  separate  meetings,  and 
compelling  all  students  to  attend  the  service  of  the  College 
Church,  unless  members  of  the  Church  of  England,  or 
some  other  recognized  religious  body,  grew  more  bitter  and 
personal.  The  anxious  and  excited  state  of  the  colonies 
after  the  close  of  the  French  and  Indian  wars  had  a 
tendency  to  decrease  the  number  of  those  desiring  a  col 
legiate  education.  President  Clap  chose  with  great  dis 
crimination  the  tutors  under  whose  charge  the  students 


College  Days  21 

were  placed  during  the  first  three  years  of  their  course. 
The  young  men  who  at  that  time  expected  to  enter  Yale 
College  had  to  be  able  to  construe  and  parse  Tully's 
Orations,  Virgil,  and  the  Greek  Testament,  and  under 
stand  the  rules  of  common  Arithmetic. x 

The  college  course  covered  four  years.  Each  class,  or 
section  of  a  class  when  it  was  very  large,  was  under  the 
constant  supervision  of  a  special  tutor,  to  whom  it  re 
cited  in  every  study.  In  the  first  year  the  student  was 
expected  to  master  the  elements  of  Hebrew,  study  the 
Latin  poets,  especially  Horace,  construe  the  more  difficult 
portions  of  the  New  Testament  in  Greek,  and  construe 
Xenophon's  Anabasis.  He  was  also  to  make  a  beginning 
in  Logic,  and  continue  his  mathematical  work,  probably 
completing  the  elements  of  Algebra. 

The  second  year  was  largely  given  to  logic,  and  the 
higher  mathematics,  particularly  Geometry,  Trigonom 
etry,  Surveying,  Navigation,  and  the  calculation  of 
Eclipses.  A  few  students  in  this  year  became  proficient 
in  the  Conic  Sections  and  Fluxions.  The  third  year  con 
tinued  the  studies  of  the  second,  and  practically  com 
pleted  the  course  in  Hebrew,  Greek,  and  Latin,  Logic,  and 
Mathematics.  The  fourth  year  the  students  came  un 
der  the  personal  instruction  of  the  President,  and  their 
attention  was  given  largely  to  Metaphysics,  Ethics  and 
Divinity. 

In  addition  to  the  work  of  the  classroom,  the  Junior 
and  Senior  classes  held  disputations  with  the  President, 
or  one  of  the  tutors,  every  Monday,  "in  the  Syllogistic 
Form, "  and  every  Tuesday,  "in  the  Forensic,  which  gives 

1 "  The  Annals  and  History  of  Yale  College  in  New  Haven,  in  the  Colony 
of  Connecticut,  from  the  first  founding  thereof  in  the  year  1701,  to  the 
year  1766.  With  an  Appendix,  containing  the  present  state  of  the  College, 
the  method  of  instruction  and  government,  with  the  Officers,  Benefactors, 
and  Graduates,  by  Thomas  Clap,  A.M.,  of  the  said  College,  New  Haven; 
printed  for  John  Hotchkiss  and  B.  Macon,  MDCCLXVI,  "  pp.  80-82. 


22  Early  Days 

a  greater  scope  to  their  genius,  and  is  better  adapted  to  the 
common  use  and  practice  of  mankind  in  the  conduct  of 
public  affairs." 

These  exercises  gave  them  a  facility  of  expression,  clear 
ness  of  thought,  and  an  orderly  method  of  presenting  a 
subject.  The  Moderator,  who  was  usually  the  President, 
summed  up  the  debate  showing  the  strength  or  weakness 
of  the  argument,  and  gave  the  formal  decision  on  the 
question.  The  subjects  "were  taken  from  the  whole 
circle  of  Literature,  and  upon  almost  all  the  doubtful 
points,  which  have  been  publicly  disputed  among  man 
kind.  "  Twice  a  week,  five  or  six  of  the  students  in  rota 
tion,  "delivered  a  declamation,  Memoriter,  from  the 
oratorical  rostrum."  These  were  minutely  criticized  by 
the  President,  both  as  to  manner  of  delivery  and  subject. 
He  also  "sometimes  gave  some  small  laurel  to  him  who 
best  acts  the  part  of  orator." 

"These  declamations,  which  are  supposed  to  be  original, 
are  beforehand  supervised  by  the  Tutor,  who  corrects  the 
orthography  and  punctuation."  Upon  every  "Quarter 
Day,"  at  Examination,  and  on  special  occasions,  orations 
were  also  given.  The  handwriting  of  the  students  was 
also  carefully  inspected  by  the  President,  who  to  train 
them  up  to  "an  agreeable  style  and  method  of  writing," 
directed  them,  "when  any  one  has  business  of  special 
importance  with  him,  they  should  make  application  in  the 
form  of  a  letter." 

Realizing  that  while  the  education  of  young  men  for  the 
Holy  Ministry  had  been  the  chief  design  of  the  founders, 
yet  as  many  of  the  students  "are  designed  for  various 
other  and  important  stations  in  civil  life,"  it  was  the 
excellent  plan  of  President  Clap 

to  make  frequent  and  public  dissertations  upon  every  subject 
necessary  to  be  understood,  to  qualify  young  gentlemen  for 


President  Clap  23 

those  various  stations  and  employments,  such  as  the  nature  of 
Civil  Governments,  the  Civil  Constitution  of  Great  Britain, 
the  various  kinds  of  courts  and  offices,  superior  and  inferior, 
the  several  kinds  of  law  by  which  the  kingdom  is  governed, 
as  the  Statute,  Common,  Civil,  Canon,  Military,  and  Maritime 
laws,  together  with  their  various  origins  and  extents;  the  sev 
eral  forms  of  ecclesiastical  government  which  have  obtained  in 
the  Christian  Church;  Ancient  History  and  Chronology;  the 
nature  and  form  of  obligatory  writings  and  instruments,  agri 
culture,  commerse  and  navigation ;  with  some  general  sketches 
upon  Physics,  Anatomy,  Heraldry  and  Gunnery,  so  far  as  it 
falls  under  the  rules  of  Philosophy  and  Mathematics,  so  that 
every  one  educated  here  might  have  at  least  a  general  and 
superficial  knowledge  of  every  important  affair  of  life,  and  be 
directed  to  those  books  which  may  give  a  more  complete 
knowledge  of  that  particular  art  and  science  which  may  be 
most  agreeable  to  his  own  genius  or  profession. 

President  Clap  took  a  much  broader  view  of  the  obliga 
tions  which  the  head  of  the  collegiate  body  had  to  the 
students,  and  his  responsibility  for  the  symmetrical 
development  of  their  intellects,  than  was  usual  at  that 
period.  No  other  College  President  took  upon  himself 
such  a  task,  few  others  were  competent  for  it — the  first 
president  of  Yale  was  a  man  of  much  erudition,  a  clear 
thinker,  an  agreeable  speaker.  By  these  lectures  the 
wavering  minds  of  some  of  the  students  were  definitely 
fixed  upon  a  future  career.  Surely,  without  satire,  the 
words  of  Goldsmith  may  be  applied  to  him. 

And  still  they  gazed,  and  still  the  wonder  grew 
That  one  small  head  could  carry  all  he  knew. 

Wearied  with  the  strife  and  debate  that  had  been 
thought  necessary  by  him  to  maintain  the  College  in  its 
integrity,  to  defend  it  against  the  attacks  of  the  "New 
Lights,"  the  intrusions  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the 


24  Early  Days 

Colony,  the  aggressions  of  ''Episcopacy"  and  the  effort 
to  uphold,  in  connection  with  the  ten  Fellows  who  then 
constituted  the  Corporation  of  Yale  College,  the  strict 
orthodoxy  of  the  Connecticut  Churches,  and  their  ad 
herence  to  the  tenets  of  the  Saybrook  Platform,  Thomas 
Clap,  in  September,  1766,  resigned  the  presidency.  His 
action  was  received  with  many  expressions  of  apprecia 
tion  and  regret.  He  found  a  collegiate  school,  and  he 
left  a  college;  he  found  inadequate  buildings,  and  he 
added  a  commodious  chapel,  and  a  spacious  college 
hall,  the  only  one  of  the  ancient  buildings  still  stand 
ing  on  the  College  Campus,  the  well-known  ''South 
Middle."1 

President  Clap  did  not  long  survive  his  withdrawal 
from  active  service,  for  he  died  on  January  7,  1767.  Upon 
his  tombstone  in  the  old  College  lot  in  the  Grove  Street 
Cemetery  can  still  be  read,  in  the  sonorous  sentences  of 
that  period,  his  epitaph,  which  contains  more  truth  than 
such  productions  usually  do,  when  it  says  that  he  was  "a 
gentleman  of  superior  natural  genius,  most  assiduous 
application,  and  indefatigable  industry,  in  the  various 
branches  of  learning  he  greatly  excelled;  an  accomplished 
instructor,  a  patron  of  the  College,  a  great  Divine,  bold 
for  the  truth."2 

He  is  justly  considered  one  of  the  greatest  Presidents 
of  Yale.  Upon  the  day  of  President  Clap's  resignation, 
the  Corporation  elected  the  Rev.  James  Lockwood  of 
Wethersfield,  as  President.  On  his  refusal  to  accept  the 
office,  the  Rev.  Napthali  Daggett,  who  had  been  for  ten 
years  the  Willoughby  Professor  of  Divinity,  which  gave 

1  The  corner-stone  was  laid  April  17,  1750;  the  building  was  completed 
in  September,  1752,  and  dedicated  at  the  Commencement.  It  contained, 
when  built,  thirty-two  chambers,  and  sixty-four  studies. 

3  The  epitaph  is  given  in  the  Connecticut  Historical  Collections,  by  John 
Warner  Barber,  New  Haven,  published  by  Duryie  &  Peck,  and  J.  Warner 
Barber,  1838,  p.  189. 


Humphreys  at  Yale  25 

him  the  spiritual  oversight  of  the  students,  was  elected 
President,  "Pro  Tempore." 

The  Hon.  Elizur  Goodrich,  LL.D.,  Professor  of  Law  in 
Yale  College,  and  for  many  years  Secretary  of  the  Cor 
poration,  who  died  in  1849,  in  his  eighty-ninth  year,  gives 
this  amusing  story  current  among  the  students  when  he 
was  in  college,  1775-1779.  "Good-morning,  Mr.  Presi 
dent,  Pro  Tempore,"  said  one  of  his  clerical  brethren,  on 
some  public  occasion,  bowing  very  profoundly,  and  laying 
a  marked  emphasis  on  the  closing  words  of  his  title.  ' '  Did 
you  ever  hear  of  a  President  Pro  ^Eternitate  ? "  said  the 
old  gentleman  in  reply,  raising  himself  up  with  an  as 
sumed  air  of  stateliness  and  turning  the  laugh  of  the 
whole  company  on  his  assailant.1 

He  accepted,  and  entered  immediately  upon  his  duties, 
with  the  understanding  that  he  should  be  relieved  of  his 
double  duty  whenever  a  suitable  person  could  be  found  for 
the  presidency.  Without  the  natural  ability  or  acquired 
gifts  of  his  predecessor,  he  was  a  man  of  erudition,  and  a 
sound  divine.  While  his  administration  was  careful  and 
painstaking,  he  was  not  fitted  to  cope  with  the  peculiar 
situation  of  the  College  at  that  time.  Such  was  the  con 
dition  of  Yale  College,  when  in  the  fall  of  1767,  David 
Humphreys  and  eighteen  other  young  men  were  matricu 
lated.  They  were  all  from  families  of  distinction  in  the 
Colony.  They  found,  in  the  upper  classes,  many  men  of 
scholarship  and  great  promise,  among  them  Timothy 
Dwight,  Nathan  Strong,  Joseph  Buckminster.  It  was 
the  custom  of  the  day,  however,  to  keep  the  Freshmen 
secluded  from  the  other  students.  They  were  bound  by 
rules  which  had  been  in  force  from  the  beginning  of  the 
College,  and  were  instructed  to  look  upon  the  upper  class- 

1  Letter  of  the  Hon.  Elizur  Goodrich,  appended  to  sketch  of  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Daggett,  in  the  Rev.  Wm.  B.  Sprague's  Annals  of  the  American  Pulpit, 
p.  480. 


26  Early  Days 

men  as  "Superiors,"  and  pay  them  due  deference.  They 
were  to  remain  uncovered  in  their  presence,  they  were 
to  do  "all  reasonable  errands"  for  them,  "they  were  not 
to  enter  their  rooms  without  knocking,  and  were  to  stand 
silently  until  spoken  to.  They  were  to  yield  to  them  in 
any  narrow  passage  or  stairway,  the  most  convenient  side. 
They  were  not  to  run  in  college  yard,  or  up  and  down 
stairs,  or  to  call  to  any  one  through  the  college  windows. " 
They  as  well  as  other  undergraduates  are  to  be  un 
covered,  "except  in  stormy  weather, "  when  "in  the  front 
door  yard  of  the  President's  or  Professor's  house,  or 
within  ten  rods  of  the  Professor,  and  five  rods  of  a  tutor." 
Permission  was  given  to  the  Seniors  to  teach  the  Fresh 
men  the  Laws,  Usages,  and  Customs  of  the  College. 
While  these  laws  were  in  operation  there  was  evidently 
an  intention  to  carry  into  college  life  in  America,  some  of 
the  traditions  and  customs  of  the  great  English  Public 
Schools.  As  a  spirit  of  independence  began  to  assert  itself 
in  the  New  England  Colonies,  it  was  reflected  in  student 
life,  and  poor  President  Daggett  found  himself,  even  by 
the  imposition  of  large  fines,  which  was  the  chief  penalty 
for  any  infraction  of  college  rules,  unable  to  control  the 
undergraduates.  It  was  not  until  1804,  during  the  ad 
ministration  of  President  D wight,  that  the  "Freshmen 
laws"  were  suffered  to  fall  into  innocuous  desuetude,  and 
the  students  placed  upon  their  honour  as  gentlemen. 
The  extracts  in  the  text  are  made  from  a  rare  broadside 
preserved  in  Yale  College  Archives  entitled,  "Freshmen 
Laws";  they  are  eleven  in  number.  This  sheet,  which  is 
reproduced  on  the  opposite  page,  measures  thirteen  by 
eight  and  a  half  inches.  At  the  end  of  the  laws,  is  this 
imprint — "New  Haven,  printed  by  Daniel  Bowen,  near 
the  college  in  Chapel  Street."  This  is  the  earliest  known 
printed  form  of  the  Laws.  Daniel  Bowen's  printing  office 
was  established  about  1786,  which  is  the  date  assigned  to 


Cuf* 


. 


Frefhnun     La\v>. 

EV  FiCihman.  after  hi>  aJn vti '..>••  into  YALE-ioI  LEGE,  is 
conform 'to  the  following  Regulations,  cfabblhed  by  Authority  for  the  prcfrrra- 

Decency  and  good  Orxler. 

I      It  being  the  Duty  of  the  Seniors  to  teach  FreAmcn  the  Laws.  VUa* 
;toicsof  the  College,  to.  Urn  end  UKJ  are  «tnpowej«d  to  o«dcr  t!ie  whole 
'  Clais.  or  any  particuUr  Member  of  it,  to  appear,  m  order  to  be  1  .(hu.'ted  or 
atfuch  Time  and  Hace  as  they  {hall  appoint  »  when  and  v  Prcihinu  u  uu 

attend,  ajjfwer  ail  proj>er  QueiVions,  and  behave  decent!;      TV  Season,  howtftf*  taRi 
not  to  detain  a  Frefliman  nsore  than  Five  .Minutes  after  Study  -Uell,  without  fpecial 
Or^fcr  from  th«  Prefukut,  ProTdTof  or  T*utor. 
II.    The  Frc/hmcn  arc  to  (hew  all  proper  Rdbe6:  to  the  Ol&ccrf  of  Collfge,  the  Jfte- 

:*  and  undergraduate  Claftc*  lupcxior  m  (b&dir g  to  tMRtnietitf. 
Ill     The  FreJthmen,  ft$  well  at  all  othcrl-ndeffrfelttafcet,  arc  tote  uncovtred,  and 
are  fi"  •        ftormy  we 

of  the  President's  or  Trofefior  t  H. 

.dent,  Eight  R    "i  of  the  Profertbr,  . 


are  foj bidden  to  wcar.tl>eir  Hr« 
hen  they  are  obliged  to  otjqf  Jbmcthing  ial 
.*y  attcr^-ards  wear  th^-.n  m  College  ot  Cl 
n  fhall  wear  a  Gown,  or  wade  with  \ 
i^s;  completely  <h-eif«d»  aod-«ithK 

ior,  or  jp  fpokeo  to' fey  otie,  he  Ihatl  ka< 

anv   ! 


A  Facsimile  of  Freshmen  Laws  of  Yale  College 


College  Life  27 

this  copy.  Previously,  the  Laws  were  promulgated  by 
being  read  from  the  manuscript  "Book  of  Customs,"  at 
regular  intervals  in  the  Chapel. x 

The  daily  routine  of  college  life  in  1767  commenced  with 
prayers  in  the  Chapel  at  half -past  five  in  the  morning  in  the 
winter,  and  half -past  four  in  the  summer.  The  students 
attended  soon  after  a  recitation  by  one  of  their  tutors. 
The  greater  portion  of  the  undergraduates  took  their  meals 
at  the  college  commons,  the  purveyor  being  an  officer 
known  as  the  College  Steward.  They  were  served  in  the 
Hall,  and  are  said  to  have  been  " generally  agreeable." 
President  Clap  says  "the  tutors  always,  the  President 
frequently,  the  fellows,  and  many  other  gentlemen  occa 
sionally,  are  entertained  with  it."2 

The  price  of  board  for  the  students  was  "four  shillings 
and  six  pence  sterling  a  week. "  After  breakfast,  which 
was  not  later  than  seven,  or  half-past,  there  was  leisure 
for  study.  Recitations  occupied  the  remainder  of  the 
morning  until  dinner  at  noon.  After  this  there  was  time 
for  recreation  and  amusement,  or  "Play  time,"  as  the 
freshmen  laws  have  it.  Card  playing  was  indulged  in  by 
some,  others  were  fond  of  rich  banquets,  and  still  others 
were  fond  of  outdoor  sports,  running,  leaping  and  jump 
ing.  Leap-frog  and  other  athletic  exercises  were  engaged 
in.  Nathan  Hale,  the  patriotic  spy,  long  held  the  record 
for  high  jumping. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  Peters,  in  his  satire  upon  Con 
necticut  people  and  customs,  A  General  History  of  Con 
necticut,  speaking  of  a  slightly  later  period  says:  "the 
students  have  two  hours  play  with  foot-ball  every  day.  "3 

1  The  Literary  Diary  of  Ezra  Stiles,  190 ,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  277-481. 

a  President  Clap's  Annals,  p.  84. 

3  Dr.  Samuel  Peters,  A  General  History  of  Connecticut,  p.  156.  This 
famous  volume,  which  excited  much  indignation  in  Connecticut,  was 
written  while  Dr.  Peters  was  living  in  London,  after  his  flight  from  his 
parish  at  Hebron,  Connecticut,  on  account  of  the  "fanatic  whigs. "  It  was 


28  Early  Days 

There  was  at  least  one  recitation  in  the  afternoon  before 
supper,  which  was  between  five  and  six  o'clock.  The 
evenings  were  spent  in  study,  conversation,  or  those 
various  other  ways  which  students  in  every  age  have 
devised  to  make  life  happy  and  social,  as  well  as  noisy. 
David  Humphreys  soon  showed  that  he  was  an  excellent 
scholar,  and  took  a  high  place  in  the  class.  It  is  to  be 
regretted  that  no  authentic  college  essays  written  by  him 
at  this  period  are  extant.  Local  tradition  speaks  of  him 
as  a  wit,  and  a  poet,  and  highly  esteemed  by  the  President 
and  tutors. 

The  tutors  at  that  time  were  Stephen  M.  Mitchell, 
afterwards  United  States  Senator  and  Chief  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Connecticut,  Ebenezer  Baldwin,  and 
Job  Lane. 

entitled  A  General  History  of  Connecticut,  by  a  Gentleman  of  the  Colony,  8vo. 
London,  1781 — second  edition  1782. 

There  are  several  reprints:  New  Haven,  Clarke  &  Co.  1829.  New 
Haven  1838  The  last  edition,  revised  from  Dr.  Peters's  manuscripts, 
edited  by  George  Jarvis  McCormick,  was  published  in  New  York,  D. 
Appleton  &  Co.,  1877.  It  is  claimed  that  Dr.  Peters  himself  composed  the 
specimens  of  early  Colony  laws  given,  which  he  calls  the  "Blue  Laws. " 


CHAPTER  III 

College  Days 

David  Humphreys  at  Yale — John  Trumbull — Timothy  Dwight — Joel 
Barlow— The  Literary  Societies — The  Critonian — Honourable  Fellow 
ship  Club— The  Brothers  in  Unity — Linonia — Their  Songs— The 
Commencement  Exercises,  1771 — The  Old  South  Middle. 

IT  has  been  traditional  to  group  together  four  of  the 
Revolutionary  poets,  John  Trumbull,  Timothy  Dwight, 
David  Humphreys,  and  Joel  Barlow,  as  contemporaries  at 
college  and  as  commencing,  while  engaged  in  deeper 
studies,  their  cultivation  of  the  lyric  muse  by  which 
they  added  fervour  to  the  patriotism  of  the  American 
soldiers  and  people.  Judge  Trumbull  graduated  in  1767, 
Joel  Barlow  in  1778.  With  Timothy  Dwight,  who  gradu 
ated  in  1769,  David  Humphreys  formed  an  enduring 
friendship.  They  did  undoubtedly  engage  in  political 
squibs  and  nonsense  verses,  and  parodies,  as  other  poeti 
cally  inclined  students  have  done  in  more  recent  times, 
but  we  have  nothing  of  his  college  days  extant  which  calls 
for  any  special  commendation.  The  practice  of  oratory 
and  debate  held  a  high  place  in  the  regard  of  the  Yale 
students  in  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century.  To  shine 
in  debate  and  to  sway  in  eloquence  those  who  listened,  was 
the  ambition  of  many  young  men. 

Humphreys  was  put  forward  in  all  orations  and  debating 
contests,  as  the  representative  of  his  class.     There  had 

29 


30  College  Days 

been  from  the  time  the  College  was  removed  in  1718,  to 
New  Haven,  student  debating  and  Literary  Societies. 
The  earliest  known  was  the ' '  Critonian, ' '  which  was  eclipsed 
by  its  younger  rivals,  but  held  a  lingering  existence  until 
1772.  In  1753,  "The  Honourable  Fellowship  Club"  was 
formed  by  William  Wickham;  the  date  assigned  in  the 
Society  records,  is  September  12.  It  was  confined  in  its 
membership  to  the  upper  class  men,  for  the  first  ten  years 
of  its  existence. 

In  the  legendary  history  of  the  formation  of  the  rival 
society,  David  Humphreys  is  made  the  champion  of  the 
"respectability  and  rights  of  the  Freshmen."  It  is  told 
with  all  the  circumstances  of  a  true  tale  that  David 
Humphreys  and  several  of  his  class  mates  applied  for 
admission  to  the  "Honourable  Fellowship  Club,"  but 
that  they  were  indignantly  and  scornfully  rejected.  David 
Humphreys  showed  the  injustice  and  absurdity  of  exclud 
ing  Freshmen,  and  pleaded  their  cause  so  well  that  two 
Seniors,  three  Juniors,  and  two  Sophomores  saw  the 
equity  of  his  claim,  and  these  then  united  with  thirteen 
Freshmen  to  form  a  new  society,  which  they  called 
"The  Brothers  in  Unity,"  and  which  was  organized  early 
in  1768.  There  seems  to  be  no  record  of  this  society  in  its 
first  period.  It  is  known,  however,  that  Oliver  Stanley,  a 
Senior,  was  the  founder  of  it,  and  that  David  Humphreys 
and  others  belonged  to  it.  But  the  reason  why  the  eulogy 
at  the  funeral  of  Oliver  Stanley,  in  1813,  should  mention 
David  Humphreys  as  the  founder  is  entirely  unknown. 

The  tradition  is  disproved  by  the  records  of  the  older 
society,  which  are  extant.  It  was  voted  on  February  5, 
1767,  to  admit  Freshmen  to  the  "Honourable  Fellowship 
Club."1 

1  Four  Years  at  Yale,  New  Haven,  1871,  p.  194.  Also  Professor  Edward 
B.  Coe,  on  Literary  Societies  in  Yale,  Yale  College,  A  Sketch  of  its  History  by 
W.  Kingsley,  New  York,  1879,  vol.  i.,  p.  504;  vol.  ii.,  p.  316,  p.  554. 


Brothers  in  Unity  31 

It  was  about  1780  that  the  club  took  the  name  by  which 
it  is  best  known,  "Linonia, "  from  the  classical  Goddess  of 
Industry,  ^he  old  tradition  is  alluded  to  in  the  following 
song  of  the  "Brothers  in  Unity  " : 

BROTHERS  IN  UNITY 

By  John  Milton  Holmes. x 

Air — Lauriger  Horatius. 

Brothers  all  in  Unity, 

Knit  by  love's  attraction, 
Let  us  gird  our  armour  on 

Now'sthe  time  for  action 

Shake  the  old  blue  banner  out, 

Tell  the  world  its  story 
Let  our  song  and  watchword  be 

Unity  and  Glory. 

Let  the  fires  of  Auld  Lang  Syne 

In  all  hearts  be  burning, 
Fires  of  friendship,  eloquence 

Liberty  and  learning 

Chorus. 

Gather  in  the  Candidates 

Golden  time  is  fleeting, 
Give  to  each  a  brother's  right 

Give  a  brother's  greeting. 

Chorus. 

Shall  we  basely  bend  the  knee 

To  Linonia?     Never ! 
Hand  in  hand  we'll  firmly  stand 

Victorious  for  ever. 

Chorus 

1  Mr.  Holmes,  one  of  the  most  talented  of  Yale's  younger  graduates,  was 
in  the  class  of  1857.  He  entered  the  ministry,  and  died  in  1871. 


32  College  Days 

The  Linonians  promptly  came  out  with  this  parody : 
Air — Lauriger  Horatius. 

"Brothers  all  in  Unity" 
Mourning  to  distraction 

Sitting  round  with  faces  blue1 
Waiting  strength  for  action 

With  their  "old  blue  banner"  down 
So  fling  out  the  story 

"This  is  all  that's  left  behind 
Of  David  Humphreys'  glory. ' ' 

While  beneath  their  banner  blue 
Brother  hosts  draw  near  us 

To  Linonia's  standard  true 
Soon  that  host  will  fear  us. 

And  their  banner  in  their  flight 
Shall  tell  their  mournful  story, 

"This  is  all  that's  left  behind 
Of  David  Humphreys'  glory." 

"Linonia"  invincible 
Can,  when  e'er  she  pleases, 

Pull  that  "old  blue  banner"  down 
And  tear  it  all  to  pieces. 

Pull  that  "old  blue  banner"  down 
And  tell  the  world  the  story 

"This  is  all  that's  left  behind 
Of  David  Humphreys'  glory. " 

P.  X.  Q 
1  The  colours  of  the  "  Brothers  in  Unity"  were  blue;  "  Linonia's,"  pink. 


Yale  Literary  Societies  33 

These  Societies  which  did  much  to  make  clear  thinkers, 
fluent  speakers,  and  persuasive  orators,  died  about  thirty 
years  ago,  principally  because  of  the  increase  of  class 
societies,  and  the  attractiveness  of  the  famous  secret  organ 
izations.  David  Humphreys  passed  the  four  years  course 
with  much  renown  from  his  contemporaries.  We  can  pic 
ture  him  sitting  with  some  favourite  companion  in  the  new 
Connecticut  Hall,  in  one  of  the  pleasant  studies  looking  out 
upon  the  Green,  then,  as  now,  dear  to  all  the  citizens  of 
New  Haven,  talking  of  the  progress  of  poetry,  of  the  dull 
ness  of  the  college  fops,  as  his  friend  John  Trumbull  pic 
tured  them,  of  the  prospects  of  relief  from  the  oppression 
of  the  British  Ministry,  of  the  excellencies  and  defects  of 
the  kind-hearted  Dr.  Daggett,  of  the  merits  or  shortcom 
ings  of  the  tutors,  or  perhaps  indulging  in  day  dreams  of 
the  life  they  would  lead  when  the  college  days  were  over. 

Finally,  upon  a  bright  Wednesday  morning  in  Sep 
tember,  1771,  came  the  last  scene  of  the  four  years  of  toil 
and  pleasure.  New  Haven  was  filled  with  guests,  the 
Corporation  had  met  in  solemn  state,  approved  the  final 
examination  of  the  Seniors,  and  all  was  ready  for  the 
Commencement  Procession  to  the  Centre  Church  upon  the 
Green.  The  President  in  gown  and  bands,  the  ten  Fel 
lows,  the  most  eminent  ministers  of  the  Colony,  the 
students  probably  in  gowns,  the  candidates  for  the  Master's 
degree,  and  those  especially  invited,  moved  with  slow 
and  stately  steps  from  Connecticut  Hall.  At  the  Church, 
prayer  was  offered  by  the  Reverend  President,  and  was 
followed  by  an  elegant  salutatory  oration  in  Latin  by  Mr. 
Hart.  "A  syllogistic  and  then  a  forensic  disputation  was 
made  in  which  thirteen  members  of  the  class  took  part. 
A  dialogue  was  given  by  Mr.  Gould  and  Mr.  Woodbridge, 
which  was  followed  by  a  beautiful  and  well  composed 
oration  in  English  on  the  advantages  of  economy  and 
industry  by  Mr.  Muirson. " 

VOL.  1—3 


34  College  Days 

An  anthem  was  then  sung  by  the  Choir,  and  an  espe 
cially  chosen  chorus,  which  brought  to  a  close  the  morning 
exercises.  A  Commencement  dinner  in  the  College  Hall 
was  enjoyed  by  all.  In  the  afternoon  the  Master's  oration 
upon  "The  action  of  the  pulpit"  was  pronounced  by 
Mr.  Lemuel  L.  C.  Baron.  A  syllogistic  disputation  by 
some  of  the  candidates  for  the  Master's  degree  followed 
next,  after  which  the  class  of  1771  received  the  degree 
of  Bachelor  of  Arts  conferred  with  due  dignity  and 
impressiveness  by  the  President. x 

The  degree  of  Master  of  Arts  was  conferred  upon 
members  of  the  class  of  1768,  who  applied  for  it,  and 
also  upon  two  graduates  of  Nassau  Hall,  New  Jersey. 
After  the  degree  had  been  conferred,  the  Valedictory 
Oration  was  delivered  by  Mr.  Parsons.  An  anthem  was 
then  sung  by  a  choir  of  students  and  Alumni,  "to  the 
acceptance  of  all  present. "  With  the  pronouncing  of  the 
Benediction,  the  Commencement  Exercises  closed,  and 
nineteen  young  men  were  sent  forth  to  make  for  them 
selves  a  name  and  place  in  the  busy  world. 2 

The  members  of  the  class  of  1771  were: 

Joseph  Barker,  Henry  Daggett, 

Lewis  Beebe,  William  Gould, 

John  Brown,  John  Hart, 

William  Burrall,  David  Humphreys, 

Abiel  Cheney,  Mark  Leavenworth, 

David  Close,  Allyn  Mather, 

Josiah  Cotton,  Sylvester  Muirson, 

Thomas  Cutler,  Daniel  Olds, 

James  Nichols,  Shadrach  Winslow, 
Joseph  Woodbridge, 

1  As  to  facts,  the  text  follows  the  accounts  in  the  Connecticut  Journal  and 
New  Haven  Post  Boy,  of  Friday,  September  13,  1771. 

2  A  copy  of  the  broadside  with  the  Commencement  programme  will  be 
found  in  the  Appendix.     It  was  formerly  preserved  in  the  Yale  College 
Archives. 


Class  of  1771  35 

The  only  Yale  building  now  standing  which  was  in 
existence  in  David  Humphreys'  time  is  the  one  known  as 
"South  Middle, "  a  view  of  which  is  on  the  opposite  page. 
As  Humphreys  during  some  part  of  his  academic  career 
must  have  lived  in  this  building,  a  description  of  it  may  be 
appropriate. 

Hemmed  in  by  modern  buildings  of  stone,  of  more  artis 
tic  design,  which  are  evidences  of  the  gratitude  and  appreci 
ation  of  Alumni  and  friends  for  Yale's  contribution  to  the 
development  of  the  scholar  in  the  Republic,  it  stands  alone 
as  the  veteran  of  the  College  Campus.  It  is  a  constant 
object  lesson  to  those  who  now  spend  four  years  at  Col 
lege,  enjoying  comfort  and  a  luxury  unknown  to  their 
predecessors  in  the  classic  shades  of  New  Haven.  When 
President  Clap,  in  May,  1747,  petitioned  the  General 
Assembly  to  allow  a  lottery  to  be  conducted  for  the  purpose 
of  erecting  a  new  hall  to  accommodate  the  students  who 
could  not  find  room  in  the  college  buildings,  it  was  his 
intention  to  make  the  structure  durable,  collegiate  in  its 
architecture,  and  a  pleasant  abiding  place  for  the  students. 
The  General  Assembly  approved  his  design,  and  readily 
granted  the  lottery,  which  netted  five  hundred  pounds 
sterling,  " clear  of  all  charges  and  deductions." 

For  its  site  he  chose  the  most  eligible  portion  of  the 
Campus,  and  had  it  set  back  in  the  yard,  that  there  might 
be  "a  large  and  handsome  area  before  it."  When  the 
result  of  the  lottery  was  shown,  the  General  Assembly,  in 
October,  1749, 

ordered  the  payment  to  President  Clap  of  three  hundred  and 
sixty  three  pounds,  part  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  a  French 
prize.  In  October,  1751,  five  hundred  pounds  more  of  this 
same  prize  money  was  also  granted.  A  further  sum  of  two 
hundred  and  eighty  pounds  of  old  debts  due  to  the  Govern 
ment  was  in  October  1 754  given  to  the  President  towards  build 
ing  the  new  College. 


36  College  Days 

On  April  17,  1750,  "The  foundation  of  the  house  was 
laid. "  It  is  not  stated  whether  the  ceremony  was  a  purely 
academic  and  social  one,  or  whether  the  "Worshipful 
Master"  and  his  assistants  were  called  upon  to  lay  prop 
erly  the  foundation  stone.  The  building  went  on  rapidly, 
until  at  the  Commencement  of  1752,  early  in  September, 
the  President  and  Fellows  in  recognition  of  the  aid  received 
for  its  erection  from  the  Colonial  Authorities,  "though 
nothing  came  directly  out  of  the  public  treasury,"  or 
dered  that  it  should  be  called  "Connecticut  Hall." 

Here  also  would  gather  the  singers  of  the  College,  here 
wit  and  raillery  would  delight  the  listeners,  and  debates 
and  discussions,  and  the  many  diversions  which  enliven 
college  life  might  be  enjoyed.  Revolutionary  patriots, 
Humphreys,  Dwight,  Barlow,  Hale,  Trumbull,  Tall- 
madge,  in  their  formative  period,  lived  here.  As  the  old 
"South  Middle, "  but  not  then  known  by  that  name,  was 
the  most  popular  of  the  buildings  in  Humphreys'  days, 
there  was  consequently  keen  competition  to  have  the 
privilege  of  a  room  within  its  walls.  It  therefore  came 
to  be  the  unwritten  law  that  only  men  in  their  last  year 
should  have  the  coveted  privilege.  What  room  young 
Humphreys  occupied,  we  do  not  know;  but  that  he  did 
reside  there  during  the  last  term  is  certain.  It  was  from 
"Connecticut  Hall"  that  young  David  went  forth  to  fight 
and  win  in  the  battle  of  life. 

Within  a  few  years  this  College  Dormitory  has  been 
restored  and  dedicated  to  Nathan  Hale,  who  roomed 
in  the  same  building. 


Old  South  Middle,  Yale  College 


CHAPTER  IV 

Beginning  of  tHe  'War 

Humphreys  Principal  of  Wethersfield  School— His  Patriotic  Ardour — 
Goes  to  Philipse  Manor  as  Tutor — The  Philipses — His  Environment 
at  the  Manor  House — The  Gathering  of  the  Storm — His  Visits  to 
Yale — Takes  his  Degree — Declines  Offer  of  a  Tutorship  at  Yale — 
The  Bursting  of  the  Storm — Leaves  Philipse  Manor — Proscription  of 
the  Philipses  and  Confiscation  of  their  Estates— His  Return  to  Derby 
— Patriotism  of  his  Brothers,  John  and  Elijah — "  Brother  Jonathan" — 
Connecticut  Militia  Called  to  Arms — Liberty  Poles — The  First  Amer 
ican  Flags — The  Connecticut  Flag — Action  of  the  Connecticut  As 
sembly — The  Capture  of  Ticonderoga — Gen.  Lee  and  his  Character — 
Connecticut's  Independence — Her  Troops  Requested  not  to  Enter 
New  York  State— Request  Refused— They  Enter  New  York  City- 
Arrival  of  Gen.  Putnam  who  Succeeds  Gen.  Lee  in  Command — Ar 
rival  of  Gen.  Washington — Gen.  Putnam  carries  out  Gen.  Lee's  Plans 
— Fortifies  Governor's  Island — Troops  Quartered  on  "The  Fields "- 
Brooklyn  Fortifications — Connecticut's  Quota — Her  Colonels  as 
Representative  Men — Gen.  Oliver  Wolcott,  Signer  of  the  Declaration 
— Comparative  Strength  of  the  American  and  British  Forces. 

IT  was  an  almost  established  custom  in  the  Colony  of 
Connecticut  that  the  recent  graduates  of  Yale  should, 
before  taking  up  their  life  work,  teach  in  the  few  schools 
of  a  high  grade  in  the  larger  towns.  Their  services  were 
eagerly  sought  after  by  the  town  committees  and  boards 
of  trustees. 

The  town  of  Wethersfield,  beautifully  situated  upon  the 
banks  of  the  Connecticut  River,  was  one  of  the  three  which 
formed  the  original  colony  of  Connecticut.  It  was  largely 

37 


38  Beginning  of  the  War 

given  to  agriculture  and  even  then  was  noted  for  the  ex 
cellence  of  its  abundant  crops  of  onions. 

The  town  was  divided  into  three  ecclesiastical  societies, 
Wethersfield,  Rocky  Hill,  and  Stepney.  Each  had  its 
own  Meeting  House  and  Minister.  In  each  "society" 
a  school  committee  provided  such  school  accommodations 
and  teachers  at  the  expense  of  the  society  as  were  neces 
sary,  the  towns  furnishing  the  sites  for  the  schoolhouses. 

The  first  society  had  within  its  jurisdiction  the  village  of 
Wethersfield  which  contained  three  schoolhouses.  One 
in  the  northern,  another  in  the  southern  part  of  the  town, 
and  a  third  was  the  private  enterprise  of  several  members 
of  the  district  known  as  "Windmill  Hill. " 

The  new  schoolhouse  on  Main  Street  had  been  built 
by  a  few  public  spirited  citizens  to  give  their  children 
better  advantages  than  could  be  afforded  by  the  ordinary 
district  school.  Here,  a  succession  of  Yale  graduates 
taught,  the  course  including  a  full  study  of  arithmetic, 
a  general  review  of  English  literature,  an  introduction 
to  rhetoric  and  logic,  and,  with  a  few  boys  intended  for 
college,  a  study  of  elementary  Latin  and  Greek. 

Much  beside  the  wisdom  of  books  could  be  imparted  by 
an  enthusiastic  young  man  fresh  from  college.  Oppor 
tunity  would  be  found  for  many  a  dissertation  in  those 
days  of  brooding  discontent  over  the  insults  and  aggres 
sions  of  the  British  Ministry  upon  the  true  freedom  of  the 
British  subject,  whether  in  England  or  on  this  side  of  the 
Seas. 

The  people  of  Connecticut  were  thoughtful  and  shrewd. 
They  had  for  more  than  a  century  under  the  liberal 
charter  granted  by  the  British  crown  enjoyed  free  repre 
sentative  government.  At  home  the  children  heard  con 
stant  discussions  by  their  elders  on  this  burning  topic. 
A  schoolmaster,  young,  ardent,  full  of  the  theoretical 
applications  of  liberty  which  ever  filled  the  young  colle- 


Humphreys  at  Wethersfield  39 

gian's  breast  would  here  find  congenial  soil  for  his  teachings 
on  the  inalienable  rights  of  freemen  to  a  voice  and  vote  in 
the  government  of  the  Nation.  A  perusal  of  the  letters 
and  speeches  of  this  time  show  us  how  insistently  the  rights 
granted  to  the  British  speaking  people  by  the  Magna 
Charta  were  dilated  on.  In  the  early  days,  at  any  rate, 
the  appeal  was  made  to  Law,  the  law  of  England  and 
Englishmen,  and  because  the  accident  of  Seas  separated 
them  from  the  Mother  country  the  men  of  New  England 
never  thought  for  one  moment  that  the  liberties  of  Magna 
Charta  were  limited  by  the  confines  of  England.  The 
liberties  had  been  wrested  from  King  and  Pope  for  English 
men  and  not  for  England;  for  men,  not  for  the  soil. 

When  young  Humphreys,  fresh  from  College,  came  to 
Wethersfield  as  the  principal  of  the  New  School  in  Main 
Street,  he  came,  as  we  say  now,  at  the  psychological  mo 
ment.  The  tinder  was  there.  He  struck  the  spark.  The 
lessons  on  History  gave  the  young  patriot  ample  oppor 
tunities.  He  could  dilate  on  the  History  of  the  Colony, 
its  illustrious  origin,  and  proudly,  and  yet  not  without 
hidden  meaning,  which  the  parents,  if  not  the  children, 
would  appreciate,  point  out  its  unique  privilege  of  electing 
its  own  Governor — a  privilege  granted  to  no  other  Colony. 

A  love  of  their  home  would  thus  be  increased  and  a 
determination  formed  in  the  minds  of  the  scholars  that 
nothing  should  impair  or  abridge  the  liberty  they  now 
enjoyed,  nor  any  attempt  be  made  to  wrest  from  the 
Colony  any  of  its  chartered  rights  without  forcible  and 
effective  resistance.  David  Humphreys  with  his  love  for 
freedom,  with  his  enthusiasm  and  literary  aspirations, 
with  his  natural  and  acquired  knowledge  was  thoroughly 
furnished  for  the  work  he  had  to  do  in  Wethersfield. 
There  are  no  documents  now  available  to  give  us  details 
of  his  career  as  a  schoolmaster,  but  the  results  are  writ 
large  in  the  after  history  of  the  Colony.  The  dispropor- 


40  Beginning  of  the  War 

tionately  large  number  of  patriots  who  took  up  arms  when 
the  final  struggle  came  with  Great  Britain  is  evidence  that 
some  unusual  influence  was  at  work  in  that  town  of 
Wethersfield. 

In  1773  he  left  to  assume  strange  and  different  duties  in 
the  family  of  the  Lord  of  Philipse  Manor  on  the  Hudson 
River.  He  was  fortunate,  however,  in  that  the  work 
which  he  had  begun  was  continued  on  the  same  lines. 
His  successor,  Benjamin  Tallmadge,  a  graduate  of  Yale 
in  that  year,  was  called  to  Wethersfield,  and  if  we  may 
judge  a  man  by  his  immediate  after-career,  he  certainly 
continued  the  patriotic  teachings  of  his  predecessor. 
Tallmadge  became,  on  leaving  the  schoolhouse,  a  gallant 
officer  in  the  Revolutionary  army,  and  his  best  title  to  the 
grateful  remembrance  of  his  countrymen  is  that  he  had 
the  presence  of  mind  to  interrogate  "John  Anderson" 
near  Tarrytown  on  that  September  morning  in  1780, 
and  to  thus  discover  the  treachery  of  Benedict  Arnold 
and  the  identity  of  "John  Anderson"  with  Major  John 
Andre  of  the  British  army. z 

It  was  a  part  of  the  policy  of  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company  when  it  settled  its  extensive  domain,  known  as 
"Nieu  Nederlandt, "  on  both  sides  of  the  Hudson  River, 
after  its  exploration  by  Henry  Hudson  in  1609,  to  grant 
wealthy  merchants  large  tracts  of  land  with  baronial 
rights  either  by  direct  purchase  or  in  return  for  a  percent 
age  of  their  products.  The  conditions  were  that  the  popu 
lation  upon  those  tracts  was  to  be  under  the  control  of  the 
lord  of  the  manor  and  to  hold  everything  according  to 
feudal  tenure .  The  manors  of  Van  Rensselaer ,  Livingston , 
and  Van  Cortland  covered  the  Upper  Hudson. 

Nearer  New  Amsterdam,  Frederick  Philipse  had  ob 
tained  a  domain  by  grant  and  purchase.  He  was  a 
member  of  a  family  originally  from  Friesland,  but  settled 

1  Col.  Tallmadge's  Memoir,  p.  6. 


Humphreys  at  Philipse  Manor  41 

for  some  time  in  the  Netherlands,  and  held  two  connected 
tracts  known  as  the  upper  and  lower  manors  of  Philips  - 
burgh.  A  roomy,  comfortable  house,  built  after  the 
Dutch  fashion,  about  1685  stood  upon  an  eminence  in  the 
lower  manor.  Here  the  lord  of  the  Manor  lived  in  style 
and  from  it  directed  his  farming  and  mercantile  enterprise. 
He  was  in  favour  with  the  new  masters,  the  English,  and 
held  several  offices  under  the  British  crown.  The  land 
was  rich  and  well  cultivated,  and  as  Frederick  Philipse 
was  an  excellent  man  of  business  profitable  trading  ven 
tures  speedily  increased  his  resources.  Consequently  his 
large  family  was  comfortably  provided  for  at  his  death. 
It  was  to  his  grandson,  Col.  Frederick  Philipse,  who  was 
then  the  lord  of  the  Manor,  that  young  Humphreys  went 
as  tutor.  The  Colonel  was  a  man  of  estimable  character, 
and  like  his  father,  a  capital  man  of  business,  and  so 
increased  his  revenue  that  he  was  able  to  give  rein  to  his 
innate  generosity.  At  his  own  expense  he  not  only 
built,  but  partially  endowed,  a  church  for  the  use  of  the 
members  of  the  Church  of  England  which  is  now  known  as 
St.  John's  Church,  Yonkers.  The  Manor  House  had  been 
enlarged  and  partially  rebuilt  and  a  new  front  added  about 
1745.  The  house  still  stands  practically  the  same  in 
appearance  as  it  was  in  1745.  The  city  of  Yonkers  in 
1868  purchased  it  for  a  City  Hall.  It  has  been  slightly 
altered  to  adapt  it  to  the  use  of  the  city  officials,  but  its 
external  appearance  is  little,  if  any,  changed  from  what  it 
was  in  Humphreys'  day. 

Col.  Philipse  had  a  family  of  eleven  children  and  it  was 
to  teach  the  younger  children  that  a  tutor  was  needed. 
The  position  was  in  every  respect  pleasant.  It  made  the 
tutor  a  member  of  a  family  united  and  affectionate.  The 
society  was  courtly  and  dignified  and  no  doubt  did  much 
to  polish  the  manners  of  the  lad  fresh  from  college.  To 
the  Manor  House  there  came  constantly  from  New  York, 


42  Beginning  of  the  War 

men  and  women  most  prominent  in  official  and  social 
circles.  Socially  different  as  the  atmosphere  was  in 
Humphreys'  new  home,  it  was  yet  more  so  politically. 
The  young  tutor  would,  it  is  true,  hear  discussed  the 
probabilities  of  a  rupture  with  England  just  as  he  had 
done  at  Derby  and  Wethersfield,  but  the  standpoint  of 
view  was  different.  His  new  home  was  the  rendezvous 
of  the  Tories,  and  the  impertinence  of  the  "Yankees"  in 
demanding  rights  never  before  allowed,  the  necessity  of 
maintaining  the  unity  of  the  empire  at  all  costs,  and  the 
wickedness  and  futility  of  any  other  than  courteous  re 
monstrance  against  the  constituted  authorities  would  form 
the  theme  of  the  speakers.  The  strength  of  the  Whigs 
would  be  slightingly  referred  to  and  stress  laid  upon  the 
imperative  necessity  for  all  sober  minded  people  to  guard 
property  well,  and  other  vested  rights,  which  an  appeal  to 
arms  would  destroy.  In  the  minds  of  many  of  the  people 
there  was  no  idea  but  that  the  act  of  the  Ministry  had 
done  more  than  justly  discipline  those  who  boldly  resisted 
proper  and  reasonable  demands.  There  was  another  side 
to  the  argument,  of  course,  among  thoughtful  New  Yorkers 
who  had  read  the  utterances  of  James  Otis  and  Samuel 
Adams  with  attention,  who  had  heard  echoes  of  the 
speeches  in  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses,  or  of  the 
debates  in  Pennsylvania  and  other  Colonies.  The  spirit 
of  independence  shown  by  their  British  ancestors  was 
aroused  in  them  for  they  failed  to  perceive  how  an  English 
man  over  the  Seas  had  a  divine  right  to  liberties  denied  to 
them.  These  arguments  were,  however,  rarely,  if  ever, 
heard  in  the  Tory  Manor.  Again,  the  luxury  and  wealth 
of  New  York,  the  close  connection  it  had  with  the  Crown, 
and  the  indifference  to  political  changes  which  commerce 
and  business  often  show,  made  the  Province  slow  to 
adopt  any  measures  to  relieve  the  oppression  of  their 
Boston  fellow  citizens.  Isaac  Wilkins,  the  West  Chester 


Humphreys  at  Philipse  Manor  43 

Judge,  and  Samuel  Seabury,  the  Westchester  parson  and 
schoolmaster,  are  typical  representatives  of  those  who 
upon  conscientious  grounds  upheld  King  George  and  his 
Ministers. 

Col.  Robert  Morris  and  his  wife,  the  sweet-faced  Mary 
Philipse  who  is  said  to  have  won  the  heart  of  Col.  Wash 
ington  some  fifteen  years  before;  Col.  Beverly  Robinson, 
Capt.  Oliver  de  Lancey,  and  others  would  be  frequent 
guests  at  the  hospitable  board  of  Col.  Philipse.  The  con 
troversy  over  public  matters  grew  more  and  more  intense. 
There  was  a  sharp  division  between  the  "Sons  of  Liberty" 
and  the  "Tories,"  as  the  United  Empire  Loyalists  were 
called,  and  a  "Yankee"  would  therefore  find  it  unpleasant 
to  remain  among  those  who  cared  more  for  Acts  of  Par 
liament  than  for  the  good  of  their  country. 

During  his  three  years'  residence  in  Philipse  Manor, 
young  Humphreys  paid  visits  to  his  home  and  College, 
where  his  patriotic  ardour  was  renewed  and  reinvigorated, 
In  the  Autumn  of  1774  he  was  called  to  receive  the  degree 
of  Master  of  Arts,  which  he  did  at  the  Annual  Commence 
ment.  It  was  his  duty  to  deliver  the  Master's  Oration, 
which  he  pronounced  in  English.  In  the  selection  of  his 
topic,  ' '  Taste, ' '  we  see  the  influence  which  his  stay  at 
Philipse  Manor  had  already  exerted  on  him.  This  ora 
tion  was  received  with  much  applause.  In  the  following 
year  as  a  recognition  of  his  scholarship  he  was  invited  to 
become  a  Tutor  in  Yale,  a  position  which,  however,  he 
declined. 

The  shot  fired  at  Concord,  that  was  heard  around  the 
world,  the  brave  and  sharp  resistance  to  the  British  Regu 
lars  and  their  veteran  General  at  Bunker's  Hill  by  the  hast 
ily  gathered  Provincial  troops,  under  three  different 
Commanders,  aroused  the  latent  patriotism  of  many  who 
had  thought  negotiation  and  petition  would  gain  for  the 
Colonies  their  just  demands.  It  also  widened  the  breach 


44  Beginning  of  the  War 

between  former  friends  and  neighbours,  and  made  a 
broad  distinction  between  the  Tories  and  the  "  Friends  of 
Liberty."  As  the  conflict  of  opinion  changed  to  actual 
warfare,  the  attitude  of  the  Province  of  New  York  to  the 
Continental  cause  also  assumed  a  new  phase.  Com 
mittees  of  Safety  and  Correspondence  were  appointed. 
The  Assembly  distinctly  declared  for  Liberty  and  the 
Tories  although  thoroughly  entrenched  in  the  respect  and 
affection  of  friends  and  tenants  were  made  uncomfortable, 
and  threatened  with  confiscation  and  pillage.  The  Lord 
of  Philipse  Manor,  highly  esteemed  as  he  was,  did  not 
escape  threats  and  even  attempted  violence.  Conse 
quently,  the  position  of  an  open  and  avowed  "Son  of 
Liberty,"  as  young  Humphreys  was,  became  in  that 
family  not  only  unpleasant  but  dangerous.  While  his 
personal  relations  with  the  members  of  the  Philipse  house 
hold  were  still  cordial  and  friendly,  and  while  he  appre 
ciated  to  the  full  the  kindness  received,  he  also  perceived 
that  his  opinions  and  those  of  his  host  were  incompatible. 
Col.  Philipse  with  his  family  was  among  those  early 
proscribed  when  the  Provincial  Congress  took  charge  of 
the  affairs  of  New  York.  He  went  to  England,  where  he 
died  in  1785,  and  members  of  his  family  gained  fame  in  the 
British  army  and  civil  life.  His  estates  in  America  were 
confiscated.  Before  this  evil  day  had  come  upon  the 
Philipses  the  young  tutor  had  conscientiously  resigned  his 
charge,  and  returned  to  his  home  in  Derby.  At  the 
Parsonage  there  would  be  a  warm  greeting  from  his  father 
and  mother,  there  would  be  much  talk  over  his  experiences 
among  the  Loyalists,  and  as  the  whole  family  was  thor 
oughly  interested  in  the  Continental  cause,  ardent  wishes 
would  be  expressed  for  the  success  of  the  American  arms. 
His  brother  John,  who  afterward  was  for  many  years  town 
clerk  of  Derby,  was  then  a  member  of  the  Committee  of 
Inspection  and  also  of  a  Committee  for  equipping  troops 


Early  American  Flags  45 

for  the  Army.  His  brother  Elijah  served  in  the  Connecti 
cut  line,  attaining  the  rank  of  Major,  and  is  said  to  have 
had  three  horses  shot  under  him. 

As  his  brother  Daniel  had  established  a  school  in  1775 
in  New  Haven  for  the  better  teaching  of  English  Grammar, 
and  other  branches  ordinarily  neglected,  it  is  possible 
that  David  became  his  assistant,  until  the  loud  call  to 
arms  sent  him  home  as  it  did  the  best  of  the  young  men  of 
Connecticut. 

Connecticut  had  very  early  in  the  struggle  taken  a 
strong  position  in  favour  of  freedom.  In  Jonathan  Trum- 
bull,  the  people  had  a  Governor  wise,  patient,  untiring, 
thoroughly  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  patriotism  and  will 
ing  and  able  to  make  sacrifices  for  his  country.  He  was 
the  trusted  confidant  of  Washington  and  was  affectionately 
called  by  him  "Brother  Jonathan."  The  twenty-five 
Militia  regiments  had  for  several  years  previous  to  1776 
been  exercised  in  arms  on  the  spring  and  fall  "General 
training"  days.  The  General  Assembly  had  in  1774 
remonstrated  strongly  against  the  Boston  Port  Bill. 
Public  meetings  were  held  everywhere  at  which  ad 
dresses  were  made  and  resolutions  of  disapproval  passed. 
When,  in  the  beginning  of  September,  1774,  it  was  ru 
moured  that  War  Ships  were  approaching  Boston  to  can 
nonade  the  town,  in  less  than  thirty  hours  the  Militia 
were  under  arms,  and  for  more  than  one  hundred  and 
seventy-five  miles  the  roads  were  thronged  with  troops 
on  their  way  to  the  defence  of  Boston.  On  September 
15,  1774,  there  was  a  large  and  enthusiastic  Convention 
held  in  Hartford,  which  heartily  commended  and  ap 
proved  the  non-consumption  agreement. I 

Soon  after,  the  phrase  "Sons  of  Liberty"  became  com 
mon,  and  so  was  the  practice  of  erecting  liberty  poles. 
A  noted  one  was  erected  at  East  Haddam  on  the  Con- 

1  The  American  Revolution^  by  R.  E.  Hinman,  p.  20. 


46  Beginning  of  the  War 

necticut  River,  where  Nathan  Hale  first  taught  school, 
which  was  one  hundred  and  forty-seven  feet  high  and  from 
which  floated  "a  large  union  flag  with  the  emblem  of 
liberty  neatly  portrayed  thereon,  fighting  the  cause  of 
America  against  Tyranny. " 

The  story  of  the  various  flags  used  before  the  adoption  of 
the  present  American  Standard,  is  a  curious  and  interest 
ing  chapter  of  our  history.  Col.  Humphreys  thus  de 
scribed  one  raised  over  Gen.  Putnam's  division  of  the 
Continental  Army  on  Prospect  Hill,  Cambridge: 

On  July  20,  1776;  immediately  after  the  reading  of  the  De 
claration  upon  the  reason  for  taking  up  arms  issued  by  the 
Continental  Congress  to  the  Continental  Army: — As  soon  as 
these  memorable  words  were  pronounced  to  General  Putnam's 
Division,  which  he  had  ordered  to  be  paraded  on  Prospect  Hill, 
they  shouted  in  three  Huzzaz  a  loud  amen ;  Whereat  (a  cannon 
from  the  Fort  being  fired  as  a  signal) ,  the  new  Standard,  lately 
sent  from  Connecticut  (to  Putnam's  "Third"  Regiment,)  was 
suddenly  seen  to  rise  and  unroll  itself  to  the  wind.  On 
one  side  was  inscribed  in  large  letters  of  gold,  "An  Appeal  to 
Heaven"  and  on  the  other  were  delineated  the  armorial 
bearings  of  Connecticut,  which  without  supporters,  or  crest, 
consist  unostentatiously  of  three  lines  with  this  motto,  "Qui 
transtulit,  sustinet";  alluding  to  the  pious  confidence  our 
forefathers  placed  in  the  protection  of  Heaven,  on  those  three  al 
legorical  Scions — Knowledge — Liberty — Religion,  which  they 
have  been  instrumental  in  transplanting  to  America.  x 

It  was  determined  by  the  General  Assembly  that  in 
April,  1775,  one  fourth  of  the  Militia  was  to  be  raised  for 
the  defence  of  the  Colony.  After  the  Lexington  alarm, 
six  regiments  were  sent  to  Boston  and  Lake  Champlain  and 
the  Assembly  voted  to  purchase  three  thousand  stand  of 
arms,  to  issue  fifty  thousand  pounds  in  bills  of  credit,  and 
to  lay  a  special  tax  of  seven  pence  on  the  pound  upon  the 

1  Humphrey's  Life  of  Putnam,  Ed.  of  1788,  pp.  113, 114. 


Capture  of  Ticonderoga  47 

"Grand  list."  One  of  the  brilliant  exploits  of  the  first 
months  of  actual  hostilities  was  the  capture  of  Ticonderoga, 
that  strong  fortress  at  the  outlet  of  Lake  George,  which 
guarded  the  way  to  Canada.  The  glory  of  this  exploit  is 
usually  given  to  Col.  Ethan  Allen  and  his  Green  Mountain 
Boys.  It  was  planned  in  Connecticut  by  Samuel  Holden 
Parsons,  Silas  Deane,  Samuel  Bishop,  William  Williams, 
Thomas  Munford,  Titus  Hosmer,  and  others,  who  pledged 
their  individual  credit  with  the  Colonial  Treasury  to  equip 
the  small  company  which  set  out  for  the  north  by  the  way 
of  Berkshire  County,  Massachusetts,  where  Col.  John 
Brown,  a  classmate  of  David  Humphreys,  with  some 
sturdy  men,  joined  the  force,  and  then  all  took  their  march 
for  Bennington,  where  Ethan  Allen  and  his  daring  com 
panions  were  added.  The  demand  for  the  surrender  by 
the  intrepid  Vermonter  has  become  classic :  "  I  demand  the 
fort,  in  the  Name  of  the  Great  Jehovah,  and  the  Conti 
nental  Congress." 

In  the  early  summer  of  1775,  Gen.  David  Wooster  with 
several  regiments  of  the  Connecticut  Militia  marched  for 
New  York  and  encamped  above  the  city  on  Harlem 
Heights ;  his  arrival  was  warmly  welcomed  by  the  authori 
ties,  and  he  was  frequently  entertained  by  the  officers  of 
the  New  York  Military  organization  and  given  a  public 
dinner  by  the  City  Military  Club.  His  appointment  by 
the  Continental  Congress  and  assignment  to  duty  in  the 
northern  department,  and  the  fact  that  no  hostile  de 
monstration  was  made  against  the  City,  led  to  the  with 
drawal  of  the  troops  in  September. 

In  the  same  summer  six  additional  regiments  were 
authorized  to  be  raised  in  different  parts  of  the  Colony  for 
the  Continental  Army,  which  were  dispatched  to  the 
American  camps  around  Boston  where  Washington  had 
lately  arrived  to  take  the  general  command. 

The  War  of  the  Revolution  had  now  opened  with  grim 


48  Beginning  of  the  War 

determination  and  events  followed  rapidly.  In  March, 
1776,  the  British  abandoned  Boston,  to  reappear  at  New 
York  in  the  following  July  and  August.  Washington 
anticipated  them  by  immediately  transferring  a  portion 
of  his  army  to  that  point. 

No  serious  attempt  had  hitherto  been  made  to  fortify 
New  York.  The  arrival  in  the  Continental  camp  at 
Cambridge  of  an  officer  of  such  military  renown  and 
service  in  European  wars  as  Gen.  Charles  Lee,  and  the 
defenceless  condition  of  New  York  should  the  British 
evacuate  Boston  and  attempt  to  take  possession  of  the 
new  base,  brought  about  a  discussion  by  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  and  his  generals,  as  to  the  best  course  to  be  pur 
sued.  Gen.  Lee  by  his  military  knowledge  and  fluent 
speech  had  strongly  impressed  some  with  his  ability  and 
discretion.  The  conclusion  of  the  discussion  was  that 
Gen.  Lee  was  authorized  to  raise  troops  for  the  defence  of 
New  York  in  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut.  He  ac 
cordingly  proceeded  to  Lebanon,  the  home  of  Gov.  Trum- 
bull,  who  gave  him  all  the  aid  possible  and  assisted  him  in 
mobilizing  the  militia  of  Connecticut.  Here,  it  must  be 
noted,  that  though  Gen.  Lee  was  the  commander  of  the 
expedition,  the  Connecticut  troops  looked  to  their  officers 
for  orders.  Connecticut  was  always  most  jealous  of  her 
independence  and  never  allowed  outside  officials  to  inter 
fere  with  her  State  troops.  The  men  that  went  to  New 
York  considered  themselves  subject  to  Gen.  Lee  only  so 
far  as  it  accorded  with  the  judgment  of  their  immediate 
superiors  in  rank. 

The  assertion  of  some  writers  that  this  plan  of  defending 
New  York  was  only  an  ambitious  one  of  Gen.  Lee,  who 
had  been  influenced  by  listening  to  the  fiery  and  indis 
creet  oratory  of  Isaac  Sears,  New  York's  famous  "Son  of 
Liberty, "  is  not  borne  out  by  facts. 

Sears  had  been  compelled  to  leave  New  York  owing  to 


General  Charles  Lee  49 

his  wild  and  unfounded  charges  against  all  who  did  not 
agree  with  him  in  his  violent  tirades  against  Great  Britain 
and  schemes  for  obtaining  the  just  liberties  of  the  Colony. 
His  reckless  and  indiscriminate  accusations  had  even  cast 
suspicion  upon  many  who  were  loyal  Americans  and 
staunchly  devoted  to  the  Continental  cause. 

Forced  to  leave  New  York,  Sears  was  at  this  period  at 
the  American  camp  at  Cambridge.  Nevertheless  it  is 
certain  that  Gen.  Lee  in  his  advocacy  of  fortifying  New 
York  looked  at  the  matter  solely  from  strategic  reasons. 
The  records  show  equally  conclusively  that  there  was 
nothing  but  an  honest  and  straightforward  intention  on 
the  part  of  the  Connecticut  authorities  to  aid  in  defend 
ing  and  securing  New  York.  The  New  York  Committees 
of  Safety,  induced,  however,  largely  by  their  dislike  and 
suspicion  of  Captain  Sears,  and  the  fear  that  the  troops 
from  another  State  would  come  into  collision  with  the 
constituted  authorities,  sent  a  delegation  to  the  State 
line  at  Greenwich  with  a  polite  request  that  the  troops 
should  not  proceed  any  farther.  This  request  was  as 
courteously  refused,  and  over  the  old  Post  Road,  through 
the  West  Chester  farms  and  villages,  the  Connecticut  troops 
streamed,  and  on  February  4,  1776,  entered  the  city  of 
New  York.  There  was  a  conflict  of  emotion  in  the  hearts 
of  the  citizens.  A  hostile  fleet  was  in  their  harbour,  and  a 
body  of  troops  on  the  outskirts  of  their  city.  But  Lee 
persisted,  and  redoubts  and  fortifications  were  planned 
and  partially  executed  under  his  orders.  It  was  observed 
that  even  then  he  displayed  an  arrogance  and  contempt 
for  authority,  which  bore  for  him  afterwards  much  bitter 
fruit.  He  failed  to  gain  the  good  will  of  the  authorities 
and  upon  his  appointment  by  Congress  to  the  department 
of  the  South,  he  left  the  city  on  March  7th,  without  a  single 
expression  of  regret  by  the  citizens. 

General  Putnam  having  been  appointed  to  the  command 

VOL.  I — 4 


50  Beginning  of  the  War 

of  New  York  arrived  on  April  4th,  and  made  the  '  *  Captain 
Kennedy  House,"  at  No.  I  Broadway,  his  headquarters. 
His  experiences  in  the  old  French  and  Indian  wars,  his 
bluff,  hearty  manners,  made  him  acceptable  to  all,  and  he 
revived  the  spirit  of  those  who  had  become  thoroughly 
terrified. z 

The  City  was  put  under  strict  military  rule,  and  every 
precaution  taken  against  any  surprise  by  the  enemy. 
Batteries  were  planted  at  various  points  on  the  North 
and  East  Rivers  around  the  City  water-front.  Forts 
were  built  upon  several  elevations  north  of  the  town,  along 
the  general  line  of  Grand  Street,  of  which  the  most  notable 
were  those  on  Bayard's,  Lispenard's,  and  Jones's  Hills  and 
one  at  the  foot  of  what  is  now  East  Eighty-eighth  Street 
commanding  the  Hell  Gate  passage.  The  Connecticut 
troops  which  Lee  had  taken  down  were  soon  joined  by  five 
battalions  and  all  the  Riflemen  of  the  Continental  Army 
from  Boston,  under  Gen.  William  Heath,  and  later  by 
Brigades  under  Gens.  Spencer,  Greene,  and  Sullivan. 
Thus  all  was  in  readiness  for  George  Washington  himself, 
who  after  his  triumphal  entry  into  Boston,  and  his  brief 
visit  to  Governor  Trumbull  at  Norwich,  Connecticut, 
entered  the  City  on  April  13,  1776,  and  took  up  his  abode, 
with  Mrs.  Washington  and  his  suite,  in  the  elegant  Rich 
mond  Hill  Mansion,  which  stood  on  the  present  line  of 
Varick  Street,  a  short  distance  above  Canal.  With  the 
arrival  of  the  Commander-in-Chief,  there  was  greater 
activity  in  putting  the  City  in  a  condition  to  resist  the 
attack  of  the  enemy.  The  defences  planned  by  Gen.  Lee 
and  continued  by  Gen.  Putnam  were  approved.  The 
positions  were  well  chosen  and  showed  strategic  ability, 
and,  wherever  necessary,  were  strengthened  and  provided 
with  additional  fortifications.  The  keen  eye  of  Gen. 
Putnam  saw  that  the  small  island  in  the  harbour  close  to 

1  Humphreys'  Life  of  General  Putnam,  pp.  115-19 


Washington  in  New  York  51 

Fort  George  on  the  Battery  commanded  the  approach  to 
the  city  by  the  British  ships.  Upon  his  representation  he 
was  commissioned  to  erect  upon  it  batteries  and  breast 
works.  With  a  small  force  he  went  over  to  the  island  and 
fortified  it.  This  was  the  first  time  that  any  one  had  seen 
the  importance  of  Nutten  or  Governor's  Island  as  a  mili 
tary  post.  Upon  the  lines  laid,  the  present  Fort  Colum 
bus  was  erected,  and  the  island  subsequently  became  a 
United  States  military  station.  Gen.  Lee  had  called 
attention  to  the  inadequacy  of  the  water  batteries,  and 
the  forts  above  the  city,  to  repel  any  demonstration  by 
sea.  He  strongly  advised  that  a  line  of  redoubts  should 
be  upon  the  heights  of  Brooklyn,  and  extend  southward 
on  the  elevated  ground  to  the  harbour.  While  many  of  the 
troops  were  restive  under  enforced  inaction  and  soon  ex 
hausted  their  amusements  in  the  quarters  or  on  "The 
Fields"  or  Commons,  the  present  site  of  the  City  Hall, 
others  were  glad  to  be  detailed  under  Gen.  Greene  and  a 
competent  engineer  corps  to  cross  the  East  River,  and 
commence  the  proposed  fortifications  back  of  the  village 
of  Brooklyn,  in  front  of  which  would  presently  be  fought 
the  historic  battle  of  Long  Island.  That  was  so  carefully 
planned  and  well  constructed  a  line  of  forts  and  intrench- 
ments  that  the  enemy  declined  to  storm  them  and  we  thus 
escaped  a  more  serious  defeat. 

By  the  middle  of  August  the  two  hostile  armies  were 
prepared  for  the  opening  of  the  new  campaign  of  1776  with 
all  its  victories  for  the  enemy  and  depressing  but  fortun 
ately  not  decisive  defeats  for  the  Americans.  The  British 
and  Hessians,  some  twenty-eight  thousand  strong,  with  a 
powerful  fleet  to  co-operate,  were  threateningly  encamped 
on  Staten  Island,  seven  miles  down  the  harbour,  while 
Washington  stood  at  bay  to  defend  New  York.  The 
American  force  consisted  of  twenty-seven  battalions,  or 
"Regiments  of  Foot"  as  they  were  styled,  each  having  a 


52  Beginning  of  the  War 

maximum  strength  of  six  hundred  and  forty  officers  and 
men.  Most  of  them  came  from  the  New  England  States. 
Connecticut  had  sent  in  proportion  more  than  any  other 
State.  It  had  forwarded  to  New  York  six  Continental 
Battalions,  seven  regiments  of  new  levies,  and  twelve 
Militia  Regiments.  The  Battalions  were  commanded  by 
Col.  Samuel  Wyllys  of  Hartford,  Charles  Webb  of  Stam 
ford,  John  Durkee  of  Bean  Hill,  near  Norwich,  Jedidiah 
Huntington,  of  Norwich,  Andrew  Ward,  and  John  Tyler. 
The  levies,  which  were  regiments  of  volunteers,  recruited 
from  the  State  Militia  and  the  people  at  large,  had  enlisted 
to  serve  for  six  months  of  operations  from  June  to  De 
cember  of  that  year.  They  were  commanded  by  promi 
nent  men  in  the  State — Colonels  Gold  S.  Silliman  of 
Fairneld,  Philip  Burr  Bradley  of  Ridgefield,  William 
Douglas  of  Northford,  Fisher  Gay  of  Farmington,  Samuel 
Selden  of  Hadlyme,  John  Chester  of  Wethersfield,  and 
Comfort  Sage  of  Middletown.  The  twelve  regiments  of  the 
State  Militia  were  under  the  command  of  General  Oliver 
Wolcott,  of  Litchfield,  who  had  lately  returned  from  his 
seat  in  the  Continental  Congress,  where  he  had  signed  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  to  take  the  field  in  the  pre 
sent  emergency.  Washington's  rolls  of  the  period  show  a 
total  of  about  twenty-eight  thousand  soldiers  at  New 
York;  but  the  number  of  "effectives"  appears  to  have 
been  no  more  than  twenty  thousand. 

Against  this  American  army  the  British  had  been 
gathering  at  Staten  Island.  It  had  been  difficult  to 
recruit  men  in  England  for  the  "American  war"  as  it  was 
usually  called  across  the  water,  and  the  English  Govern 
ment  was  compelled  to  levy  upon  the  famous  regiments 
which  had  garrisoned  at  Gibraltar,  various  points  in 
England  and  Ireland,  and  had  served  in  the  West  Indies, 
with  some  from  Scotland  whose  courage  had  been  tested 
in  the  "Seven  Years  War."  The  British  Ministry  had 


Washington  in  New  York  53 

also  engaged  a  large  body  of  troops  from  Hesse-Cassel  in 
Germany.  These  under  their  commanding  Generals, 
de  Heister,  Von  Mirbach,  Von  Stira,  and  Colonels  Von 
Dunnop  and  Von  Lossberg,  consisted  of  about  eight  thou 
sand  troops  divided  into  four  brigades  of  three  regiments 
each.  The  British  regulars  were  commanded  by  Sir 
William  Howe,  with  such  able  auxiliary  commanders  as 
Lieutenant-Generals  Clinton,  Percy,  and  Cornwallis,  and 
Major-Generals  Matthews,  Robertson,  Pigot,  Grant, 
Jones,  Vaughan,  and  Agnew,  with  Leslie,  Cleveland  Smith, 
and  Erskine  as  effective  brigadiers.  The  whole  strength 
of  the  enemy  in  the  beginning  of  August,  1776,  was  more 
than  thirty-one  thousand  of  which  there  were  fit  for  duty 
more  than  twenty-four  thousand  men. 

Washington  waited  for  the  British  to  strike  the  first 
blow.  He  had  carefully  posted  his  troops  at  points  most 
favourable  for  the  defence  of  his  position.  They  were  not 
veterans,  but  they  were  filled  with  a  hatred  of  tyranny, 
and  were  determined  to  fight  for  their  lives  and  liberties. 
With  few  exceptions  his  generals  were  untried  in  actual 
warfare.  The  blow  was  soon  to  come,  and  our  young 
poet-warrior,  whose  thoughts  had  been  turning  to  the 
field,  found  himself  on  the  ground  with  his  countrymen, 
to  meet  the  issue. 


CHAPTER  V 

Early  Battles 

Humphreys  Visits  the  New  York  Camps — His  First  Known  Letter,  1776 — 
Poem  to  Washington — He  Enters  the  Service  as  Volunteer  Adjutant 
of  Col.  Thompson's  Regiment — Adieu  to  Yale — His  Fitness  for 
Command — The  Battle  of  Long  Island — Surprise  and  Defeat  of  the 
Americans — Washington's  Skilful  Retreat — The  First  Torpedo  Boat  or 
"American  Turtle" — Its  Expedition  Described  by  Humphreys — The 
Battle  of  the  Kegs — Successful  Landing  of  the  British  Forces  in  New 
York,  September  15, 1776 — Critical  Situation  of  the  American  Army — 
Troops  Withdrawn  to  Harlem  Heights — Panic  among  American 
Troops — Endeavours  of  Washington  and  Putnam  to  Stay  the  Panic — 
Humphreys'  Vivid  Description  of  Same — The  Discouraged  Conditions 
of  the  Americans — Knowlton's  Scouting  Party — Washington  Orders  an 
Attack— Battle  of  Harlem  Heights— Its  Success— Death  of  Col. 
Knowlton  and  Major  Leitch — Good  Effect  of  the  Victory  on  the 
American  Troops  as  Described  by  Humphreys. 

TTUMPHREYS'  poems  glow  with  patriotic  impulse. 
*  *  Much  would  the  modern  compiler  of  the  anthology  of 
that  day  give  for  a  copy  of  one  of  his  first  efforts,  especially 
as  we  now  know  that  it  was  dedicated  to  Washington. 
Time  at  this  late  date  unearths  a  letter  from  the  ardent 
soldier  to  be,  penned  as  this  campaign  was  about  to  open, 
which  despite  its  brevity  has  a  precious  value  for  his 
biographer.  Written  to  Col.  Samuel  B.  Webb,  then 
recently  appointed  aide-de-camp  to  the  Commander-in- 
Chief ,  it  tells  of  an  early  visit  to  the  front  at  New  York, 
his  tenting  with  Captain  William  Hull,  fellow-townsman 
and  college-mate,  his  writing  a  poem  he  there  composed  in 

54 


Humphreys  in  New  York  55 

half  an  hour;  and  his  hopes  of  getting  Washington's 
permission  to  dedicate  it  to  him.  This  letter,  now  printed 
for  the  first  time,  is  also  given  in  facsimile  on  the  opposite 
page: 

DERBY  8  July  76. 

DEAR  SIR: — 

As  I  was  so  unfortunate  as  not  to  see  you,  but  for  a  moment, 
whilst  I  was  in  town,  I  must  take  the  liberty  to  trouble  you 
with  a  line,  &  to  enclose  a  short  piece  of  poetry,  which  I  wrote 
when  I  was  last  in  New  York.  The  subject  is  a  noble  one  & 
he  must  be  a  stupid  fellow,  who  couldn't  say  one  clever  thing 
upon  it — how  I  have  succeeded  you  must  determine,  this  may 
be  said  in  its  favour,  or  rather  by  way  of  excuse  for  its  imper 
fections,  that  it  contains  the  genuine  effusions  of  an  honest 
&  grateful  heart,  &  that  it  was  the  employment  of  only  half  an 
hour  as  Captn  Hull  can  testify — but  Sir  I  would  not  have  you 
imagine  that  I  have  presumption  enough  to  offer  it  to  the 
great  personage,  whose  illustrious  actions  it  was  design'd  to 
celebrate — yet  could  I  think  it  by  any  means  worthy  of  him, 
&  had  I  obtained  his  permission  I  should  not  hesitate  to  do  it — 
but  as  affairs  are  circumstanced,  unless  I  had  been  sufficiently 
acquainted  with  your  prudence  as  well  as  friendship  &  can 
dour,  I  certainly  never  should  have  trusted  it  in  your  hands — 
but  I  know  that  Col.  Webb  will  do  nothing  to  the  prejudice  of 
his  friend,  &  accordingly  I  commit  it  with  the  more  freedom 
to  his  care  to  make  what  use  of  it  he  pleases. 

I  expect  in  a  few  weeks,  to  be  in  New  York.  When  I  shall 
have  an  opportunity  to  tell  you  how  much 

I  am  your  sincere  friend  &  humble  serv't 

(Signed)  DAVID  HUMPHREYS. 
To  Col.  Webb.1 

It  was  probably  upon  this  visit,  from  what  he  saw  in 
New  York,  from  the  busy  preparations  for  defence,  from 
1  From  the  original  MS.  letter  in  possession  of  the  author. 


56  Early  Battles 

the  eagerness  of  the  troops  to  meet  the  enemy,  as  well 
as  from  the  gravity  of  the  situation  and  the  anxiety 
of  the  leaders,  that  Humphreys  determined  to  enter 
the  service  at  an  early  opportunity.  He  told  Col.  Webb 
that  he  expected  to  be  back  in  the  City  in  a  few  weeks. 
He  kept  his  engagement,  not  as  a  visitor  but  as  a  soldier. 
In  "a  few  weeks"  he  was  there  as  a  comrade. 

At  this  date  the  Second  Connecticut  militia  regiment,  to 
which  the  town  of  Derby  contributed  one  or  more  com 
panies,  was  commanded  by  Col.  Jonathan  Fitch  of  New 
Haven.  Its  Lieutenant-Colonel  was  Jabez  Thompson,  of 
Derby,  who  was  something  of  a  veteran,  having  seen 
hard  service  in  the  Northern  Department  in  the  previous 
year.  As  the  Colonel  was  engaged  in  other  military 
duties  at  home,  the  Lieutenant-Colonel  led  the  regiment 
to  New  York  at  the  urgent  call  of  Washington  and 
Governor  Trumbull. x 

The  regiment  was  one  of  the  twelve  which  were  hurried 
to  the  front  in  the  emergency  under  the  command,  as 
stated  at  the  close  of  the  previous  chapter,  of  General 
Oliver  Wolcott.  They  arrived  and  encamped  within 
and  around  New  York  about  the  middle  of  August. 

That  young  Humphreys,  so  lately  returned  from  the 
Camps,  should  feel  the  inspiration  of  the  hour,  and,  with 
Col.  Thompson  and  his  fellow-townsmen  in  the  Second 
Militia,  respond  to  this  call  of  his  State  and  his  Country,  we 
know  from  his  own  prompt  action  and  the  pen  of  his 
patriotic  muse.  He  offered  his  services  as  a  volunteer 
Adjutant  of  the  Regiment. 2 

As  such  he  accompanied  the  regiment  to  the  field  where 
the  enemy  was  expected  at  any  moment  to  make  their 

xCol.  Fitch  wrote  from  New  Haven,  August  13,  1776:  "Col.  Jabez 
Thompson  has  undertaken  the  command  of  the  regiment  at  last  &  is  now 
gone  to  New  York." — Force's  American  Archives,  Fifth  Series. 

2  Humphreys  so  states  in  his  Life  of  Putnam. 


Humphreys  Volunteer  Adjutant          57 

threatened  formidable  attack.  His  buoyant  enthusiasm 
fired  his  poetic  imagination  and  as  he  was  leaving  to  join 
the  army,  he  addressed  the  following  sonnet  to  his  college 
friends  at  New  Haven  with  whom  he  had  spent  many 
companionable  hours  since  his  school  teaching  days : 

Adieu,  thou  Yale,  where  youthful  poets  dwell, 

No  more  I  linger  by  thy  classic  stream 
Inglorious  ease  and  sportive  songs  farewell. 

Thou  startling  clarion  break  the  sleeper's  dream. 

And  sing,  ye  bards ;  the  war  inspiring  theme. 

Hear  ye  the  din  of  battle?     Clang  of  arms? 
Saw  ye  the  steel  mid  starry  banners  beam? 

Quick  throbs  my  breast  at  war's  untried  alarms. 

Unknown  pulsations  stirred  by  glory's  charms 
While  dear  Columbia  calls,  no  danger  awes, 

Though  certain  death  to  threaten' d  chains  be  join'd, 
Though  fails  this  flesh  devote  to  freedom's  cause, 

Can  death  subdue  th'  unconquerable  mind? 

Or  adamantine  chains  ethereal  substance  bind?1 

Hardly  a  fortnight  passed  since  Humphreys'  arrival  in 
Camp,  before  the  enemy  began  their  move  against  the 
City.  They  found  it  to  their  advantage  to  attack  the 
Brooklyn  lines  first. 

On  the  early  morning  of  August  22 d,  after  a  night  of 
thunder  and  lightning,  and  a  storm  whose  fury  was  long 
remembered,  and  which  did  much  damage,  the  British 
Commander  sent  over  to  Long  Island  in  seventy-five  flat- 
boats,  eleven  batteaux,  and  two  galleys  built  for  this  ser 
vice,  under  the  protection  of  three  frigates  and  two  "bomb 
Ketches, "  a  force  of  fifteen  thousand  regulars  and  Hessians, 
with  forty  pieces  of  artillery.  The  landing  of  the  main 
army  was  made  at  Gravesend  Bay.  Sir  Henry  Clinton 

1  Humphreys'  Poetical  Works. 


58  Early  Battles 

and  Lord  Cornwallis  with  an  advance  Corps  of  four 
thousand,  consisting  of  a  brigade  of  light  infantry,  and  the 
Grenadier  and  foot  reserves,  were  the  first  to  be  rowed 
in  ten  divisions  to  Gravesend,  and  landed  near  the  present 
village  of  Bath.  It  is  said  that  "the  enemy  themselves,  a 
few  Dutch  farmers  in  the  vicinity,  and  the  pickets  of 
Hand's  Riflemen,  were  the  only  persons  who  witnessed  this 
naval  spectacle."1 

As  any  attempt  at  opposition  would  have  been  unavail 
ing  the  American  pickets  did  not  sound  a  general  alarm, 
but  notified  their  superior  officers.  The  whole  army  was 
successfully  landed  before  noon  of  the  22d,  and  immediately 
took  up  advantageous  positions.  Lord  Cornwallis,  with 
Dunnop's  Chasseurs  and  Grenadiers  and  six  field  pieces, 
were  to  occupy  the  village  of  Flatbush,  "but  with  orders 
not  to  attempt  to  pass  beyond  it,  if  he  found  it  held  by 
the  rebels." 

The  remainder  of  the  army  encamped  near  the  coast, 
from  the  Narrows  to  Flatbush.  Cornwallis's  march  to 
Flatbush  was  uninterrupted  except  by  a  random  shot 
from  one  of  Col.  Hand's  riflemen;  the  main  body  of  which 
kept  close,  however,  to  the  enemy's  front  a  part  of  the  way, 
on  the  edge  of  the  woods,  without  being  observed,  and 
reached  the  main  American  camp  in  safety. 

As  soon  as  the  Commander-in-Chief  knew  of  the  landing, 
he  sent  reinforcements  to  Gen.  Sullivan,  then  command 
ing  on  the  Brooklyn  front,  numbering  about  eighteen 
hundred  men.  On  the  23d,  Washington  visited  the  divi 
sion  on  that  side  and  issued  an  order  to  his  army  at  large 
in  which  he  announced  the  arrival  of  the  British,  and 
urged  the  troops  to  "remember  you  are  freemen,  fighting 
for  the  blessings  of  liberty,  that  slavery  will  be  your  por 
tion  and  that  of  your  posterity,  if  you  do  not  acquit  your- 

1  Johnston's  Campaign  of  1776,  vol.  iii. ;  Memoirs  of  the  Long  Island 
Historical  Society,  Brooklyn,  p.  141. 


Battle  of  Long  Island  59 

selves  like  men."  On  the  following  days  there  occurred 
some  slight  skirmishes — attempts  to  penetrate  each  other's 
lines  by  small  parties — but  no  advantage  was  gained. 
Gen.  Greene,  under  whose  supervision  the  works  had  been 
constructed  on  the  Brooklyn  front,  unfortunately  fell  ill  at 
this  critical  juncture  and  General  Sullivan  succeeded  him 
in  command.  Sullivan  in  turn  was  presently  superseded 
by  Gen.  Putnam,  whom  Washington  considered  better 
fitted  to  lead  men  into  action.  Putnam  was  instructed 
to  take  every  precaution  and  strengthen  his  outguards, 
for,  said  the  Commander-in- Chief,  "When  the  attack  does 
come,  it  will  be  sudden  and  violent." 

To  break  the  force  of  this  coming  attack  a  heavy  picket 
line  of  three  thousand  men  was  sent  out  about  a  mile 
beyond  the  works  to  the  line  of  low  hills  which  ran  irregu 
larly  from  Greenwood  Cemetery  near  the  harbour  easterly 
toward  Jamaica.  Three  roads  or  passes  cut  through  these 
hills  and  each  was  strongly  guarded.  Early  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  27th  the  blow  fell.  The  British  advanced  with 
strong  columns  into  the  passes  at  the  Cemetery  and 
Prospect  Park,  while  a  third  column  larger  than  either 
and  headed  by  Sir  William  Howe  himself  executed  a  flank 
movement  by  way  of  Jamaica  pass,  which  on  account  of 
its  distance,  the  Americans  had  not  effectually  guarded. 
This  movement  proved  fatal  to  the  Americans.  While  the 
latter  were  manfully  holding  their  own  at  the  other  two 
passes,  Howe  swept  down  on  their  flank  and  rear.  Real 
izing  that  their  retreat  back  to  their  lines  was  or  would 
quickly  be  cut  off,  they  were  thrown  into  more  or  less 
confusion,  and  breaking  up  into  small  parties  turned  to  run 
and  fight  to  camp.  Sharp  and  desperate  skirmishes  took 
place  on  the  way,  principally  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Park, 
where  General  Sullivan  was  commanding,  and  at  the 
Cemetery  on  whose  slopes  Generals  Lord  Sterling  and 
Parsons  were  making  the  best  resistance  of  the  day. 


6o  Early  Battles 

Sterling  was  completely  cut  off,  but  his  men  fought 
with  wonderful  courage  until  overcome  by  numbers.  A 
little  more  than  half  of  the  American  picket  force  suc 
ceeded  in  getting  back  to  their  lines  where  Washington 
from  one  of  the  forts  had  been  watching  their  movements 
and  discomfiture  without  the  ability  to  assist  them.  The 
superior  force  of  the  enemy  and  the  impossibility  of  holding 
so  long  an  outer  line,  as  was  attempted,  caused  the  dis 
aster  of  the  day  to  the  Americans.  The  latter  suffered 
a  loss  of  about  nine  hundred  prisoners,  and  the  enemy's  loss 
was  approximately  the  same.  Among  our  officers,  Lord 
Sterling  and  General  Sullivan  were  captured,  and  a 
few  days  later  General  Nathaniel  Woodhull,  a  patriot  of 
Long  Island,  who  subsequently  died  of  brutal  wounds 
inflicted  upon  him  when  about  to  surrender. 

To  Washington  the  day's  results  were  a  bitter  disappoint 
ment,  but  he  rose  to  the  occasion,  replaced  his  losses,  and 
for  two  days  and  nights  kept  up  a  fire  on  the  enemy  as  they 
drew  nearer  to  his  entrenched  position.  Then  he  executed 
one  of  those  retrograde  movements  which  on  several 
occasions,  during  the  war,  extorted  the  admiration  of 
friends  and  foes  alike.  He  ordered  a  retreat — his  ' '  famous 
retreat" — from  Long  Island,  which  was  safely  accom 
plished  across  the  East  River  under  the  cover  of  profound 
darkness,  rain,  and  fog,  on  the  night  of  August  29th.  On 
the  following  morning  his  weary  and  disheartened  Brooklyn 
division — about  eight  thousand  strong  after  the  battle- 
was  once  more  encamped  on  safer  ground  at  New  York. 
It  was  a  timely  and  skilful  escape  from  a  dangerous 
situation. 

Humphreys  in  his  interesting  Life  of  General  Putnam 
briefly  comments  on  this  severe  defeat: — ''General 
Putnam  was  within  the  lines,  when  the  engagement  took 
place  on  the  27th,  between  the  British  army  and  our  Corps, 
in  which  we  lost  about  a  thousand  men  killed  and  missing, 


Battle  of  Long  Island  61 

with  the  Generals  Sullivan  and  Lord  Sterling  made  pris 
oners.  But  our  men  (though  attacked  on  all  sides)  fought 
with  great  bravery  and  the  enemy's  loss  was  not  light." 
Further  along  he  adds,  with  military  terseness  and  preci 
sion:  "The  unfortunate  battle  of  Long-Island,  the  masterly 
retreat  from  thence  and  the  actual  passage  of  part  of  the 
hostile  fleet  in  the  East  River  above  the  Town,  preclude 
the  evacuation  of  New-York. " 

Our  Adjutant  does  not  appear  to  have  participated  in 
these  eventful  movements.  In  his  Life  of  Putnam  he 
rarely  mentions  or  expressly  includes  himself.  It  is  only 
when  a  description  is  particularly  graphic  and  bears 
the  traces  of  being  written  by  an  eye-witness  that  we  can 
safely  assume  that  Humphreys  was  present  in  the  actions 
he  describes.  Judged  by  this  criterion  we  must  conclude 
that  at  this  time  he  was  on  duty  on  the  New  York  side. 
It  is  to  be  noted,  furthermore,  that  none  of  General 
Wolcott's  militia  regiments  were  ordered  over  to  Long 
Island.  It  would  have  been  questionable  generalship  to 
permit  those  inexperienced,  undisciplined,  and  poorly 
armed  troops  to  attempt  to  defend  a  responsible  and 
exposed  position.  They  remained  at  New  York,  where 
the  orders  of  the  week  required  every  officer  and  man  to 
be  in  camp  subject  to  immediate  call.  Humphreys  was 
undoubtedly  at  his  post  with  the  second  regiment.  In  a 
fortnight's  time  he  was  himself  to  experience  a  day  as 
exciting  as  August  27th. 

When  the  last  soldier  had  been  safely  landed  from  Long 
Island  the  various  brigades  were  assigned  to  the  most 
available  positions  for  the  defence  of  New  York  City  from 
the  attack  which  would  soon  be  made  both  by  sea  and 
land.  Brigades  from  Connecticut,  New  York  and  Mas 
sachusetts,  under  the  general  oversight  of  Gen.  Putnam, 
guarded  the  East  River  as  far  as  Fiftieth  Street ;  those  of 
Gen.  Spencer,  Horn's  Hook  and  Harlem;  while  Gen. 


62  Early  Battles 

Heath  with  two  brigades  kept  watch  over  Kingsbridge 
and  the  West  Chester  shore. 

While  the  troops  were  confident  that  the  British  would 
not  long  delay  their  descent  upon  the  city  they  were  not  at 
first  depressed  and  performed  cheerfully  their  dreary  guard 
duty. 

The  situation  of  the  army  was,  however,  very  critical. 
A  large  number  of  loyalists  were  resident  in  New  York, 
and  the  loss  of  the  Long  Island  defences  made  certain  the 
loss  of  New  York  as  the  British  could  command  the  city 
with  their  guns  on  Brooklyn  Heights.  Several  thoughtful 
patriots  counselled  Washington  to  burn  and  abandon  the 
city,  among  them  Gen.  Greene  and  John  Jay.  This 
advice  was  largely  the  result  of  a  disinclination  to  turn 
over  such  a  well-provided  and  convenient  capital  to  the 
enemy,  as  a  base  for  their  future  operations. 

At  a  council  of  war  held  on  September  9th,  it  was  deter 
mined  to  withdraw  the  main  body  of  troops  from  the 
city  and  concentrate  the  army  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Harlem  and  on  its  Heights.  Five  thousand  men  were 
to  be  left  to  hold  the  various  forts  and  entrenchments  in 
the  city  and  on  the  East  River  until  all  the  military 
stores  could  be  moved  out.  Humphreys  was  with  this 
body  of  troops.  In  the  reorganization  of  the  Army  on 
August  3  ist,  Col.  Gold  S.  Silliman,  of  Fan-field,  Connecti 
cut,  who  had  been  through  the  Long  Island  operations, 
was  put  in  command  of  a  brigade  of  which  Col.  Thomp 
son's  Second  Regiment,  lately  under  Wolcott,  was  a  part. 
It  was  posted  in  the  city,  where  most  of  its  men  had  been 
encamped  since  their  arrival.  Their  parade  ground  was 
the  present  City  Hall  Park.  Here  they  remained  in  con 
stant  expectation  that  the  enemy  would  cross  the  East 
River  to  capture  the  city,  and  they  realized  their  precarious 
situation.  As  Putnam  had  the  general  command  of  that 
section  of  the  Island,  and  still  maintained  his  headquarters 


Battle  at  Kip's  Bay  63 

on  lower  Broadway,  his  presence  probably  tended  to 
keep  up  the  confidence  and  courage  of  the  militiamen. 
In  two  weeks  the  enemy  made  their  second  move,  and 
Putnam's  division  had  to  meet  the  brunt  of  it.  Adjutant 
Humphreys,  as  we  shall  see,  bore  his  share,  barely  escaping 
capture  as  a  prisoner  after  a  day  of  strenuous  exertion. 

On  the  early  morning  of  Sunday,  September  I5th,  after 
the  Rose,  Roebuck,  Orpheus,  Phcenix,  and  Carysfort,  British 
war  vessels,  had  been  assembling  in  Wallabout  Bay  for  ten 
days  and  gathering  the  troops,  eighty-four  boats  containing 
the  advance  division  with  Col.  Donnop's  grenadiers  and 
Yagers,  under  the  command  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  and 
Lord  Cornwallis,  and  protected  by  the  guns  of  the  frigates, 
drew  up  in  line  to  cross  to  New  York,  three  miles  above 
the  city.  "They  looked,"  said  a  soldier  at  Kip's  Bay, 
"like  a  large  clover  field  in  full  bloom."  At  the  same 
time  a  constant  and  deadly  cannonade  commenced  from 
the  batteries  of  the  five  war-ships.  Col.  Douglas,  who  was 
in  command  at  Kip's  Bay,  near  the  foot  of  East  Thirty- 
fourth  Street,  found  it  impossible  to  return  the  fire  with 
any  effect.  "It  came  like  a  peal  of  thunder  and  the  mili 
tiamen  could  do  nothing  but  keep  well  under  cover.  The 
guns  sent  such  a  deadly  fire  that  no  resistance  could  be 
made."1 

Finally  the  order  was  given  to  retreat.  This  was  done 
without  any  regularity  or  conduct  by  any  superior  officer. 
The  entrenchments  were  abandoned  and  the  soldiers 
sought  safety  in  the  upper  part  of  the  Island,  hurrying 
along  the  road  from  the  Bay  to  the  Boston  Post  Road.  The 
British  soon  after  landed  at  Kip's  Bay  and  went  in  pur 
suit  of  the  panic-stricken  men.  Near  the  present  Forty  - 

1  Prof.  Henry  P.  Johnston's  Campaign  of  1776,  p.  232.  All  accounts 
agree  that  it  was  impossible  to  remain  under  the  fire  of  the  battleships. 
See  the  statements  of  Major  Nicholas  Fish,  Colonels  Gold  S.  Silliman  and 
Wm.  Douglas,  as  given  in  Johnston's  Campaign. 


64  Early  Battles 

first  Street  there  was  a  cross-road  connecting  the  Bloom- 
ingdale  Road  and  the  Post  Road.  Upon  the  hill  known 
then  as  "Inclenberg  Heights"  was  the  residence  of  Mr. 
Robert  Murray  and  his  hospitable  and  patriotic  wife, 
Mary  Lindley  Murray.  This  house  stood  near  the  present 
corner  of  Thirty-sixth  Street  and  Fourth  (or  Park)  Avenue. 
Upon  the  south  side  of  the  cross-road  was  a  large  corn 
field  belonging  to  Mr.  Murray.  As  soon  as  Washington 
learned  of  the  landing  and  of  the  panic  among  the  troops, 
he  with  several  members  of  his  staff  proceeded  rapidly  down 
the  Island  from  his  new  headquarters  on  Harlem  Heights, 
and  took  up  his  position  on  the  rising  ground  near  the 
corner  of  the  present  Fifth  Avenue  and  Forty-second 
Street.  Putnam  also  rode  up  hot  haste  from  the  city  to 
note  the  situation.  Washington  saw  the  frightened  mili 
tia  of  Fellows 's  Brigade  coming  by  the  Post  Road  and 
the  enemy  in  pursuit,  also  Parsons 's  Brigade  in  disorder 
advancing  by  the  Bloomingdale  Road.  He  directed 
them  in  person  to  form  along  the  line  of  the  Post  Road; 
"Take  the  walls;  take  the  cornfield,"  he  shouted,  and 
Parsons 's  men  quickly  ran  to  the  wall  and  field  but  in  a 
confused  and  disordered  manner.  Their  General  did  his 
best  to  get  them  into  line  on  the  ground  but  found  it 
impossible,  they  were  so  dispersed,  and,  moreover,  they 
were  now  beginning  to  retreat.  The  panic  which  had 
seized  the  Connecticut  militia  was  communicated  to 
Fellows' s  Massachusetts  men  who  were  also  militia,  and 
now  it  was  to  sweep  up  Parsons' s  Continentals  including 
Prescott's  men  of  Bunker  Hill.  To  Washington  all 
this  confusion  and  rout  seemed  wholly  unnecessary  and 
unreasonable  and  dashing  in  among  the  flying  crowds  he 
endeavoured  to  convince  them  that  there  was  no  danger, 
and  used  his  utmost  exertions  to  bring  them  into  some 
order.  He  was  roused  to  more  than  indignation  at  the 
sight,  and  in  his  letter  to  Congress  on  the  following 


Retreat  to  Harlem  65 

day  denounced  the  conduct  of  these  troops  as  "  disgrace 
ful  and  dastardly."  Putnam,  Parsons,  Fellows,  and 
others  were  equally  active  in  attempting  to  stop  the  flight, 
but  it  was  to  no  purpose.  "The  very  demon  of  fear  and 
disorder,"  says  Martin,  "seemed  to  take  full  possession 
of  all  and  everything  on  that  day."  Nothing  remained 
but  to  continue  the  retreat  by  the  Bloomingdale  Road, 
now  upper  Broadway,  to  Harlem  Heights.1 

By  these  movements  around  Kip's  Bay  and  Murray 
Hill,  the  safety  of  Silliman's  brigade  and  the  artillery  in 
the  city,  three  miles  below,  was  seriously  threatened. 
Hearing  of  the  enemy's  landing,  Silliman  marched  his 
men  from  the  "Fields"  to  the  American  fortified  position 
along  the  line  of  Grand  Street,  running  east  and  west, 
and  took  post  at  Fort  "Bunker  Hill,"  as  it  was  called, 
erected  on  an  elevation  on  Mr.  Bayard's  grounds,  west  of 
the  Bowery.  The  two  or  three  artillery  companies  in 
the  city  joined  him  there.  As  Gen.  Putnam  was  dashing 
to  various  points  to  call  in  the  scattered  guards,  one  of  his 
aides,  Major  Aaron  Burr,2  rode  up  to  "Bunker  Hill"  fort 
and  informed  Silliman  that  his  only  chance  of  escape  lay 
in  an  immediate  and  rapid  march  across  to  the  west  side  of 
the  Island  and  then  by  way  of  lanes  and  paths  along  the 
North  River  to  Harlem  Heights.  Silliman  started  at  once, 
for  time  was  precious,  and  succeeded  in  escaping  by  a 
narrow  margin.  Putnam  joined  the  retreating  brigade 
and  conducted  it  through  the  woods  and  against  alarms 
with  something  of  his  old  Indian-war  stealth,  dash,  and 
intrepidity. 

Let  Humphreys  tell  us  of  the  day's  experiences,  for  he  was 
present  with  his  regiment  and  a  valuable  eye-witness.  It  is 
the  best  and  most  graphic  picture  of  the  scene  that  we  have : 

1  Prof.  Johnston's  Campaign  of  1776,  p.  235. 

2  Gen.  Putnam's  two  aides  at  this  time  were  his  son  Major  Daniel  Putnam 
and  Major  Burr. 

VOL.  i — 5 


66  Early  Battles 

On  Sunday,  the  fifteenth,  the  British  after  sending  three 
ships  of  war  up  the  North  River  to  Bloomingdale  and  keeping 
up,  for  some  hours,  a  severe  cannonade  on  our  lines,  from  those 
already  in  the  East  River,  landed  in  force  at  Turtle  (Kip's) 
Bay — our  new  Levies  commanded  by  a  state  Brigadier  General, 
fled  without  making  resistance.  Two  Brigades  of  General 
Putnam's  Division,  ordered  to  their  support,  notwithstanding 
the  exertions  of  their  Brigadiers,  and  of  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  himself,  who  came  up  at  the  instant  conducted  them 
selves  in  the  same  shameful  manner.  His  Excellency  then 
ordered  the  Heights  of  Harlem,  a  strong^position,  to  be  occu 
pied.  Thither  the  forces  in  the  vicinity,  as  well  as  the  fug 
itives,  repaired.  In  the  meantime  Gen.  Putnam,  with  the 
remainder  of  his  command  and  the  ordinary  outposts,  was  in  the 
city.  After  having  caused  the  Brigades  to  begin  their  retreat 
by  the  route  of  Bloomingdale,  in  order  to  avoid  the  enemy, 
who  were  then  in  possession  of  the  main  road  leading  to  Kings- 
bridge,  he  galloped  to  call  off  the  pickets  and  guards.  Hav 
ing  myself  been  a  Volunteer  in  his  division  and  acting  Adjutant 
to  the  last  Regiment  that  left  the  city,  I  had  frequent  oppor 
tunities  that  day  of  beholding  him,  for  the  purpose  of  issuing 
orders  and  encouraging  the  troops,  flying,  on  his  horse  covered 
with  foam,  wherever  his  presence  was  most  necessary.  With 
out  his  extraordinary  exertions  the  guards  must  have  been 
inevitably  lost,  and  it  is  probable  the  entire  Corps  would 
have  been  cut  in  pieces.  When  we  were  not  far  from  Bloom 
ingdale,  an  Aid  de  Camp  came  from  him  at  full  speed  to 
inform,  that  a  column  of  British  infantry  was  descending  upon 
our  right.  Our  rear  was  soon  fired  upon,  and  the  Colonel  of 
our  regiment,  (Col.  Thompson),  (whose  order  was  just  com 
municated  for  the  front  to  file  off  to  the  left)  was  killed  on  the 
spot.  With  no  other  loss,  we  joined  the  army,  after  dark, 
on  the  Heights  of  Harlem. 

Before  our  Brigades  came  in,  we  were  given  up  for  lost 
by  our  friends.  So  critical  indeed  was  our  situation  and  so 
narrow  the  gap  by  which  we  escaped,  that  the  instant  we  had 
passed,  the  enemy  closed  in  by  extending  their  line  from  river 
to  river.  Our  men,  who  had  been  fifteen  hours  under  arms, 


Retreat  to  Harlem  67 

harrassed  by  marching  and  countermarching  in  consequence  of 
incessant  alarms,  exhausted  as  they  were  by  heat  and  thirst 
(for  the  day  proved  insupportably  hot  and  few  or  none  had 
canteens  insomuch  that  some  died  at  the  brooks  where  they 
drank)  if  attacked,  could  have  made  but  feeble  resistance.1 
Hezekiah  Packard,  a  Connecticut  soldier,  has  left  us  in 
his  Reminiscences  a  vivid  picture  of  that  day.  He  says : 

Soon  after  this  our  troops  left  Long  Island,  and  we  were 
ordered  to  evacuate  New  York.  It  was  a  Sabbath  in  the  last 
part  of  August  or  first  of  September.  The  heat  was  extreme, 
the  roads  were  crowded  with  troops,  with  men,  women  and 
children,  cattle,  goods  and  chattels,  all  overspread  with  thick 
clouds  of  dust.  The  retreat  was  precipitate  and  confused. 
Many  were  injured  by  drinking  cold  water.  One  died  near 
the  well  where  he  drank.  It  was  a  day  of  alarm  and  confusion, 
perplexity  and  fatigue,  more  noticeable  as  it  was  the  Sabbath. 
The  night  following  was  dark  and  rainy.  I  slept  on  the  ground 
under  a  blanket,  with  my  captain,  who  always  treated  me  as 
a  son. 

The  disaster  of  the  day  would  have  been  greater  had 
the  British  generals  and  their  staff  been  actively  in  the 
field  with  their  Commands.  It  is  said  that  when  Sir  Wil 
liam  Howe  with  his  staff  and  Governor  Tryon  approached 
Inclenberg  Heights,  Mrs.  Murray,  whose  husband  was 
absent,  cordially  invited  them  to  alight  and  take  some 
refreshments.  They  gladly  accepted  the  invitation  and 
spent  agreeably  two  hours  in  that  stately  and  hospitable 
house  charmed  by  the  conversation  of  its  accomplished 
mistress  and  gratified  with  the  wines  and  dainties  set 
before  them. 2  So  runs  the  pretty  legend. 

1  Humphreys'  Life  of  General  Putnam,  edition  of  1788,  pp.  131-133. 

3  See  Oration  by  the  Hon.  John  Jay  in  Commemoration  of  the  Battle 
of  Harlem  Plains,  on  its  One  Hundredth  Anniversary,  by  the  New  York 
State  Historical  Society,  p.  19.  Issued  by  the  Society,  New  York, 
MDCCCLXVI. 


68  Early  Battles 

In  this  interval  Putnam's  men  pushed  on  and  reached 
their  encampment  without  serious  loss. 

That  night  [adds  Humphreys],  our  soldiers  excessively  fa 
tigued  by  the  sultry  march  of  the  day,  their  cloaths  wet  by  a 
severe  shower  of  rain  that  succeeded  towards  the  evening,  their 
blood  chilled  by  the  cold  wind  that  produced  a  sudden  change 
in  the  temperature  of  the  air,  and  their  hearts  sunk  within  them 
by  the  loss  of  baggage,  artillery,  and  works  in  which  they  had 
been  taught  to  put  great  confidence,  lay  upon  their  arms, 
covered  only  by  clouds  of  an  uncomfortable  sky.  To  retrieve 
our  disordered  affairs  and  prevent  the  enemy  from  profiting 
by  them,  no  exertion  was  relaxed,  no  vigilance  remitted  on 
the  part  of  our  higher  officers.  The  Regiments  which  had 
been  least  exposed  to  fatigue  that  day,  furnished  the  necessary 
picquets  to  secure  the  army  from  surprise.  Those,  whose 
military  lives  had  been  short  and  unpracticed,  felt  enough 
besides  lassitude  of  body  to  disquiet  the  tranquillity  of  their 
repose.  Nor  had  those,  who  were  older  in  service  and  of 
more  experience,  any  subject  for  consolation.  The  warmth  of 
enthusiasm  seemed  to  be  extinguished.  The  force  of  discipline 
had  not  sufficiently  occupied  its  place  to  give  men  a  depend 
ence  upon  each  other. I 

On  the  following  day,  Monday  the  i6th,  a  party  of  over 
one  hundred  rangers  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Knowlton  of  Connecticut  was  sent  out  before 
daybreak  to  learn  the  exact  location  of  the  British  advance 
guard.  After  passing  over  the  ridge  known  as  Blooming- 
dale  Heights,  and  at  that  time  as  Vanderwater  Heights,2 
they  encountered  near  its  southern  limit  a  large  body 
composed  of  the  British  Light  Infantry,  the  Forty-second 
Highlanders,  and  the  German  "Yagers."  A  brief  but 

1  Humphreys'  Life  of  Gen.  Putnam,  pp.  124,  125. 

3  Columbia  University,  St.  Luke's  Hospital,  and  the  Cathedral  of  St. 
John  the  Divine  occupy  a  portion  of  the  ground.  The  Heights  are  now 
Morningside  Heights. 


Battle  of  Harlem  Heights  69 

brisk  encounter  ensued.  The  Colonel,  perceiving  that  the 
British  were  pressing  heavily  upon  his  flank,  ordered  a 
retreat.  At  the  northern  end  of  the  ridge,  the  American 
troops  re-formed.  In  the  meantime  the  heavy  firing  had 
attracted  the  attention  of  Washington.  Reports  of  the 
skirmish  were  brought  to  him,  and  he  at  once  rode  down  to 
the  outposts,  where  he  saw  that  there  was  an  opportunity 
for  a  victory  over  the  enemy.  He  ordered  Col.  Knowlton 
to  advance  against  the  three  hundred  troops  concealed 
in  the  woods,  sending  to  his  aid  Major  Leitch,  with  three 
companies  of  Col.  Weedon's  Virginians,  and  attack  them 
in  the  rear.  A  feint  of  an  attack  was  to  be  made  in  front, 
thus  diverting  the  main  body  of  the  enemy,  who  "immedi 
ately  ran  down  the  hill  to  the  round  meadow  at  its  foot. " 
Here  they  were  met  by  a  determined  force  and  quickly 
compelled  "to  retreat  to  a  clear  field,  about  two  hundred 
paces,  (eight  hundred  feet  distant)  where  they  lodged 
themselves  behind  a  fence  covered  with  bushes. "  While  a 
continuous  firing  was  kept  up  by  the  American  troops, 
under  which  the  British  began  to  give  way,  it  was  not  until 
two  field  pieces  were  levelled  upon  them  that  they  once 
more  retreated  up  the  eastern  slope  of  the  hill.  It  was 
then  that  Col.  Knowlton  and  Major  Leitch  with  their 
commands  came  upon  the  enemy's  flank.  They  appear  to 
have  mistaken  the  latter's  position  and  attacked  too  soon, 
but  the  men  climbed  the  rocks,  and  gave  battle.  Early 
in  the  engagement  Major  Leitch  was  mortally  wounded 
and  a  little  later  Knowlton  fell.  The  junction  of  the 
Forty-second  Highlanders  with  the  exhausted  Light  In 
fantry  enabled  the  British,  after  a  brisk  conflict,  to  make 
their  stand  in  a  buckweat  field,  about  opposite  Columbia 
University,  where  the  battle  raged  fiercely.  After  a  two 
hours'  contest,  American  reinforcements  having  arrived, 
the  British  again  retreated.  Our  men  were  encouraged  by 
the  presence,  and  the  brave,  cheering  words  and  deeds  of 


70  Early  Battles 

Gen.  Putnam,  Gen.  Greene,  Adjutant-General  Joseph 
Reed,  Colonel  Tilghman,  and  others  of  Washington's 
staff.  The  British  were  driven  from  the  buckwheat  field 
to  an  orchard.  From  this  vantage  ground  they  were  soon 
forced,  and  after  vainly  attempting  a  further  stand  they 
were  "driven  across  a  hollow,  and  up  a  hill  not  far  distant 
from  their  own  encampment,"  now  known  to  be  on  the 
line  of  Broadway,  south  of  iO7th  Street. J 

It  was  at  this  juncture,  when  the  British  had  been 
driven  back,  that  Washington,  desiring  to  retain  the  advan 
tage  already  gained,  withdrew  his  troops  from  the  field. 
He  was  also  aware  that  large  reinforcements  for  the  enemy 
were  on  the  march,  which  would  involve  a  general  engage 
ment,  which  was  the  one  thing  he  wished  to  avoid  at  that 
time.  General  George  Clinton  says  of  this  battle,  "It 
has  animated  our  troops,  gave  them  new  spirit,  and  erased 
every  bad  impression  the  retreat  from  Long  Island  etc., 
had  left  on  their  minds;  they  find  they  are  able  with 
inferior  Numbers  to  drive  their  Enemy,  and  think  of 
nothing  now  but  conquest. ' ' 2 

Humphreys  was  a  witness  of  the  affair,  and  has  thus 
concisely  described  it  in  his  Life  of  Putnam : 

Next  morning  several  parties  of  the  enemy  appeared  upon 
the  plains  in  our  front.  On  receiving  this  intelligence,  General 
Washington  rode  quickly  to  the  out-posts,  for  the  purpose  of 
preparing  against  an  attack,  if  the  enemy  should  advance  with 
that  design. 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Knowlton's  Rangers  (a  fine  selection 
from  the  eastern  Regiments),  who  had  been  skirmishing  with 
an  advance  party,  came  in  and  informed  the  General,  that  a 
body  of  British  were  under  cover  of  a  small  eminence  at  no 

1  H.  P.  Johnston's  Battle  of  Harlem  Heights. 

3  MS.  Letter  of  Gen.  George  Clinton  to  the  New  York  Convention  in 
New  York  Historical  Society  MSS.  Inserted  in  Commemoration  of  the 
Battle  of  Harlem  Plains,  p.  52. 


Battle  of  Harlem  Heights  71 

considerable  distance.  His  Excellency,  willing  to  raise  our 
men  from  their  dejection  by  the  splendor  of  some  little  success, 
ordered  Lieutenant  Colonel  Knowlton,  with  his  Rangers,  and 
Major  Leitch  with  three  Companies  of  Weeden's  Regiment  of 
Virginians  to  gain  their  rear ;  while  appearances  should  be  made 
of  an  attack  in  front.  As  soon  as  the  enemy  saw  the  party 
sent  to  decoy  them,  they  ran  precipitately  down  the  hill,  took 
possession  of  some  fences  and  bushes,  and  commenced  a  brisk 
firing  at  long  shot. 

Unfortunately  Knowlton  and  Leitch  made  their  onset  rather 
in  flank  than  in  rear.  The  enemy  changed  their  front,  and  the 
skirmish  at  once  became  close  and  warm.  Major  Leitch  hav 
ing  received  three  balls  through  his  side,  was  soon  borne  from 
the  field,1  and  Colonel  Knowlton,  (who  had  distinguished 
himself  gallantly  at  the  Battle  of  Bunker-Hill)  was  mortally 
wounded  soon  after.  Their  men,  however,  undaunted  by 
these  disasters,  stimulated  by  the  thirst  of  revenge  for  the 
loss  of  their  leaders,  and  conscious  of  acting  under  the  eye  of 
the  Commander-in-Chief,  maintained  the  conflict  with  un 
common  spirit  and  perseverance.  But  the  General,  seeing 
them  in  need  of  support,  advanced  part  of  the  Maryland  Regi 
ments  of  Griffith  and  Richardson,  together  with  some  detach 
ments  from  the  eastern  Corps  as  chanced  to  be  contiguous 
to  the  place  of  action.  Our  troops  this  day,  without  exception, 
behaved  with  the  greatest  intrepidity.  So  bravely  did  they 
repulse  the  British,  that  Sir  William  Howe  moved  his  Reserve 
with  two  field  pieces,  a  battalion  of  Hessian  Grenadiers,  and 
a  Company  of  Chasseurs  to  succour  his  retreating  troops. 

General  Washington,  not  willing  to  draw  on  a  general 
action  declined  pressing  the  pursuit.  In  this  engagement 
were  the  second  and  third  Battalions  of  Light  Infantry,  and  the 
forty-second  British  regiment,  and  the  German  Chasseurs, 
of  whom  eight  officers,  and  upwards  of  seventy  privates  were 
wounded,  and  our  people  buried  nearly  twenty  who  were  left 
dead  on  the  field.  We  had  about  forty  wounded,  our  loss  in 

1  Major  Leitch  after  languishing  some  days  died  of  lockjaw,  and  Colonel 
Knowlton  died  as  the  battle  closed. 


72  Early  Battles 

killed,  except  of  two  valuable  officers,  was  very  inconsiderable. 
An  advantage,  so  trivial  in  itself,  produced,  in  event,  a  sur 
prising  and  almost  incredible  effect  upon  the  whole  army. 
Among  the  troops  not  engaged,  who  during  the  action  were 
throwing  earth  from  the  new  trenches,  with  an  alacrity  that 
indicated  a  determination  to  defend  them,  every  visage  was 
seen  to  brighten,  and  to  assume,  instead  of  the  gloom  of 
dispair,  the  glow  of  animation.  This  change,  not  less  sudden 
than  happy,  left  little  room  to  doubt  that  the  men,  who  ran 
the  day  before  at  the  sight  of  the  enemy,  would  now,  (to  wipe 
away  the  stain  of  that  disgrace,  and  to  recover  the  confidence 
of  their  General),  have  conducted  themselves  in  a  very  different 
manner. x 

The  position  which  Silliman's  brigade,  including  Hum 
phreys'  regiment,  occupied  during  this  affair  is  known  to 
have  been  on  the  American  line  of  works  thrown  up  across 
the  Heights  at  about  I47th  Street,  just  below  which,  near 
the  centre,  Alexander  Hamilton  subsequently  erected  his 
mansion  called  "Hamilton  Grange."  Colonel  Silliman 
briefly  confirms  Humphreys'  reference  to  the  work  on  the 
trenches  while  the  battle  was  going  on  half  a  mile  in  front. 
When  the  fighting  began,  says  the  Colonel, 

our  brigades  where  I  am  were  immediately  ordered  under 
arms,  but  as  the  enemy  did  not  then  advance  we  grounded 
our  arms  and  took  spades  and  shovels  and  went  to  work 
and  before  night  had  thrown  up  lines  across  the  Island  .  .  . 
where  before  there  was  nothing  but  three  little  redoubts.2 

1  In  addition  to  Humphreys'  account  the  authorities  upon  the  Battle 
of  Harlem  Heights  are,  the  Hon.  John  Jay's  Commemorative  Address  with  its 
appendix  of  "Contemporary  Accounts,"  and  The  Battle  of  Harlem  Heights, 
September  16, 1776,  with  a  view  of  the  events  of  the  Campaign,  by  Henry  P. 
Johnston,  A.M.     The  latter  has  shown  that  the  engagement  occurred  in  the 
vicinity  of  General  Grant's  tomb  on  Riverside  Drive  and  west  of  Columbia 
University,  instead  of  east  as  previously  supposed.     Barnard  College 
stands  directly  on  the  path  of  the  fighting. 

2  Johnston's  Campaign  around  New  York,  p.  55  of  Documents. 


The  American  " Turtle"  73 

An  episode  of  this  Campaign  which  Humphreys  par 
ticularly  notices  was  the  attempt  to  blow  up  a  British  War 
Ship  in  the  Harbour  by  means  of  a  newly  contrived  sub 
marine  torpedo  craft.  It  occurred  about  September  6th 
while  he  was  still  encamped  In  the  City.  From  the  fulness 
of  the  details,  and  the  vividness  of  the  description,  we  must 
assume  that  he  was  an  eye-witness  of  the  enterprise  so  far 
as  it  could  be  viewed  from  the  Battery  at  New  York. 
To  quote  from  his  Life  of  Putnam: 

It  was  the  latter  end  of  June  when  the  British  fleet,  which 
had  been  at  Halifax  waiting  for  reinforcements  from  Europe, 
began  to  arrive  at  New-York.  To  obstruct  its  passage  some 
marine  preparations  had  been  made.  General  Putnam  to 
whom  the  directions  of  the  whale  boats,  fire  rafts,  flat  bottomed 
boats  and  armed  vessels  was  committed,  afforded  his  patron 
age  to  a  project  for  destroying  the  enemy's  shipping  by  explo 
sion.  A  Machine,  altogether  different  from  anything  hitherto 
devised  by  the  art  of  man,  had  been  invented  by  Mr.  David 
Bushnell,  for  submarine  navigation,  which  was  found  to  answer 
the  purpose  perfectly  of  rowing  horizontally  at  any  given  depth 
under  water,  and  of  rising  or  sinking  at  pleasure.  To  this  Maga 
zine  (called  the  American  Turtle)  was  attached  a  Magazine  of 
Powder,  which  it  was  intended  to  be  fastened  under  the  bottom 
of  a  ship  with  a  driving  screw ;  in  such  sort  that  the  same  stroke 
which  disengaged  it  from  the  Machine  should  put  the  internal 
clock-work  in  motion.  This  being  done,  the  ordinary  oper 
ation  of  a  gun-lock  (at  the  distance  of  half  an  hour,  an  hour, 
or  any  determinate  time)  would  cause  the  powder  to  explode 
and  leave  the  effects  to  the  common  laws  of  nature.  The 
simplicity,  yet  combination  discovered  in  the  mechanism  of 
this  wonderful  machine,  were  acknowledged  by  those  skilled 
in  Phy sicks,  and  particularly  Hydraulics,  to  be  not  less  in 
genious  than  novel.  The  Inventor  whose  constitution  was  too 
feeble  to  permit  him  to  perform  the  labour  of  rowing  the 
Turtle,  had  taught  his  brother  to  manage  it  with  perfect 
dexterity;  but  unfortunately  his  brother  fell  sick  of  a  fever 


74  Early  Battles 

just  before  the  arrival  of  the  fleet.  Recourse  was  therefore 
had  to  a  Sergeant  in  the  Connecticut  troops;  who,  having 
received  whatever  instruction  could  be  communicated  to  him 
in  a  short  time,  went  (too  late  in  the  night)  with  all  the  appara 
tus  under  the  bottom  of  the  Eagle  a  sixty-four  gun  ship  on 
board  of  which  the  British  Admiral,  Lord  Howe,  commanded. 
In  coming  up,  the  screw,  that  had  been  calculated  to  perforate 
the  copper  sheathing,  unluckily  struck  against  some  iron  plates, 
where  the  rudder  is  connected  with  the  stern.  This  accident, 
added  to  the  strength  of  tide  which  prevailed  and  the  want 
of  adequate  skill  in  the  Sergeant,  occasioned  such  delay  that 
the  dawn  of  day  began  to  appear;  whereupon  he  abandoned 
the  Magazine  to  chance,  and  (after  gaining  proper  distance) 
for  the  sake  of  expedition,  rowed  on  the  surface  towards  the 
town.  General  Putnam,  who  had  been  on  the  wharf  anx 
iously  expecting  the  result  from  the  first  glimmering  of  light, 
beheld  the  machine  near  Governor's  Island  and  sent  a  whale- 
boat  to  bring  it  on  shore.  In  about  twenty  minutes  afterwards 
the  Magazine  exploded  and  blew  a  vast  column  of  water  to  an 
amazing  height  in  the  air.  As  the  whole  business  had  been 
kept  an  inviolable  secret,  he  was  not  a  little  diverted  with  the 
various  conjectures,  whether  this  stupendous  noise  was  pro 
duced  by  a  bomb,  a  meteor,  a  water-spout  or  an  earthquake. 
Other  operations  of  the  most  serious  nature  rapidly  succeeded 
and  prevented  a  repetition  of  the  experiment. 

This  account  is  written  with  such  spirit  that  we  can 
readily  recognize  the  sympathy  our  young  Captain  had 
for  the  inventor,  who  was  also  from  Connecticut,  and  a 
fellow  Yale  man,  and  we  can  almost  see  him  as  he  may 
have  stood  beside  his  General  on  the  East  River  Wharf 
before  dawn  on  that  summer  morning  waiting  for  the 
report  that  should  signalize  the  destruction  of  the  Eagle. r 

1  The  Sergeant  who  manipulated  the  "  Turtle  "  on  this  occasion  was  Ezra 
Lee,  of  Lyme,  Connecticut,  and  from  him  in  after  life  Humphreys  secured 
a  full  account  of  the  night's  adventure.  Another  account  of  the  affair 
appears  in  the  American  Journal  of  Science,  Vol.  II.,  p.  94  (1820),  at  the  close 


' ' Battle  of  the  Kegs"  75 

Humphreys  subjoins  the  following  note  respecting  his 
countryman : 

David  Bushnell,  A.M.  of  Saybrook  in  Connecticut,  invented 
several  other  machines  for  the  annoyance  of  shipping;  these 
from  accidents,  not  militating  against  the  philosophical 
principles,  on  which  their  success  depended,  only  partially 
succeeded.  He  destroyed  a  vessel  in  the  charge  of  Commodore 
Symmonds,  whose  report  to  the  Admiral  was  published.  One 
of  his  kegs  also  demolished  a  vessel  near  the  Long  Island 
shore.  About  Christmas  1777  he  committed  to  the  Delaware 
a  number  of  kegs,  destined  to  fall  among  the  British  fleet  at 
Philadelphia ;  but  his  squadron  of  Kegs,  having  been  separated 
and  retarded  by  the  ice,  demolished  but  a  single  boat.  This 
catastrophe,  however,  produced  an  alarm,  unprecedented  in 
its  nature  and  degree ;  which  has  been  so  happily  described  in 
the  subsequent  Song  by  the  Hon.  Francis  Hopkinson,  that 
the  event  it  celebrates  will  not  be  forgotten  so  long  as  man 
kind  shall  continue  to  be  delighted  with  works  of  humour 
and  taste : 

The  Battle  of  the  Kegs;  a  Song, — Tune,  Moggy  Lawder. 

Gallants,  attend,  and  hear  a  friend 

Trill  forth  harmonious  ditty ; 
Strange  things  I'll  tell,  which  late  befell, 

In  Philadelphia  city. 

'Twas  early  day,  as  poets  say, 

Just  when  the  sun  was  rising, 
A  soldier  stood  on  log  of  wood, 

And  saw  a  sight  surprising. 

of  which  Lee  says:  "Gen.  Putnam,  with  many  other  officers,  stood  on  the 
shore  spectators  of  this  explosion."  Humphreys  was  possibly  one  of  the 
spectators.  This  episode  is  treated  elaborately  and  scientifically  by  the 
late  General  Abbot,  U.  S.  Engineer  Corps,  in  his  pamphlet  The  Beginning 
of  Modern  Submarine  Warfare. 


76  Early  Battles 

As  in  a  maze  he  stood  to  gaze 
The  truth  can't  be  denied,  Sir, 

He  spied  a  score  of  Kegs  or  more, 
Come  floating  down  the  tide,  Sir. 

A  sailor,  too,  in  jerkin  blue, 

The  strange  appearance  viewing, 

First  damn'd  his  eyes,  in  great  surprise, 
Then  said — "Some  mischief's  Brewing. " 

and  so  on  for  eighteen  more  verses. 


CHAPTER  VI 

Early  Battles  (Continued) 

Impossibility  of  Holding  the  Island  of  Manhattan — Or  Even  Fort  Wash 
ington — Eagerness  of  Militia  to  Return  to  their  Homes — Humphreys' 
Term  for  1776  Expires — Anxiety  of  Washington — Condition  of  Affairs 
Criticized  by  Humphreys — Landing  of  British  at  Throgg's  Neck — 
Heath  Sent  to  Oppose  them — Lord  Howe  Encamps  at  New  Rochelle — 
Evacuation  of  New  York  Determined  upon — Fort  Lee  Garrisoned — 
Washington  Makes  his  Headquarters  at  White  Plains — Capture  of 
Chatterton  Hill  by  British — Battle  of  White  Plains— Howe's  Strange 
Inactivity — Probable  Reasons  for  it — American  Camp  Removed 
to  North  Castle — And  thence  to  New  Jersey — Humphreys'  Narrative 
of  this  Period — Camp  at  Peekskill — Fortification  of  the  Highlands 
and  West  Point — Heath  Placed  in  Command  of  the  Highlands — Sixth 
Connecticut  Infantry  Regiment — Humphreys  Appointed  Brigade 
Major — To  General  Parsons — Tryon's  Expedition  against  Danbury — 
Attack  on  the  British — Death  of  Gen.  Wooster — Col.  Meigs's  Counter 
Expedition  to  Sag  Harbour — Its  Success — Humphreys  Sent  to  Wash 
ington  with  an  Account  of  the  Expedition. — Washington's  Return  of 
Thanks — Washington's  Camp  at  Middlebrook — Inexplicable  Conduct 
of  Lord  Howe — Dilatoriness  of  British — Precautions  Taken  by 
Washington. 

THE  great  advantage  of  the  success  at  Harlem  Heights 
was  the  confidence  it  gave  to  the  American  troops. 
It  showed  them  that  the  British  veterans  were  not  invinci 
ble.  From  a  strategic  point  of  view,  however,  it  was  not 
of  much  consequence.  Not  only  was  it  impossible  to  hold 
New  York  City,  but  even  the  fortifications  on  the  Heights 
above  Harlem,  including  Fort  Washington,  were  untenable. 

77 


78  Early  Battles 

The  earthworks  had  been  erected  with  the  hope  of  their 
being  able  to  prevent  the  passage  of  the  enemy's  ships, 
and  thus  guard  the  Hudson,  but  to  hold  them  for  some 
time  would  require  a  large  body  of  troops.  Later  it  was 
found  that  even  the  ships  could  not  be  stopped.  In  the 
true  sense  of  the  word  Fort  Washington  was  no  fortress. 
It  had  no  barracks,  fuel,  water,  or  casemates.  It  was 
merely  an  extended  open  earthwork,  and  when  Lord  Howe 
was  ready  to  attack  it  a  few  weeks  later,  its  capture  proved 
an  easy  matter. 

It  was  at  this  period  that  General  Washington  and 
such  keen-sighted  patriots  as  Humphreys  were  depressed 
by  anxiety  as  to  how  to  maintain  the  strength  of  the 
Continental  Army;  the  term  of  enlistment  of  many  of  the 
troops  was  expiring,  and  the  militia  from  Connecticut  and 
other  States  were  all  eager  to  return  to  their  homes. 
"We  are  now,"  he  writes,  late  in  September,  "as  it  were 
upon  the  eve  of  the  dissolution  of  the  army." 

Colonel  Humphreys  says  of  this  crisis : 

We  were  apparently  about  to  reap  the  bitter  fruit  of  that 
jealous  policy  which  some  leading  men  (with  the  best  motives) 
had  sown  in  our  federal  councils,  when  they  caused  the  mode 
to  be  adopted  for  carrying  on  the  war  by  detachments  of  militia 
from  apprehension  that  an  established  Continental  army 
after  defending  the  country  against  foreign  invasion  might 
subvert  its  liberties  themselves.  Paradoxical  as  it  will  appear, 
it  may  be  profitable  to  be  known  to  posterity,  that  while  our 
very  existence  as  an  independent  people  was  in  question  the 
patriotic  jealousy  for  the  safety  of  our  future  freedom  had  been 
carried  to  such  a  virtuous  but  dangerous  excess,  as  well  nigh  to 
preclude  the  attainment  of  our  independence.1 

Among  the  first  to  return  home  was  the  militia  force 
brought  down  a  month  before  by  General  Wolcott.  Not 

1  Humphreys'  Life  of  Putnam,  p.  137. 


Restlessness  of  Militia  79 

engaged  for  any  definite  term  and  miserably  equipped 
for  hard  campaigning  they  had  become  restless  and  more 
or  less  demoralized.  Many  of  the  men  had  left  camp  with 
out  leave,  and  many  were  on  the  sick  list.  Some  of  the 
regiments  could  report  but  fifty  men  for  duty.  The  Second 
Battalion,  to  which  Humphreys  belonged,  had  no  field 
officers  present.  Washington  wrote  to  Governor  Trum- 
bull  that  the  force  was  reduced  to  "almost  nothing"  and 
he  accordingly  discharged  them  all  on  September  24, 
1776,  and  another  body  under  General  Saltonstall,  of 
New  London,  took  their  place. 

As  no  further  record  of  his  personal  service  in  this 
campaign  can  be  discovered  we  infer  that  Adjutant 
Humphreys  returned  home  with  his  regiment.  He  was 
no  doubt  disgusted  with  the  conduct  of  the  militia,  as 
Governor  Trumbull  and  other  Connecticut  leaders  were, 
but  as  the  terms  of  nearly  all  the  regiments  in  Washing 
ton's  Army  would  expire  by  the  end  of  the  year,  he  could 
reconcile  himself  to  the  brief  hiatus  in  his  own  service  and 
look  forward  expectantly  to  the  re-enlistment  and  reor 
ganization  of  the  Continental  forces,  which  was  bound  to 
come,  for  a  new  opportunity  to  take  the  field.  We  shall 
presently  hear  from  him  again,  a  patriot  and  soldier, 
determined  to  stand  by  the  cause  to  the  very  end  of  the 
struggle. 

In  the  meantime  the  Campaign  went  on,  and  Hum 
phreys  continues  to  describe  or  allude  to  its  events  in  his 
Life  of  Putnam. 

About  a  month  after  his  capture  of  New  York,  or  on 
October  I2th,  Howe  made  his  third  advance  on  Washing 
ton  by  attempting  to  outflank  him  in  Westchester  County 
beyond  the  Harlem  and  the  Bronx.  Earl  Percy  was  left 
at  New  York  with  two  brigades,  and  the  main  part  of  the 
British  Army,  in  ninety  flat  boats,  was  sent  through  Hell 
Gate  into  Long  Island  Sound  and  landed  at  Throgg's  Neck. 


8o  Early  Battles 

Other  troops  including  the  Hessians,  under  Gen.  Kny- 
phausen  from  Montressor's  Island  and  Flushing,  landed  at 
Myer's  Point  near  New  Rochelle  on  October  22d. 

To  oppose  them  Washington  sent  Gen.  Heath  with  a 
strong  force  to  occupy  the  lower  part  of  Westchester 
County.  Several  skirmishes  occurred  between  the  Ameri 
cans  who  had  made  redoubts,  thrown  up  entrenchments 
near  Williams'  Bridge,  and  were  guarding  the  passes  to 
King's  Bridge,  and  the  causeways  to  Throgg's  and  Pell's 
Neck.  After  a  spirited  skirmish  with  Gen.  Glover's  bri 
gade  on  his  way  to  New  Rochelle,  Lord  Howe  encamped 
upon  the  high  ground  between  Hutchinson's  River  and 
New  Rochelle  on  the  road  to  White  Plains.  At  a  council 
of  war  held  at  the  headquarters  of  Gen.  Washington, 
the  Col.  Robert  Morris  House,  better  known  as  the 
" Madame  Jumel  Mansion,"  it  was  decided  to  abandon 
Harlem  Heights  and  concentrate  the  army  in  Westchester. 
The  four  divisions  under  Generals  Lee,  Heath,  Sullivan, 
and  Lincoln  crossed  the  Harlem  River  and  encamped  in 
entrenchments  extending  from  the  heights  of  Fordham 
to  White  Plains,  a  distance  of  nearly  thirteen  miles.  Gen. 
Greene  with  a  small  force  garrisoned  Fort  Lee  on  the  New 
Jersey  side  nearly  opposite  Fort  Washington.  When  the 
army  had  been  concentrated  and  encamped  Washington 
anxiously  awaited  the  movements  of  Lord  Howe,  who 
with  his  disciplined  and  completely  equipped  soldiers  had 
marched  toward  Scarsdale.  The  American  Camp  was 
well  entrenched,  and  Chatterton  Hill,  an  eminence  on  the 
ridge  of  the  western  side  of  the  Bronx,  which  commanded 
a  large  portion  of  the  surrounding  country,  could  be  held 
with  good  troops. 

On  the  morning  of  October  28th,  as  Gen.  Washington, 
Gen.  Lee,  and  several  members  of  his  staff  were  making 
a  reconnaissance,  to  determine  what  other  points  needed 
defending,  an  aide  brought  him  word  that  the  British  were 


Harlem  Heights  Abandoned  81 

approaching.  With  a  courteous  "Gentlemen,  there  is 
other  work  for  us, "  he  immediately  galloped  to  the  Camp, 
and  put  the  army  in  proper  position  to  resist  the  onset, 
while  Col.  Haslett's  Delaware  regiment,  known  popularly 
as  "Blue  Hen's  Chickens,"  Col.  Brooks's  Massachusetts 
regiment,  and  the  company  of  New  York  artillery,  of  which 
Capt.  Alexander  Hamilton  was  the  commander,  with 
their  two  small  field  pieces,  occupied  Chatterton  Hill. 
Haslett  and  Brooks  had  barely  reached  their  destination, 
when,  with  the  approbation  of  Gen.  Von  Heist er,  Col. 
Rahl,  with  a  large  body  of  Hessians,  halted  and  gave  them 
battle.  The  Continental  Contingent  fought  bravely,  and 
several  times  repulsed  the  enemy.  As  their  strength 
was  being  exhausted  Gen.  McDougall's  brigade  arrived, 
but  after  a  severe  struggle,  in  which  nearly  all  the  troops 
acted  with  great  bravery,  McDougall  gave  the  order  to 
retreat,  as  the  numbers  opposed  to  them  were  increasing. 
A  competent  historian  remarks :  ' '  The  fact  that  the  entire 
detachment  was  not  cut  off  from  the  main  body  of  the 
army,  and  captured  by  the  enemy,  reflects  the  highest 
honour  on  those  who  occupied  the  hill,  and  fills  one  with 
wonder  and  admiration."1 

The  enemy's  attack  upon  the  main  front  of  the  Ameri 
can  army  was  made  by  Gen.  Leslie's  division,  and  was  at 
first  met  by  Connecticut  troops  from  Gen.  Spencer's  divi 
sion  who  for  a  time  sustained  it  with  vigour,  but  as  it  grew 
more  violent  his  troops  retreated  into  the  lines.  After 
the  occupation  of  Chatterton  Hill,  by  Col.  Rahl,  Howe 
suspended  hostile  demonstrations  and  went  into  camp. 
The  contemporary  accounts  make  the  Americans'  loss 
in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  about  four  hundred,  and 
the  British  about  the  same. 

A  careful  recent  estimate  based  upon  the  regimental 
returns  of  November,  1776,  with  no  account  of  Col.  Has- 

1  H.  B.  Dawson,  in  Scharf's  Westchester  County,  p.  443. 

VOL.    I — 6 


82  Early  Battles 

lett's  and  Col.  Brooks's  regiments,  for  which  the  re 
turns  are  lacking,  makes  the  total  loss  less  than  one 
hundred. x 

That  night  Washington  carefully  removed  all  the  sick, 
sent  away  the  baggage,  and  strengthened  his  works  in 
preparation  for  the  attack  which  he  confidently  expected 
in  the  morning. 2 

Why  Gen.  Howe  refrained  from  pushing  his  advantage 
has  always  been  a  puzzle  to  military  men.  Time  and 
again  he  had  won  strategic  positions  which  would  have 
enabled  him  to  defeat  Washington  if  not  crumple  up  the 
American  forces,  yet  he  restrained  his  hand  and  did 
nothing.  In  his  Narrative  he  admits  that  he  could  have 
inflicted  damage  on  the  Americans  at  White  Plains;  but 
when  pressed  to  explain  his  reasons  for  not  carrying  on  the 
campaign  to  its  logical  conclusion  on  the  line  he  was  then 
following,  he  declined  on  the  ground  that  he  had  "political 
reasons  and  no  other  for  declining  to  explain."  On  his 
return  home  he  was  openly  accused  of  having  been  in 
league  with  the  whigs  to  let  the  rebellion  go  by  default. 
His  whole  conduct  of  the  war  did  much  to  give  colour  to 
this  accusation. 

For  the  moment  Washington  himself  was  puzzled  at 
Howe's  failure  to  follow  him  up  sharply  and  energetically 
from  White  Plains,  and  indulged  in  the  following  specu- 

1  H.  B.  Dawson,  in  Scharf's  Westchester  County,  p.  445. 

3  The  authorities  for  the  Battle  of  White  Plains  are:  William  Heath, 
Memoirs,  pp.  68,  69,  70;  Edition  of  William  Abbat,  1901;  Benjamin  Tall- 
madge,  Memoirs,  pp.  13,  14;  Wm.  B.  Reed,  Life  and  Correspondence  of 
Joseph  Reed,  i.,  pp.  246,  247;  Wm.  Hull,  Revolutionary  Services  and  Civil 
Life,  pp.  54,  55,  56;  John  Marshall,  Life  of  Washington,  ii.,  p.  502-505; 
Wm.  Gordon,  History  of  the  War  in  America,  Edition  of  1788,  ii.,  pp. 
340-342;  Washington  Irving,  Life  of  Washington,  Original  Edition,  1855, 
ii.,  pp.  390-395;  Henry  B.  Dawson,  in  Scharf's  History  of  Westchester  County, 
i.,  pp.  434-446.  Mr.  Dawson  gives,  both  in  the  text  and  notes,  extracts 
from  many  official  and  other  documents.  His  account  is  the  fullest  and 
most  modern. 


Fall  of  Fort  Washington  83 

lations  in  a  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  dated 
November  6th : 

Yesterday  the  enemy  made  a  sudden  and  unexpected  move 
ment  from  the  several  posts  they  had  taken  in  our  front.  They 
broke  up  their  whole  encampment  the  preceding  night,  and  have 
advanced  towards  Kingsbridge  and  the  North  River.  The 
design  of  this  manoeuvre  is  a  matter  of  much  conjecture  and 
speculation,  and  cannot  be  accounted  for  with  any  degree  of 
certainty.  The  grounds  we  had  taken  possession  of  were 
strong  and  advantageous  and  such  as  they  could  not  have 
gained  without  much  loss  of  blood  in  case  an  attempt  had  been 
made.  I  had  taken  every  possible  precaution  to  prevent  their 
outflanking  us;  which  may  have  led  to  the  present  measure. 
They  may  still  have  in  view  their  original  plan,  and,  by  a 
sudden  wheel,  try  to  accomplish  it  ...  (but)  I  expect  the 
enemy  will  bend  their  force  against  Fort  Washington  and 
invest  it  immediately. 

Washington's  conjecture  was  correct.  On  the  i6th 
Howe  captured  Fort  Washington  with  twenty-seven 
hundred  prisoners,  our  heaviest  loss  for  this  year,  and 
crossing  the  Hudson  into  New  Jersey  headed  southward, 
evidently  for  Philadelphia.  Anticipating  some  such  move, 
Washington  also  crossed  to  the  Jerseys  some  days  before 
Howe,  and,  with  a  portion  of  his  diminishing  army,  put 
himself  again  in  front  of  his  antagonist.  At  the  same  time 
he  dispatched  Gen.  Heath  with  a  strong  detachment  to 
guard  the  entrance  to  the  Highlands. 

Upon  the  marches  and  counter  marches  of  Washington 
and  his  small  dispirited  army  across  the  Jerseys  into 
Pennsylvania,  after  the  fall  of  Fort  Washington,  and  the 
manner  in  which  he  met  the  scarce  concealed  contempt 
and  insubordination  of  Gen.  Charles  Lee,  the  discontent  of 
the  soldiers,  and  the  want  of  supplies,  this  narrative  may 
not  dwell.  The  triumphant  conclusion  of  his  anxiety  by 
the  stormy  and  dangerous  passage  of  the  Delaware  on 


84  Early  Battles 

Christmas  night,  1776,  and  the  victory  at  Trenton  and 
Princeton  is  a  part  of  our  Revolutionary  story  that  will 
always  make  bright  the  name  of  the  brave,  wise,  and 
patient  Commander. J 

With  a  dilatoriness  which  is  simply  astounding  the 
British  troops  crawled  from  one  place  in  New  Jersey  to 
another.  Inconceivable  as  it  sounds,  yet  it  is  the  fact, 
that  they  took  four  days  to  march  from  New  Brunswick 
to  Trenton ;  they  really  appeared  to  dally  and  delay  so  as  to 
give  Washington  the  time  he  needed  to  carry  off  with  him 
all  his  scanty  war  material.  As  the  British  leisurely 
entered  Trenton,  Washington  just  crossed  the  river 
ahead  of  them.  Instead  of  pushing  on,  crushing  Washing 
ton  and  taking  Philadelphia  and  putting  an  end  to  the  war, 
Howe  quietly  rested  and  distributed  his  army  at  detached 
posts,  making  his  headquarters  in  New  York  where  he 
spent  the  winter  agreeably,  playing  cards. 

No  one  who  has  studied  the  campaign  in  the  Jerseys 
with  any  care  but  is  impressed  with  the  ease  with  which 
the  British  could  have  defeated  and  dispersed  the  Ameri 
can  forces. 

Different  as  are  the  estimates  given  by  various  authori 
ties  as  to  the  exact  number  of  troops  Washington  had 
under  his  command  during  the  New  Jersey  campaigns,  yet 
even  if  we  accept  the  highest  estimate,  the  Commander  of 
the  Continental  Army  never  had,  at  any  time,  a  force 
strong  enough  numerically  with  which  he  could  have 
successfully  resisted  the  British  Army  had  that  Army  been 
hurled  against  him.  To  take  one  crucial  test:  when 
Washington  crossed  the  Delaware  on  Christmas  Day, 
1776,  some  authorities  give  him  about  6000  men, — others 
no  more  than  3300.  Even  this  latter  figure  we  believe  to 
be  too  high.  When  the  General  re-crossed  the  Delaware 

1  Observations  on  the  Conduct  of  Sir  William  Howe  at  the  White  Plains, 
London,  1779. 


Howe's  Inactivity  85 

to  attack  the  Hessians  at  Trenton,  he  had  only  2400  men 
with  him,  as  Humphreys  states  in  his  Life  of  Putnam,  and 
as  we  know  from  other  authoritative  sources.  This  only 
makes  the  anomaly  the  greater.  On  one  side,  Howe  had 
20,000  well-trained  veterans  in  the  Jerseys;  on  the  other, 
Washington  had  but  3000  poorly  equipped  but  still 
determined  men.  The  best  that  Washington  could  hope 
for  was  the  continuance  of  a  guerilla,  or  predatory  war, 
as  he  termed  it.  "We  must  then  retire  to  Augusta 
County  in  Virginia.  Numbers  will  repair  to  us  for  safety, 
and  we  will  try  a  predatory  war.  If  overpowered,  we 
must  cross  the  Alleghany  Mountains."1 

The  great  talent  of  Washington  lay  in  his  taking  advan 
tage  of  every  folly  or  stupidity  of  the  generals  arrayed 
against  him.  He  hoped  against  hope,  and  never  let  an  oppor 
tunity  slip  by  which  he  could  in  any  way  benefit  his  cause. 

Of  this  period  Captain  Humphreys  says: 

About  the  same  time  (November  yth)  General  Putnam  was 
sent  to  the  western  side  of  the  Hudson  to  provide  against  an 
irruption  into  the  Jerseys,  and  soon  after  to  Philadelphia  to 
put  that  town  into  a  posture  of  defence.  Thither  I  attend  him, 
without  stopping  to  dilate  on  the  subsequent  incidents  that 
might  swell  a  folio,  though  here  compressed  to  a  single  para 
graph  :  without  attempting  to  give  in  detail  the  skillful  retro 
grade  movements  of  our  Commander-in-Chief,  who,  after 
detaching  a  garrison  for  Fort  Washington,  by  preoccupying 
with  extemporaneous  redoubts  and  entrenchments  the  ridges 
from  Mile-Square  to  White  Plains,  and  by  folding  one  Brigade 
behind  another  in  rear  of  those  ridges  that  run  parallel  with 
the  Sound,  brought  off  all  his  Artillery,  Stores  and  Sick,  in 
the  face  of  a  superior  foe :  without  commenting  on  the  partial 
and  equivocal  battle  fought  near  the  last  mentioned  village,  or 
the  cause  why  the  British,  then  in  full  force  (for  the  last  of  the 
Hessian  Infantry  and  British  Light-Horse  had  just  arrived),  did 

1  living's  Washington,  vol.  ii.,  chap.  xli. 


86  Early  Battles 

not  more  seriously  endeavour  to  induce  a  general  engagement : 
without  jeopardizing  their  military  manoeuvres  in  falling  back 
to  Kingsbridge,  capturing  Fort  Washington,  Fort  Lee,  and 
marching  through  the  Jerseys:  without  enumerating  the 
instances  of  rapine,  murder,  lust,  and  devastation  that  marked 
their  progress,  and  filled  our  bosoms  with  horror  and  indigna 
tion:  without  describing  how  a  division  of  our  dissolving  army, 
with  General  Washington,  was  driven  before  them  beyond  the 
Delaware:  without  painting  the  naked  and  forlorn  condition 
of  these  much  enduring  men,  amidst  the  rigours  of  an  inclement 
season:  and  without  even  sketching  the  consternation  that 
seized  the  States  at  this  perilous  period,  when  General  Lee 
(in  leading  from  the  North  a  small  reinforcement  to  our  troops) 
was  himself  taken  prisoner  by  surprise;  when  everything 
seemed  decidedly  declining  to  the  last  extremity,  and  when 
every  prospect  but  served  to  augment  the  depression  of  dispair 
— until  the  genius  of  one  man,  in  one  day,  at  a  single  stroke, 
wrested  from  the  veteran  Battalions  of  Britain  and  Germany 
the  fruits  acquired  by  the  total  operations  of  a  successful 
campaign,  and  reanimated  the  expiring  hope  of  a  whole  nation, 
by  the  glorious  enterprize  at  Trenton. 

The  detachment  for  the  lower  Highlands,  included  some 
of  the  Continental  troops,  and  was  under  command  of 
Major-Gen.  William  Heath.  The  permanent  Camp  was 
made  near  Peekskill. 

The  importance  of  controlling  the  passage  through  the 
Highlands  had  been  early  recognized  by  the  New  York 
Provincial  Congress.  The  first  attempts  to  fortify  them 
were  made  by  a  Committee  of  that  body  following  its  own 
suggestion  of  June  13,  1775.  A  Commission,  Messrs. 
Bedlow,  Grenell,  and  Bayard,  proceeded  with  an  escort 
of  twenty-four  men  to  Martelaer's  Island,  nearly  opposite 
West  Point,  which  had  been  chosen  by  Mr.  Bernard 
Romans,  a  civil  engineer  of  European  reputation,  as  a 
proper  site  for  one  of  the  forts,  for  which  the  name  Fort 
Constitution  was  chosen. 


Choice  of  West  Point  87 

Redoubts  were  to  be  erected  upon  Fort  Hill  directly 
east  of  the  present  Garrison's  station,  to  be  called  the 
North  and  South  redoubts,  and  also  upon  the  summit 
of  Sugar  Loaf  mountain.  Forts  were  to  be  constructed 
upon  either  side  of  Pooplopens  Kill  opposite  to  Anthony's 
Nose,  to  be  called  Fort  Clinton  and  Fort  Montgomery. 
On  November  8,  1775,  the  Continental  Congress  appoint 
ed  Robert  R.  Livingston,  Robert  Treat  Paine,  and  John 
Langdon  as  a  Committee  to  examine  "our  fortifications 
on  Hudson's  River,"  and  also  determined  that  a  "Com 
mander  of  the  Defences,  with  the  rank  of  Colonel," 
should  be  appointed.  The  Committee  made  its  report  on 
November  23d,  to  John  Hancock,  President  of  the  Con 
gress.  It  found  in  charge  of  the  fortifications  on  Marte- 
laer's  Rock,  the  Commissioners  of  New  York,  Messrs. 
Grenell,  Bedlow,  and  Lanman,  with  Mr.  Romans  as  their 
engineer.  "We  must  own,"  says  their  report,  "that 
we  found  the  fort  in  a  less  defensible  situation  than  we 
had  reason  to  expect. " 

It  does  not  command  the  reach  to  the  Southward,  nor  can  it 
injure  a  vessel  turning  the  West  Point,  and  after  she  had  got 
around,  a  small  breeze,  or  even  the  tide,  will  enable  the  ship  to 
pass  the  curtain  in  a  few  minutes.  The  fortress  is  unfortunate 
ly  commanded  by  all  the  grounds  about  it ;  but  the  most  obvi 
ous  defect  is,  that  the  grounds  on  the  West  Point  are  higher 
than  the  fortress,  behind  which  an  enemy  might  land  without 
the  least  danger.  In  order  to  render  the  position  impassable, 
it  seems  necessary  that  this  place  should  be  occupied,  and 
batteries  thrown  upon  the  shore  opposite.1 

In  January,  1776,  the  Continental  Congress  resolved 
that  no  further  fortifications  ought  to  be  erected  at 
Martelaer's  Rock,  but  "that  a  point  of  land  at  Pooplopens 

1  History  of  West  Point,  by  Capt.  Edward  C.  Boynton,  Adjutant  of  the 
Military  Academy,  p.  25. 


88  Early  Battles 

Kill  on  said  River  ought  to  be  effectually  fortified  without 
delay.1 

A  barbette  battery  was  erected  on  Gravel  Hill,  on  the 
mountain,  under  the  direction  of  Col.  Smith,  who  had 
superseded  Mr.  Romans  as  engineer.  During  the  Spring 
of  1776  Fort  Constitution  had  a  small  garrison  of  New 
York  Provincial  troops,  under  Col.  Nicoll.  Washington 
was  anxious  about  the  absolute  security  of  the  Highlands, 
and  ordered  Gen.  Putnam  on  May  21,  1776,  to  send  Lord 
Stirling,  Col.  Rufus  Putnam,  and  Col.  Henry  Knox  to 
the  Highlands  to  report  upon  the  state  of  the  fortifica 
tions,  and  the  condition  of  the  garrison.  Lord  Stirling 
made  on  behalf  of  this  Commission  an  elaborate  report, 
which  described  minutely  the  completed  work;  that  which 
was  in  progress,  and  that  which  was  contemplated; 
it  also  made  criticisms  and  offered  suggestions  for  ad 
ditional  defences.  Gen.  Washington  transmitted  copies 
of  this  report  to  the  officers  at  Fort  Constitution,  with  a 
request  that  they  express  their  opinion  upon  its  con 
clusions,  and  make  any  additional  suggestions.  Lieuten 
ant  Col.  Livingston,  who  had  succeeded  Col.  Nicoll, 
noted  in  his  reply  the  omission  of  Lord  Stirling  to  recom 
mend  the  "throwing  up  a  work  on  the  Point  called  West 
Point,  directly  opposite  to  us."2 

Nothing  seems  to  have  been  done  at  this  time  to  carry 
out  the  plan  for  obstructing  navigation,  although  a 
"Secret  Committee"  had  been  appointed  on  July  16,  1776, 
by  the  Provincial  Congress  of  New  York,  for  that  purpose. 
In  July,  1776,  General  George  Clinton  was  appointed 
Commander  of  the  newly  raised  levies,  and  stationed  in  the 
Highlands,  where  he  soon  was  busily  engaged  with  his 
brother,  Gen.  James  Clinton  in  placing  obstructions  in  the 
river,  and  hastening  the  completion  of  Fort  Clinton  and 
Fort  Montgomery.  This  was  the  condition  of  affairs  in 

1  Boynton's  West  Point,  p.  27.  2  Ibid.,  p.  38. 


Three  Years  Enlistments  89 

the  Highlands  when  Gen.  Heath,  on  November  8th,  was 
ordered  to  march  with  his  division  to  Peekskill.  On 
November  nth,  Gen.  Washington,  with  Lord  Stirling, 
Gen.  James  Clinton,  Gen.  George  Clinton,  Gen.  Heath, 
Gen.  Mifflin,  and  others,  "took  a  view  of  Fort  Mont 
gomery,  and  the  other  works  up  the  River. "  Gen.  Wash 
ington  requested  Gen.  Heath,  on  November  I2th,  to  take 
an  early  morning  ride  with  him,  in  which  the  ground  at 
"the  gorge  of  the  Highlands,"  was  reconnoitred.  Upon 
their  return,  Gen.  Heath  was  "appointed  to  the  command 
of  the  troops  and  posts  in  the  Highlands  on  both  sides 
of  the  river,  with  written  instructions  to  secure  and  fortify 
them  with  all  possible  expedition,  making  a  distribution 
of  his  troops  to  the  different  posts.  "x 

With  the  close  of  the  campaign  of  1776,  the  British 
Army  having  gone  into  Winter  Quarters,  and  the  enlist 
ment  terms  of  most  of  the  American  troops  having  expired, 
Washington  and  the  Continental  Congress  bent  their 
energies  towards  raising  a  new  army  organized  under  a 
more  thorough  system.  The  evil  of  the  years  1775  and 
1776  was  the  short  enlistments  of  the  men.  This  it  was 
proposed  to  remedy  by  calling  for  soldiers  who  would 
"engage  for  three  years  or  the  war."  Eighty-eight  regi 
ments  were  organized  on  this  basis  to  serve  from  January 
I,  1777.  Connecticut's  proportion  was  eight  battalions 
and  she  proceeded  to  fill  them,  as  did  the  other  States 
with  their  quotas.  The  line  and  field  officers  were  selected 
for  fitness  and  merit  as  shown  by  their  previous  service. 
Large  numbers  of  the  old  soldiers  enlisted  and  gave  the 
new  army  a  sense  of  superiority  not  before  experienced. 

The  Sixth  of  the  Connecticut  Regiments — to  be  known 
thereafter  as  the  "Connecticut  Line"  of  the  Continental 
Army — was  recruited  largely  from  New  Haven  County. 
William  Douglas,  of  Northford,  was  appointed  its  Colonel 

1  Memoirs  of  Gen.  Heath,  p.  76. 


90  Early  Battles 

on  account  of  his  worth  and  military  ability  shown  in  the 
operations  around  New  York.  But  his  constitution  had 
been  undermined  and  upon  his  death,  in  May,  1777, 
Colonel  Return  Jonathan  Meigs  succeeded  him.  David 
Humphreys  was  selected  as  one  of  the  newly  appointed 
Captains  of  the  Sixth.  He  must  have  been  known  to  Col. 
Douglas,  who  had  formerly  been  the  Major  of  the  Second 
Militia  Regiment,  with  which  Humphreys  served  in  New 
York,  and  Douglas  was  happy  doubtless  to  secure  so  good 
an  officer  to  command  one  of  his  Companies.  With  a 
Continental  Captain's  Commission,  bearing  date  of 
January  I,  1777,  Humphreys  will  thereafter  be  borne  on 
the  rolls  of  the  Sixth  Regiment  for  the  next  three  years. 
But  he  was  destined  for  a  larger  field  of  activity  than  the 
usual  Company  duties  could  promise,  in  being  invited 
presently,  in  March  or  April,  1777,  by  General  Samuel 
Holden  Parsons,  to  become  the  Brigade  Major,  or  in 
modern  designation,  the  Assistant-Adjutant-General  of  the 
General's  newly  formed  First  Brigade  of  the  Connecticut 
Line.  From  this  date  to  the  close  of  the  war  Humphreys 
will  be  constantly  engaged  on  Staff  duty  with  one  General 
or  another.  He  will  now  be  known  as  "Major  Humph 
reys"  for  some  three  years,  when  higher  honours  will  fall 
to  him. 

The  duties  of  a  Brigade  Major  not  only  included  the 
drafting  and  dispatching  of  orders,  the  preparation  and 
preservation  of  the  records  of  the  Brigade,  but  also  an 
oversight  of  the  Commissariat  and  equipments.  It 
required  quickness  and  adaptability.  The  one  who  held 
it  must  also  have  the  pen  of  a  ready  writer  and  be  an 
expert  horseman.  Humphreys  was  possessed  of  these 
necessary  qualifications.  He  proved  himself  to  be  a  model 
officer,  a  strict  disciplinarian  even  to  the  point  of  being 
a  martinet.  Ceremonious  in  bearing  and  punctilious  in 
his  dress,  he  never  overlooked  a  breach  of  discipline  or 


Humphreys,  Brigade  Major  91 

etiquette,  while  as  we  shall  see  in  subsequent  chapters,  he 
never  forgot  an  officer's  duty  to  be  at  the  point  of  danger 
in  action. 

Humphreys 's  first  experience  in  the  field  this  year  was  in 
connection  with  the  British  expedition  against  Danbury, 
Connecticut,  in  April,  conducted  by  Gen.  Tryon.  The  ex 
pedition  against  that  town  had  been  planned  by  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  for  the  destruction  of  a  large  quantity  of  stores, 
collected  there  for  the  use  of  the  American  Army  in  the 
Highlands.  It  was  also  a  part  of  the  plan  to  clear  the  way 
for  an  uninterrupted  progress  of  the  British  forces  north 
ward,  that  a  junction  might  be  made  with  the  army 
then  gathered  in  Canada  to  crush  "the  rebellion."  On 
the  evening  of  April  24,  1777,  the  British  fleet,  consisting 
of  twenty  transports  and  six  warships,  sailed  from  New 
York.  Two  thousand  selected  troops  under  the  command 
of  Gen.  William  Tryon,  with  Gen.  Agnew  and  Sir  William 
Erskine  as  aids,  were  thought  sufficient  to  repel  any  attack 
ing  force.  Passing  through  the  Sound  the  fleet  anchored 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Saugatuck  River  about  four  o'clock 
on  the  afternoon  of  Friday,  April  25th.  As  the  ships  with 
the  fiery  standard  proceeded  up  the  Sound,  many  of  the 
people  in  the  Shore  towns  trembled  and  wondered  what 
would  be  its  destination.  When  it  passed  by  Norwalk 
and  threaded  its  way  among  the  Islands  along  the  coast, 
its  purpose  was  suspected.  From  Norwalk  swift  mes 
sengers  were  sent  to  Danbury,  and  from  Fairfield  an 
express  was  dispatched  to  inform  Gen.  Wooster  at  New 
Haven.  In  the  meantime  the  British  soldiers  had  dis 
embarked  and  under  the  guidance  of  two  Tories  taken  up 
their  march  toward  Danbury.  As  the  way  was  rough 
and  day  declining,  after  two  hours  the  troops  were  halted 
and  encamped  in  the  township  of  West  on.  The  local 
militia  and  such  recruits  as  could  be  hastily  gathered  were 
to  be  under  the  command  of  Gen.  Gold  S.  Silliman  of  Fair- 


92  Early  Battles 

field,  who  ordered  them  to  rendezvous  at  Redding  Ridge. 
Gen.  Wooster  on  hearing  of  the  descent  of  Try  on  on  Con 
necticut,  consulted  with  Gen.  Arnold,  who  was  in  New 
Haven,  and  together  they  were  able  to  secure  a  contingent 
of  the  regiment  of  Col.  Meigs  and  some  men  belonging  to  the 
Connecticut  Line,  with  a  few  officers,  one  of  whom  was 
Captain  Humphreys.  As  soon  as  this  small  company  was 
gathered  together  it  proceeded  to  Redding.  This  force  had 
not  been  called  out  by  any  competent  authority  and  was 
purely  a  volunteer  one.  It  put  itself  entirely  under  the 
orders  of  the  local  commander,  Gen.  Silliman,  although  a 
Continental  Major-General  commanded  a  division  of  it. 
So  obnoxious  was  the  name  of  Gen.  Try  on  to  every  Con 
necticut  patriot  that  all  sprang  instinctively  to  arms,  for 
they  knew  that  cruelty,  destruction,  and  bloodshed  would 
follow  in  his  track.  The  British  proceeded  in  a  leisurely 
manner  toward  Danbury.  An  incident  which  reads  like 
an  extract  from  a  novel  of  the  late  G.  P.  R.  James  is 
traditional  in  the  countryside .  As  they  approached  Hoyt ' s 
Hill,  a  few  miles  from  Danbury,  a  solitary  horseman  is 
seen  upon  its  brow,  brandishing  a  sword,  and  turning  his 
head  as  if  to  address  a  large  body  of  soldiers,  he  shouted 
in  a  loud  voice:  "Halt!"  "The  whole  universe  wheel 
into  Kingdoms!"  The  regulars,  among  whom  were  men 
who  had  not  qualified  at  Long  Island  or  White  Plains,  now 
fell  back  and  Tryon  sent  a  party  to  investigate.  Before 
the  investigators  reached  the  summit,  like  the  men  of 
Roderick  Dhu  at  the  signal  of  their  bold  chieftain,  the 
mysterious  horseman  had  disappeared.  The  British, 
without  having  encountered  any  serious  opposition  en 
tered  Danbury  late  on  Saturday  afternoon.  Here  the  only 
force  to  oppose  them  consisted  of  fifty  Continental  soldiers 
and  one  hundred  militiamen  under  the  command  of  Col. 
Joseph  P.  Cook,  a  native  of  the  town.  Resistance  would 
have  been  useless.  Four  young  patriots  who  discharged 


Try  on' s  Expedition  93 

their  muskets  at  the  passing  troops  were  deliberately  shot 
down.  Gen.  Tryon  established  his  headquarters  in  the 
house  of  Mr.  Nehemiah  Dibble.  Gen.  Agnew  and  Sir  Wil 
liam  Erskine  quartered  themselves  as  unwelcome  and 
uninvited  guests  in  the  house  of  Mr.  Benjamin  Knapp  with 
an  escort  of  mounted  infantry.  Orders  were  then  given 
to  discover  and  burn  the  stores.  The  soldiers  soon  found 
them.  Many  barrels  and  packages  had  been  stored  in  the 
11  Episcopal  Church."1 

The  pork,  beef,  and  other  provisions  were  brought  into 
the  street  and  set  on  fire  making  a  dense  cloud  of  smoke  and 
filling  the  streets  with  liquid  fat  which  was  declared  to  be 
knee-deep.  The  odour  of  the  burning  meat  and  grain  was 
penetrating  and  disagreeable.  When  the  soldiers  dis 
covered  the  casks  of  liquors  they  partook  so  freely  that  they 
were  soon  unfit  for  duty.  The  frightened  women  and 
children  who  saw  the  drunken  men  clumsily  piling  the  fuel 
around  the  burning  provisions,  also  saw  by  the  fitful  light 
the  white  cross  marking  the  houses  of  the  Tories.  The 
scenes  of  revelry  and  ribaldry  were  frightful  to  the  already 
terrified  inhabitants.  Some  of  the  stores  found  in  barns 
or  houses  belonging  to  patriots  were  destroyed  by  setting 
fire  to  the  buildings  themselves.  At  one  o'clock  on  Sun 
day  morning  Gen.  Tryon  learned  of  the  arrival  of  the 
American  troops  and  their  encampment  at  Bethel.  Early 
on  Sunday  morning  the  British  troops  were  mustered  for 
inspection  and  drill.  Soon  after  fire  was  seen  breaking 
out  in  various  parts  of  the  village  street,  which  destroyed 
nineteen  dwellings  and  several  shops. 

'This  edifice  had  been  erected  "about  1763."  Redding,  Danbury,  and 
the  surrounding  hamlets  were  a  part  of  the  extensive  missionary  circuit 
of  the  Rev.  John  Beach  of  Newton.  It  was  a  building  capable  of  seating 
four  or  five  hundred  people.  A  separate  parish  known  as  St.  James  was 
organized  in  1835.  The  first  church  was  pulled  down  and  a  new  one 
built  in  1844.  The  present  church  edifice  dates  from  1867.  See  Dr.  E.  E. 
Beardsley's  History  of  the  Episcopal  Church  in  Connecticut,  i.,  pp.  211,  213. 


94  Early  Battles 

The  Commander  then  gave  order  to  march  and  the 
troops  took  their  way  to  the  Sound  through  Ridgebury. 
The  whole  American  force,  to  oppose  the  British,  was 
seven  hundred  men.  It  was  arranged  that  Gen.  Silliman 
and  Gen.  Arnold  with  five  hundred  men  should  march 
forward  to  intercept  the  British,  if  possible,  and  that  Gen. 
Wooster  should  attack  them  in  the  rear.  At  nine  o'clock 
Gen.  Wooster  met  them  on  the  wooded  heights  near 
Ridgefield  following  the  Norwalk  road.  He  attacked 
them  with  such  impetuosity  that  one  regiment  was  com 
pelled  to  break  ranks  and  forty  prisoners  were  taken. 
With  his  small  half -armed  company  Gen.  Wooster  pur 
sued  them,  harassing  their  rear,  until  a  favourable  turn 
in  the  road  enabled  the  British  to  wheel  around  and 
attack  him  with  artillery  and  muskets.  An  experienced 
soldier,  he  resisted  with  intrepidity  and  quickly  returned 
their  fire.  He  turned  his  horse,  waved  his  sword  and, 
shouting  cheerfully  "Come  on,  my  boys,  never  mind 
such  random  shots, ' '  rode  forward.  He  had  hardly  finished 
speaking  when  he  was  seen  to  fall  from  his  horse.  A 
ball  fired,  as  was  currently  reported,  "by  a  malignant 
Tory  who  recognized  his  person,  struck  him  obliquely  in 
the  back,  breaking  the  bone  as  it  passed  and  burying  itself 
in  his  body. "  Friends  gathered  around  him  and  he  was 
tenderly  carried  from  the  field  upon  his  military  sash. 
After  lingering  in  great  pain  he  died  early  in  the  morning 
of  May  2,  1777.  It  was  to  this  incident  of  the  skirmish 
that  Col.  Humphreys  alludes  in  this  couplet  in  his  poem, 
On  the  Love  of  Country, 

Wooster  was  seen  to  stand — and  like  that  oak, 
I  saw  him  fall  beneath  the  fatal  stroke. 

Ignorant  of  the  death  of  their  friend,  Gens.  Silliman  and 
Arnold  pushed  on  to  Ridgefield  which  they  reached  about 
eleven  o'clock.  Before  the  enemy  approached  they  had 


Death  of  Wooster  95 

thrown  up  across  the  road  a  temporary  barricade  and  were 
protected  on  one  flank  by  a  house  and  a  barn  and  on  the 
other  by  a  large  rock.  As  the  divisions  of  Gen.  Agnew 
and  Lord  Erskine  approached  and  perceived  the  position 
of  the  American  troops,  they  returned  their  fire  and  for 
ten  minutes  there  was  a  sharp  contest.  Finally  the 
Americans  were  obliged  to  give  way  and  the  British  gained 
the  ledge.  In  spite  of  the  superior  force  and  the  impossi 
bility  of  making  a  continued  resistance  the  militiamen 
were  remarkably  cool  and  brave.  Gen.  Arnold  had  a  horse 
shot  under  him.  The  fire  of  the  Americans  continued 
to  harass  the  British  until  nightfall  when  Gen.  Try  on 
encamped  near  Ridgefield.  Before  leaving  on  Monday 
morning  the  Congregational  Church  and  four  houses 
wrere  set  on  fire  by  his  soldiers.  The  British  then  con 
tinued  their  march  harassed  by  the  incessant  fire  of  the 
Americans.  Finally  they  crossed  the  Saugatuck,  the 
Americans  marching  at  an  equal  gait  with  them  on  the  east 
side,  and  keeping  up  a  brisk  cannonade  whenever  oppor 
tunity  afforded.  A  few  chosen  men  of  the  Continental 
Contingent  forded  the  Saugatuck  and  attacked  the  British 
in  the  rear  at  intervals  for  several  miles.  At  Naugatuck 
Bridge  the  Americans  under  Arnold  again  made  a  stand, 
placed  their  artillery,  and  waited.  Upon  perceiving  the 
strength  of  the  position  the  British  soldiers,  wheeling  to  the 
left,  forded  the  river  three  miles  above,  and  then  ascended 
Compo  Hill  from  which  in  vain  the  united  force  of  the 
Americans  tried  to  dislodge  them.  To  cover  their  embark 
ation  a  body  of  fresh  troops  was  landed  from  the  trans 
ports.  The  fleet  immediately  sailed  for  Huntington, 
Long  Island.  Col.  Lamb  with  his  artillery  sent  a  parting 
shot.  The  American  loss  exceeded  one  hundred  killed, 
wounded,  and  missing;  that  of  the  British  was  not  less 
than  one  hundred  and  seventy.  The  stores  were  very 
valuable  and  their  loss  put  the  army  to  a  serious  incon- 


96  Early  Battles 

venience.  The  thousand  tents  were  especially  regretted  as 
they  were  greatly  needed.  This  raid  excited  widespread 
and  deep  indignation  throughout  the  country  particularly 
in  Connecticut.  * 

An  opportunity  soon  came  for  retaliation.  It  was 
learned  that  the  British  had  been  collecting  stores  and  for 
age  from  many  quarters  which  were  under  a  strong  guard 
at  Sag  Harbour  on  Long  Island.  Gen.  Parsons  deter 
mined  that  an  attempt  to  destroy  them  was  feasible. 
Such  an  enterprise  required  a  commander  cautious, 
quick,  and  patient,  and  Col.  Meigs  who  had  shown  good 
judgment  and  much  military  knowledge  while  in  the 
expedition  under  Gen.  Arnold  for  the  capture  of  Quebec, 
was  chosen.  Major  Humphreys  accompanied  him.  The 
difficulties  were  great  as  a  large  force  of  British  regulars 
might  be  patrolling  the  coast  and  there  was  no  protection 
of  Long  Island  Sound  from  warships  of  the  enemy.  What 
was  to  be  done  must  be  done  secretly  and  quickly. 

Col.  Meigs  selected  his  men  for  this  service  with  much 
discrimination.  On  May  21,  1777,  he  embarked  two 
hundred  and  thirty-four  men  in  thirteen  whaleboats  at 
New  Haven.  He  rowed  at  once  to  Guilford  from  which 
the  passage  across  the  Sound  was  most  direct.  He  was 
compelled  on  account  of  high  seas  to  delay  setting  out  from 
Sachem's  Head  until  one  o'clock  on  the  afternoon  of  May 
23d,  leaving  sixty-four  of  his  men,  for  various  reasons,  in 
Guilford.  He  was  convoyed  by  two  armed  sloops,  and 
reached  Southold  at  six  o'clock.  Here  it  was  learned  that 
the  British  guards  had  been  summoned  to  New  York,  and 
only  a  force  thought  sufficient  to  protect  the  stores  left  at 

1  The  authorities  for  the  Danbury  raid  are:  History  of  D anbury,  by  James 
M.  Bailey,  New  York,  1896,  pp.  55-98;  Connecticut  in  the  Revolution,  Royal 
R.  Hinman,  Hartford,  1842;  Life  of  George  Washington,  John  Marshall,  pp. 
89,  90;  William  Heath,  Memoirs;  Military  Journal,  James  Thacher;  Oration 
on  Gen.  Wooster  in  Proceedings  at  the  Completion  of  the  Wooster  Monument, 
Danbury,  April  27, 1854,  p.  60,  New  Haven,  Storer  and  Morehouse. 


Meigs's  Expedition  97 

Sag  Harbour.  Col.  Meigs  had  the  whaleboats  transferred 
by  land  to  the  southern  arm  of  Peconic  Bay,  a  distance 
of  fifteen  miles.  Then  one  hundred  and  ninety  men  em 
barked  in  them  and  rowed  to  Sag  Harbour,  five  miles  away, 
the  vicinity  of  which  was  reached  at  midnight.  The  boats 
having  been  hidden  in  the  shelter  of  a  wood  under  a  strong 
guard,  Col.  Meigs  formed  his  army  in  military  order  and 
marched  them  to  Sag  Harbour  with  great  dispatch.  The 
British  outposts  were  reached  at  two  o'clock.  They  were 
charged  by  the  Americans  with  fixed  bayonets  and  soon 
overpowered.  The  Americans  went  at  once  to  the  wharf 
which  was  entirely  unguarded.  The  alarm,  however,  was 
given,  and  an  armed  schooner,  manned  by  seventy  soldiers 
and  carrying  twelve  guns,  began  to  fire  at  a  distance  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  yards.  This  was  continued  for  three 
quarters  of  an  hour.  Without  being  deterred  from  their 
purpose  Col.  Meigs  directed  his  troops  to  seize  and  destroy 
the  store-ships  which  consisted  of  twelve  brigs  and  sloops, 
one  of  them  being  the  armed  vessel.  The  vessels  were  all 
burned  under  the  direction  of  the  detachment  sent  for  the 
purpose  commanded  by  Captain  Troup.  The  stores  thus 
destroyed  included  one  hundred  and  twenty  tons  of  hay, 
corn,  and  oats,  ten  hogsheads  of  rum,  and  much  unspeci 
fied  merchandise.  Six  of  the  British  soldiers  were  killed, 
and  ninety  taken  prisoners.  At  two  o'clock  that  after 
noon  Col.  Meigs  with  his  troops  and  prisoners  reached 
Guilford,  after  an  absence  of  only  twenty-five  hours,  and 
without  the  loss  of  a  single  man.  This  exploit  revived  the 
spirits  of  the  Connecticut  troops  and  cheered  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  in  his  Camp  at  Middlebrook  in  New 
Jersey.  It  was  the  proud  duty  of  Major  Humphreys  to 
carry  the  dispatches  announcing  the  issue  of  the  expedition 
to  Washington.  In  his  letter  to  the  Commander-in- 
Chief,  Gen.  Parsons  writing  from  New  Haven,  May  25, 
1777,  says:  "Maj.  Humphreys,  who  waits  on  your 

VOL.    I — 7 


98  Early  Battles 

Excellency  with  the  account,  was  in  the  action  with 
Col.  Meigs,  and  will  be  able  to  give  any  further  necessary 
information."1 

Then  for  the  first  time  probably,  the  young  aide  and  the 
great  commander  met.  No  records  of  his  first  impressions 
of  the  man  upon  whom,  humanly  speaking,  the  destinies  of 
the  Country  depended,  are  to  be  found.  It  would  have 
added  much  to  our  knowledge  could  our  soldier  have  left 
graphic,  terse  descriptions  of  some  of  the  great  characters 
under  whom  he  served.  The  fashion  of  the  age  was,  how 
ever,  against  such  expressions  and  complimentary  al 
lusions;  and  it  was  then  considered  the  mark  of  good 
breeding  and  of  polite  writing  to  avoid  describing  the 
salient  features  of  a  scene  or  person. 

Major  Humphreys  viewed  the  situation  of  the  main 
army,  noted  the  hopes  and  fears  of  the  Commander-in- 
Chief,  and  then  returned  to  New  Haven,  bearing  to  Gen. 
Parsons  a  dispatch  containing  these  words  of  grateful 
appreciation : 

Headquarters, 

Middlebrook, 
May  29th,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  am  just  now  favoured  with  your  letter  of  the  25th  by  Major 
Humphreys.  The  intelligence  communicated  by  it  is  truly 
interesting  and  agreeable,  and  now  I  shall  take  occasion  not 
only  to  give  you  my  hearty  approbation  of  your  conduct  in 
planning  the  expedition  to  Long  Island ;  but  to  return  my  sin 
cere  thanks  to  Lieut-Col.  Meigs  and  all  the  officers  and  men 
engaged  in  it. 

This  enterprise  so  fortunate  in  the  execution  will  greatly 
distress  the  enemy  in  the  important  and  essential  article  of 
forage,  and  reflect  much  honour  upon  those  who  performed  it. 

1  Life  and  Letters  of  General  Samuel  H.  Parsons,  by  Charles  S.  Hall,  p.  98. 


Howe  Quits  New  Jersey  99 

I  shall  ever  be  happy  to  reward  merit  when  in  my  power,  and 
therefore  wish  you  to  inquire  for  a  vacant  ensigncy  in  some  of 
the  regiments  for  Sergeant  Gunning,  to  which  you  will  promote 
him,  advising  me  of  the  same  and  the  time. 

I  am,  Sir,  &c., 

G.  WASHINGTON."1 

To  reinforce  his  army,  Washington  summoned  to 
Middlebrook  all  available  forces,  among  them  Gen. 
Parsons'  Brigade.2 

After  some  slight  skirmishing  on  the  right  and  left 
flanks  of  the  American  army,  which  was  met  with  vigour 
by  Col.  Morgan's  riflemen  and  Lord  Stirling's  Corps,  in 
the  vicinity  of  Woodbridge,  Westfield,  and  Scotch  Plains, 
Lord  Howe  withdrew  his  forces  by  way  of  Railway  to 
Amboy,  from  whence  they  were  to  embark  for  Staten 
Island,  and  thence  sail  for  the  Delaware  or  Chesapeake. 
Washington  was  puzzled  by  these  retrograde  movements, 
but  thought  they  were  meant  to  veil  a  real  purpose,  either 
a  junction  with  the  northern  army  under  Burgoyne,  which 
had  then  appeared  on  Lake  Champlain,  or  an  expedition 
against  the  southern  ports.  In  a  letter  of  July  2,  1777, 
to  Gov.  Trumbull,  he  says : 

Since  my  last,  the  enemy  disappointed  in  their  attempt  upon 
our  right,  have  made  a  diversion  upon  our  left,  and  frustrated 
in  that  also  have  now  abandoned  the  Jerseys,  and  encamped 

1  Jared  Sparks,  Letters  of  Washington,  iv.,  p.  44. 

3  Parsons  must  have  been  gifted  with  a  sense  of  humour,  judging  from  this 
description  of  their  Jersey  camp  sent  to  his  wife  June  22d : "  We  are  about  two 
miles  advanced  in  front  of  the  Mountain  where  the  army  is  posted,  on  the 
road  to  Quibbletown,  about  two  and  a  half  miles  northeast  of  Samptown, 
about  three  miles  west  of  Browerstown,  and  about  ten  miles  northwest  of 
Spanktown,  about  eight  miles  northeast  of  Brunswick,  six  miles  from 
Middlebrook,  about  one  mile  from  the  stream  called  Bound  Brook,  east 
ward  but  further  distant  from  the  village  of  that  name.  If  you  can  find 
me  by  this  description,  I  shall  be  rejoiced  to  hear  from  you." — Hall's  Life 
of  General  Parsons,  p.  103. 


ioo  Early  Battles 

upon  Staten  Island.  There  is  a  great  stir  among  their  ship 
ping,  and  in  all  probability,  their  next  movement  will  be  by 
water,  though  it  is  impossible  to  decide  with  certainty  to  what 
place.  But  I  last  night  received  intelligence  from  Gen. 
Schuyler  that  Gen.  Burgoyne  is  beginning  to  operate  against 
Ticonderoga  and  its  dependencies;  if  it  is  not  merely  a  diver 
sion  but  a  serious  attack,  of  which  it  bears  strongly  the  appear 
ance,  it  is  certain  proof  that  the  next  step  of  Howe's  army  will 
be  toward  Peekskill,  and  very  suddenly,  if  possible  to  get 
possession  of  the  position  in  the  Highlands  before  the  army  can 
form  a  junction  with  the  troops  already  there. 

To  guard  against  contingencies  I  have  ordered  Gen.  Parsons 
and  Gen.  Varnum's  Brigades  to  march  off  with  all  despatch 
toward  Peekskill,  and  when  they  have  arrived  at  or  near  that 
point,  a  reinforcement  of  four  of  the  strongest  Massachusetts 
regiments  will  proceed  thence  immediately  to  Albany  on  their 
way  to  Ticonderoga.1 

Soon  after  these  troops  proceeded  across  the  hills 
between  Middlebrook  and  the  Hudson,  and  were  posted 
in  the  positions  which  most  needed  strengthening. 

1  Sparks's  Letters  of  Washington,  iv.,  pp.  477,  478. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THe  Continental  Forces 

Humphreys  at  Peekskill — His  Description  of  the  Summer  of  1777 — Landing 
of  the  British  at  Verplanck's  Point — Gov.  Clinton  Adjourns  the 
Assembly — Humphreys'  Description  of  the  Capture  of  Fort  Mont 
gomery — The  Selection  of  West  Point — Humphreys'  Account  of  it — 
The  Commencement  of  the  Fortifications — D wight's  Description  of  his 
Excursion  with  Humphreys — The  Victory  of  Monmouth  and  Arrival 
of  French  Fleet — The  New  Camp  at  White  Plains — Humphreys' 
Account  of  the  Continental  Forces — Headquarters  of  Gen.  Putnam  at 
Redding — Humphreys'  Description  of  the  Condition  of  the  Soldiers 
and  of  the  Camp — British  Raid  on  Horse  Neck — Humphreys'  Account 
of  it — Putnam's  Farewell  Order. 

MAJOR  HUMPHREYS'  military  duties  again  brought 
him  to  the  banks  of  the  Hudson.  His  duties  were 
arduous,  since  there  was  very  great  apprehension  that  the 
troops  were  insufficient  to  defend  the  forts,  and  that  the 
obstructions  in  the  river  would  not  seriously  impede 
the  passage  of  the  British  warships.  The  defences  had 
been  strengthened  by  redoubts  thrown  up  on  Verplanck's 
Point  and  the  base  of  Anthony's  Nose  by  the  troops  at 
Peekskill.  During  the  summer  there  was  much  drilling 
in  camp,  no  enemy  was  immediately  in  front,  and  a  feeling 
of  security  reigned  over  the  encampment,  then  under  the 
command  of  General  Putnam.  After  the  southern  expedi 
tion  of  the  British,  and  the  disastrous  battle  of  the  Brandy- 
wine  on  September  n,  1777,  the  victorious  enemy  pursued 


102  The  Continental  Forces 

their  advantage,  and  again  joined  issue  at  Germantown, 
six  miles  from  Philadelphia,  on  October  4th.  Later  they 
went  into  winter  quarters  in  that  city,  while  Washington 
withdrew  to  Valley  Forge. 

Major  Humphreys  thus  comments  upon  the  events  of 
the  summer  around  Peekskill : 

In  the  neighbourhood  of  General  Putnam  there  was  no 
enemy  capable  of  exciting  alarms.  The  army  left  at  New- 
York  seemed  only  designed  for  its  defence.  In  it  were 
several  entire  Corps,  composed  of  Tories  who  had  flocked  to 
the  British  standard.  There  was,  besides,  a  band  of  lurking 
miscreants,  not  properly  enrolled,  who  staid  chiefly  at  West 
Chester,  from  whence  they  infested  the  country  between  the 
two  armies,  pillaged  the  cattle  and  carried  off  the  peaceable 
inhabitants.  It  was  an  unworthy  policy  in  the  British  Gen 
erals  to  patronize  Banditti.  The  Whig  inhabitants  on  the 
edge  of  our  lines  and  still  lower  down,  who  had  been  plundered 
in  a  merciless  manner,  delayed  not  to  strip  the  Tories  in  return. 
People,  most  nearly  connected  and  allied  frequently  became 
most  exasperated  and  inveterate  in  malice.  Then  the  ties  of 
fellowship  were  broken — then  friendship  itself  being  soured  to 
enmity,  the  mind  readily  gave  way  to  private  revenge,  uncon- 
trouled  retaliation  and  all  the  deforming  passions  that  dis 
grace  humanity.  Enormities,  almost  without  a  name,  were 
perpetrated — -at  the  description  of  which,  the  bosom,  not 
frozen  to  apathy,  must  glow  with  a  mixture  of  pity  and  indig 
nation.  To  prevent  the  predatory  incursions  from  below  and 
to  cover  the  county  of  West  Chester,  Gen.  Putnam  detached 
from  his  head  Quarters,  at  Peeks  Kill,  Meig's  Regiment,  which 
in  the  course  of  the  Campaign  struck  several  partizan  strokes 
and  achieved  the  objects  for  which  it  was  sent.  He  likewise 
took  measures  without  noise  or  ostentation  to  secure  himself 
from  being  surprized  and  carried  within  the  British  lines  by 
the  Tories,  who  had  formed  a  plan  for  the  purpose. 

The  information  of  this  intended  enterprize,  conveyed  to 
him  through  several  channels,  was  corroborated  by  that  ob 
tained  and  transmitted  by  the  Commander-in-Chief. 


Spies  on  Both  Sides  103 

It  was  not  wonderful  that  many  of  these  Tories  were  able, 
undiscovered,  to  penetrate  far  into  the  country  and  even 
to  go  with  letters  or  messages  from  one  British  army  to 
another.  The  inhabitants  who  were  well  affected  to  the  royal 
cause,  afforded  them  every  possible  support  and  their  know 
ledge  of  the  different  routes  gave  them  a  farther  facility  in  per 
forming  their  peregrinations.  Sometimes  the  most  active 
Loyalists  (as  the  Tories  wished  to  denominate  themselves) 
who  had  gone  into  the  British  Posts  and  received  promises  of 
Commissions  upon  enlisting  a  certain  number  of  soldiers,  came 
back  again  secretly  with  recruiting  Instructions.  Sometimes 
these  and  others  who  came  from  the  enemy  within  the  verge 
of  our  Camps,  were  detected  and  condemned  to  death  in 
conformity  to  the  usages  of  war.  But  the  British  Generals, 
who  had  an  unlimited  supply  of  money  at  their  command,  were 
able  to  pay  with  so  much  liberality,  that  emissaries  could 
always  be  found.  Still,  it  is  thought  that  the  intelligence  of 
the  American  Commanders,  was,  at  least  equally  accurate; 
notwithstanding  the  poverty  of  their  military  chest  and 
the  inability  of  rewarding  mercenary  agents,  for  secret  ser 
vices,  in  proportion  to  their  risque  and  merit. 

A  person  by  the  name  of  Palmer,  who  was  a  Lieutenant 
in  the  Tory  new  Levies,  was  detected  in  the  Camp  at 
Peeks  Kill.  Governor  Tryon  who  commanded  the  new 
Levies  reclaimed  him  as  a  British  Officer,  and  represented 
the  heinous  crime  of  condemning  a  man  commissioned  by 
his  Majesty  and  threatened  vengeance  in  case  he  should 
be  executed.  General  Putnam  wrote  the  following  pithy 
reply: 

SIR, 

Nathan  Palmer,  a  Lieutenant  in  your  King's' service,  was 
taken  in  my  Camp  as  a  Spy — he  was  tried  as  a  Spy — he  was 
condemned  as  a  Spy — and  you  may  rest  assured,  Sir,  he  shall 
be  hanged  as  a  Spy. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  etc. 

ISRAEL  PUTNAM. 


104  The  Continental  Forces 

His  Excellency,  Governor  Try  on. 

P.  S.  Afternoon. 
He  is  hanged. 

Important  transactions  soon  occurred.  Not  long  after 
the  two  Brigades  had  marched  from  Peekskill  to  Pennsyl 
vania,  a  reinforcement  arrived  at  New  York  from  Europe. 
Appearances  indicated  that  offensive  operations  would 
follow.  General  Putnam,  having  been  reduced  in  force  to 
a  single  Brigade  in  the  field  and  a  single  Regiment  in  garri 
son  at  Fort  Montgomery,  repeatedly  informed  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  that  the  posts  committed  to  his  charge 
must  in  all  probability  be  lost,  in  case  an  attempt  should 
be  made  upon  them;  and  that  circumstanced  as  he  was, 
he  could  not  be  responsible  for  the  consequences.  His 
situation  was  certainly  to  be  lamented,  but  it  was  not  in 
the  power  of  the  Commander-in- Chief  to  alter  it;  except 
by  authorizing  him  to  call  upon  the  Militia  for  aid — an  aid 
always  precarious;  and  often  so  tardy,  as  when  obtained 
to  be  of  no  utility.  * 

Under  the  convoy  of  the  Preston  the  third  division  of  the 
British  Army,  with  Sir  Henry  Clinton  as  its  Commander, 
sailed  from  New  York  on  October  4,  1777,  in  thirty  trans 
ports,  and  before  noon  anchored  in  Haverstraw  Bay  off 
Tarry  town.  On  the  following  night,  the  soldiers,  who  had 
made  a  camp  on  the  shore,  re-embarked,  and  sailed  slowly 
up  the  river,  and  reached  Verplanck's  Point,  a  short  dis 
tance  below  Peekskill,  about  noon.  A  company  of  four 
hundred  landed  from  the  transports,  when  the  American 
guard  immediately  abandoned  their  position  without 
any  attempt  at  resistance,  leaving  a  twelve  pound  can 
non  behind  them.  At  the  same  time  Sir  James  Wallace 
moved  up  toward  Peekskill  "to  mask  the  only  com 
munication  they  had  across  the  river  on  the  side  of 

1  Marshall's  Washington,  iii.,  p.  184. 


British  on  the  Hudson  105 

the  Highlands,"  says  Sir  Henry  Clinton  in  his  official 
report. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  October  6th,  the  advance  guard 
of  five  hundred  regulars  and  the  provincial  regiment  of 
Col.  Oliver  De  Lancey  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Campbell  and  Col.  Robinson  took  up  their  march 
for  Dunderberg  to  occupy  its  pass.  It  was  their  intention 
to  make  a  detour  of  seven  miles  round  the  hill  and  attack 
Fort  Montgomery  from  the  river.  Gen.  Vaughan  with 
twelve  hundred  men  was  to  march  to  Fort  Clinton  and 
cover  the  corps  under  Lieut. -Col.  Campbell.  When  Gen. 
Putnam  observed  the  movement  of  the  British  he  was 
entirely  misled  as  to  their  object  and  thought  that  they 
only  intended  to  attack  the  storehouses  and  works  on  the 
east  side  of  the  river  and  did  not  then  send  reinforcements, 
as  he  was  requested  by  some  of  the  officers,  to  the  west  side 
forts.  Levies  of  New  York  and  Connecticut  militia  had 
been  previously  ordered  to  strengthen  the  troops  in  the 
Highlands,  but  had  not  yet  arrived  in  sufficient  numbers 
to  materially  increase  the  force.  The  march  of  the  British 
over  and  around  Dunderberg  was  both  long  and  perilous. 
No  regular  military  formation  could  be  observed  while 
climbing  steep  slopes  and  threading  narrow  paths,  and 
the  attacks  upon  Fort  Montgomery  and  Fort  Clinton  were 
almost  simultaneous.  Col.  Bruyn  with  fifty  Continentals 
and  Col.  McNaughton  with  fifty  militia  were  sent  from 
Fort  Clinton  to  sustain  Capt.  Jackson,  who  was  watching 
the  enemy's  movements  in  the  Haverstraw  road.  Capt. 
John  Feund  with  sixty  men  and  a  brass  swivel-gun  went 
from  Fort  Montgomery  to  harass  the  approaching  enemy. 
The  attack  by  the  British  was  impetuous  and  drove  Col. 
Bruyn  and  Col.  McNaughton  back  to  Fort  Clinton, 
although  they  fought  bravely  to  the  very  entrance  of 
the  fort. 

Upon  hearing  rumours  of  the  British  fleet  in  the  Hudson, 


io6  The  Continental  Forces 

Gov.  Clinton  adjourned  the  Legislature  then  sitting  at 
Kingston,  and  came  with  great  dispatch  to  Fort  Montgom 
ery  of  which  he  took  command,  and  posted  various  parties 
to  guard  the  mountain  passes  and  approaches  to  the  forts. 

The  messenger  sent  on  the  morning  of  the  sixth  by  him 
to  Gen.  Putnam  failed  to  reach  that  commander  in  time  to 
be  of  any  avail.  Sir  Henry  Clinton  with  the  main  body 
of  soldiers  then  attacked  the  retreating  Americans,  and 
received  an  incessant  fire  from  a  small  force  behind  a 
stone  wall  until  finally  by  superior  numbers  he  overpow 
ered  it,  and  occupied  that  part  of  the  battleground  where 
he  remained  until  Lieut. -Col.  Campbell  came  up.  At 
five  o'clock  a  flag  was  sent  to  Fort  Montgomery  demand 
ing  its  surrender.  Col.  Livingston  who  received  it  said  the 
fort  would  be  defended  to  the  very  last  extremity.  After 
a  desperate  resistance  the  works  were  carried.  At  the 
same  time  the  garrison  of  Fort  Clinton  was  receiving  an 
onslaught  from  Col.  Campbell  and  his  troops ;  it  was  met 
with  much  spirit  and  before  the  works  were  finally  stormed 
and  taken  by  Col.  Campbell,  under  the  cover  of  darkness 
many  of  the  garrison  escaped  as  they  knew  the  country, 
some  by  the  river  and  others  by  the  various  mountain 
roads.  The  killed,  wounded,  and  missing  on  the  American 
side  were  nearly  two  hundred  and  fifty.  The  British 
lost  forty  killed  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  wounded. 
This  was  one  of  the  severest  calamities  that  had  befallen 
the  American  cause.  The  command  of  the  river  was 
necessary  to  any  continued  resistance.  The  works,  while 
neither  complete  nor  impregnable,  still  were  effective  had 
they  been  garrisoned  with  enough  men.  The  necessity 
of  the  case  did  not  alter  that,  and  the  large  expenditure 
of  time  and  money  upon  them  was  thus  in  a  few  hours 
rendered  useless. 

Col.  Humphreys  thus  describes  the  assault  in  his  Life 
of  Putnam: 


Attack  on  Fort  Montgomery  107 

The  Author  of  these  Memoirs,  then  Major  of  Brigade  to  the 
first  Connecticut  Brigade,  was  alone  at  Head-Quarters,  when  the 
firing  began.  He  hastened  to  Colonel  Wyllys,  the  senior  officer 
in  Camp  and  advised  him  to  dispatch  all  the  men  not  on  duty 
to  Fort  Montgomery,  without  waiting  for  orders.  About  five 
hundred  men  marched  instantly  under  Colonel  Meigs;  and  the 
author,  with  Doctor  Beardsley,  a  Surgeon  in  the  Brigade,  rode 
at  full  speed  through  a  bye-path,  to  let  the  garrison  know  that 
a  reinforcement  was  on  the  march.  Notwithstanding  all  the 
haste  these  officers  made  to  and  over  the  river,  the  Fort  was  so 
completely  invested  on  their  arrival,  that  it  was  impossible  to 
enter.  They  went  on  board  the  new  Frigate,  which  lay  near 
the  fortress,  and  had  the  misfortune  to  be  idle,  though  not 
unconcerned,  spectators  of  the  storm.  They  saw  the  minutest 
actions  distinctly  when  the  works  were  carried.  The  Frigate, 
after  receiving  several  platoons,  slipped  her  cable  and  pro 
ceeded  a  little  way  up  the  river :  but  the  wind  and  tide  becom 
ing  adverse,  the  crew  set  her  on  fire,  to  prevent  her  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy;  whose  ships  were  approaching. 
The  louring  darkness  of  the  night,  the  profound  stillness  that 
reigned,  the  interrupted  flashes  of  the  flames  that  illuminated 
the  waters,  the  long  shadows  of  the  cliffs  that  now  and  then 
were  seen,  the  explosion  of  the  cannon  which  were  left  loaded  in 
the  ship,  and  the  reverberating  echo  which  resounded,  at 
intervals,  between  the  stupendous  mountains  on  both  sides 
of  the  river,  composed  an  awful  night  piece,  for  persons  pre 
pared  (by  the  preceding  scene)  to  contemplate  subjects  of 
horrid  sublimity.1 

The  British  fleet  proceeded  up  the  Hudson  and  burnt 
Esopus  and  on  its  return  demolished  and  burned  Fort 
Clinton  and  Fort  Montgomery.  The  cheering  news 
that  soon  after  came  of  the  surrender  of  Gen.  Burgoyne 
and  his  army  at  Saratoga  rendered  the  victory  of  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  of  little  value  to  the  British  cause. 2 

1  Humphreys'  Life  of  PtUnam,  Edition  of  1788,  p.  169. 

2  The  authorities  in  addition  to  Col.  Humphreys  are:  Marshall's  Life  of 


io8  The  Continental  Forces 

The  British  troops  on  their  return  down  the  Hudson 
after  the  destruction  of  the  Highland  fortifications  were 
followed  for  many  miles  on  land  by  a  detachment  from 
Col.  Meigs'  and  other  regiments  of  the  Highland  garrison. l 

Gen.  Putnam  removed  the  permanent  camp  from  the 
river,  leaving  a  small  garrison  in  the  defences  still  remain 
ing  on  the  east  side  of  the  Hudson,  to  the  vicinity  of  New 
Rochelle,  by  which  change  he  was  enabled  to  repress  some 
of  the  lawlessness  of  the  British  "  Cowboys  "  and  American 
"Skinners."  Major  Humphreys  gives  a  few  particulars 
of  the  weeks  spent  in  this  manner  and  the  gallant  forced 
marches  of  Col.  Meigs  from  Crompond  to  Westchester  by 
which  he  "surprised  and  broke  up  for  a  time  the  band  of 
free  booters,  of  whom  he  brought  off  fifty  together  with 
many  cattle  and  horses  which  they  had  stolen. " 2 

Late  in  the  fall,  as  we  learn  from  Major  Humphreys, 

General  Putnam  advanced  towards  the  British  lines.  As  he 
had  received  intelligence  that  small  bodies  of  the  enemy  were 
out,  with  orders  from  Governor  Tryon  to  burn  Wright's  mills, 
he  prevented  it  by  detaching  three  parties,  of  one  hundred 
men  in  each.  One  of  these  parties  fell  in  with  and  captured 
thirty-five,  and  another  forty  of  the  new  levies.  But  as  he 
could  not  prevent  a  third  hostile  party  from  burning  the  house 
of  Mr.  Van  Tassel,  a  noted  Whig  and  a  Committee-man,  who 
was  forced  to  go  along  with  them,  naked  and  barefoot,  on  the 
icy  ground,  in  a  freezing  night,  he,  for  the  professed  purpose  of 
retaliation,  sent  Capt.  Buchanan,  in  a  Whale-boat,  to  burn 
the  house  of  Oliver  De  Lancey  on  York  Island.  Buchanan 
effected  his  object,  and  by  this  expedition  put  a  period,  for  the 
present,  to  that  unmeaning  and  wanton  species  of  destruction. 

Washington,  pp.  292-301 ;  Leake's  Life  and  Times  of  Gen.  John  Lamb,  pp. 
174-181;  Wm.  Heath's  Memoirs,  p.  120;  Capt.  Edward  C.  Boynton's  His 
tory  of  West  Point,  pp.  44-48;  Henry  B.  Dawson's  Battles  of  the  United  States, 
pp.  332-350;  Life  of  Gen.  William  Hull,  pp.  no-ni. 

1  Humphreys'  Life  of  Gen.  Putnam,  Edition  of  1788,  p.  171. 

2  Life  of  Gen.  Putnam,  p.  171. 


Cowboy  Raids  109 

While  Gen.  Putnam  quartered  at  New  Rochelle,  a  scouting 
party  which  had  been  to  West  Farms,  below  Westchester, 
surrounded  the  house  in  which  Col.  James  De  Lancey  lodged, 
and,  notwithstanding  he  crept  under  the  bed  the  better  to  be 
concealed,  brought  him  to  Headquarters  before  morning. 
This  officer  was  exchanged  by  the  British  General  without 
delay,  and  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Cow  boys,  a  licentious 
Corps  of  irregulars,  who  in  the  sequel,  committed  unheard-of 
depredations  and  excesses. 

It  was  distressing  to  see  so  beautiful  a  part  of  the  country 
so  barbarously  wasted,  and  often  to  witness  some  peculiar 
scene  of  female  misery.  For  most  of  the  female  inhabitants  had 
been  obliged  to  fly  within  the  lines  possessed  by  one  army  or 
the  other.  Near  our  quarters  was  an  affecting  instance  of 
human  vicissitude.  Mr.  William  Button,  of  Maroneck,  an 
inoffensive  man,  a  merchant  by  profession,  who  lived  in  a 
decent  fashion,  and  whose  family  had  as  happy  prospects  as 
almost  any  in  the  country,  upon  some  imputation  of  Toryism, 
went  to  the  enemy.  His  wife  oppressed  with  grief  in  her 
disagreeable  state  of  dereliction,  did  not  long  survive.  Bet 
sey  Sutton,  their  eldest  daughter,  was  a  modest  and  lovely 
young  woman,  of  about  fifteen  years  old,  when  at  the  death 
of  her  mother,  the  care  of  five  or  six  younger  children  devolved 
upon  her.  She  was  discreet  and  provident  beyond  her  years. 
But  when  we  saw  her,  she  looked  feeble  in  health — broken  in 
spirit — wan,  melancholy,  and  dejected.  She  said  "that  their 
last  cow,  which  furnished  milk  for  the  children,  had  lately 
been  taken  away — that  they  had  frequently  been  plundered 
of  their  wearing  apparel  and  furniture,  she  believed  by  both 
parties — that  they  had  little  to  lose — and  that  she  knew  not 
where  to  procure  bread  for  the  dear  little  ones,  who  had  no 
father  to  provide  for  them" — no  mother — she  was  going  to 
say,  but  a  torrent  of  tears  choked  articulation.  In  coming 
to  that  part  of  the  country  again,  after  some  campaigns  had 
elapsed,  I  found  the  habitation  desolate,  and  the  garden  over 
grown  with  weeds.  Upon  inquiry,  I  learnt,  that  as  soon  as  we 
left  the  place  some  ruffians  broke  into  the  house  while  she  lay 
in  bed,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  night :  and  that,  having  been 


no  The  Continental  Forces 

terrified  by  their  rudeness,  she  ran  half -naked,  into  a  neighbour 
ing  swamp,  where  she  continued  until  morning — there  the  poor 
girl  caught  a  violent  cold  which  ended  in  a  consumption. 
It  finished  a  life  without  spot — and  a  career  of  suffering 
commenced  and  continued  without  a  fault. 

Sights  of  wretchedness  always  touched  with  commiseration 
the  feelings  of  General  Putnam,  and  prompted  his  generous 
soul  to  succour  the  afflicted.  But  the  indulgence  which 
he  shewed,  whenever  it  did  not  militate  against  his  duty, 
towards  the  deserted  and  suffering  families  of  the  Tories  in  the 
State  of  New-York,  was  the  cause  of  his  becoming  unpopular 
with  no  inconsiderable  class  of  the  people  in  that  State.  On 
the  other  side,  he  had  conceived  an  unconquerable  aversion  to 
many  of  the  persons  who  were  entrusted  with  the  disposal  of 
Tory-property,  because  he  believed  them  to  have  been  guilty 
of  peculations  and  other  infamous  practices.  But  although  the 
enmity  between  him  and  the  Sequestrators  was  acrimonious 
as  mutual;  yet  he  lived  in  habits  of  amity  with  the  most  re 
spectable  characters  in  public  departments,  as  well  as  in  private 
life.1 

The  loss  of  the  fortifications  on  the  Hudson  was  a  matter 
of  great  mortification  to  General  Washington.  The 
enemy,  however,  could  make  no  use  of  their  victory  as  the 
surrender  at  Saratoga  had  changed  their  plans  and  they 
maintained  no  garrison  above  Stony  Point.  Congress  had 
on  November  5,  1777,  placed  the  Highland  posts  under  the 
charge  of  Gen.  Gates,  or  rather  added  them  to  the  northern 
department,  but  that  commander  never  assumed  any 
active  control  there,  for  soon  after  he  was  made  President 
of  the  Board  of  War  and  repaired  to  York,  Pennsylvania, 
where  Congress  was  then  in  session.  Gen.  Clinton,  in 
whom  Washington  had  great  confidence,  temporarily  took 
the  command  on  the  west  side  of  the  river.  Some  of  the 
perplexities  disturbing  Washington  at  this  time  may  be 
imagined  from  the  experiences  of  his  aide,  Col.  Alexander 

1  Life  of  Putnam,  pp.  172-175. 


Hamilton  Blames  Putnam  in 

Hamilton,  who  had  been  sent  late  in  October  to  order 
reinforcements  from  the  Northern  Army  for  the  main 
army  then  acting  upon  the  defensive  near  Red  Bank, 
Gloucester  County,  New  Jersey,  opposite  Philadelphia. 
Gen.  Gates,  who  was  in  Albany  with  a  large  portion  of  his 
victorious  army,  after  having  dispatched  Col.  Morgan 
with  his  riflemen,  was  reluctant  to  send  more  than  four 
thousand  men  to  the  Commander-in- Chief .  He  proposed 
defending  New  York  and  New  England,  and  undertaking 
in  the  spring  an  expedition  for  the  recovery  of  Ticonderoga. 
Many  of  his  troops  were  to  be  sent  to  the  Highlands  under 
the  command  of  Gen.  Putnam.  Upon  his  way  to  Albany, 
Col.  Hamilton  visited  Gov.  Clinton  and  Gen.  Putnam. 
The  Governor  was  then  with  his  levies  of  militia  and  a 
few  continental  troops  at  New  Windsor  near  Newburgh. 
Gen.  Putnam  with  a  greater  number  of  troops,  including 
those  from  the  northern  army,  than  he  required,  had 
encamped  near  Fishkill.  He  had  recently  held  a  council 
of  war  to  determine  upon  the  best  course  of  action  for  the 
larger  body  of  soldiers  now  under  his  command.  His 
favourite  plan  of  an  attack  upon  New  York  was  then 
occupying  all  his  attention.  He  knew  that  Gen.  Washing 
ton  had  previously  approved  of  such  an  attempt  and  could 
see  no  reason  why  it  should  not  now  be  made.  The  old 
veteran  was  extremely  desirous  to  retain  for  his  contem 
plated  purpose  nearly  all  the  troops  in  his  camp.  Evidently 
the  tact  of  Hamilton  had  deserted  him  for  he  almost  came 
to  an  open  collision  with  Putnam  and  advised  his  chief  that 
Gov.  Clinton  should  be  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
Highlands  and  Putnam  removed,  "as  his  blunders  and 
caprices  are  endless."  By  the  advice  of  Clinton  a  per 
emptory  command  in  the  name  of  Washington  was  sent 
by  Col.  Hamilton  to  Gen.  Putnam  to  detach  and  forward 
all  the  Continental  troops  then  in  his  army  and  also  to  turn 
back  to  Red  Bank  some  New  Jersey  troops  about  to  cross 


ii2  The  Continental  Forces 

over  to  Peekskill.  The  delay,  however,  had  been  both 
annoying  and  hazardous  as  in  the  meantime  Fort  Mifflin 
had  been  taken  and  Washington's  army  greatly  reduced 
by  death,  wounds,  and  illness.  It  is  not  necessary  to  dwell 
here  upon  the  actual  conspiracy  of  Gen.  Conway  aided 
by  a  strong  party  in  the  Continental  Congress,  several 
general  and  other  officers,  including  Gen.  Gates,  whose  vain 
and  shallow  nature  was  puffed  up  by  victory  and  flattery, 
to  supersede  Washington  in  the  command  of  the  army.  * 
Washington  was  not  naturally  suspicious  and  bore 
slights  and  opposition  usually  with  great  outward  calm 
ness.  He  had,  however,  been  so  harassed  and  thwarted 
in  the  pursuance  of  his  plans  that  he  wrote  in  a  tone  of 
unusual  sharpness  to  Gen.  Putnam. 

I  cannot  but  say  there  has  been  more  delay  in  the  march  of  the 
troops  than  I  think  necessary;  and  I  could  wish  that  in  the 
future  my  orders  may  immediately  be  complied  with,  without 
arguing  upon  the  propriety  of  them.  If  any  accident  ensues 
from  obeying  them,  the  fault  will  be  upon  me  not  you.2 

The  ease  with  which  the  British  advanced  up  the 
Hudson  convinced  Washington  that  that  most  important 
central  river  needed  further  and  stronger  defences.  It  was 
then  that  West  Point  became  the  great  strategic  position 
which  it  held  in  the  northern  field  during  the  remaining 
years  of  the  war.  Major  Humphreys  claims  for  his 
department  commander,  General  Putnam,  the  honour  of 
selecting  the  point  as  the  most  impregnable  site  upon  the 
River,  and  the  claim  is  essentially  sustained  by  the  records. 
In  previous  pages  of  this  Memoir  it  has  been  shown  what 
efforts  General  Heath  and  the  Provincial  Convention  of 

1  Chief  Justice  Marshall  in  his  Life  of  Washington  gives  a  clear  and 
unprejudiced  account  of  its  inception  and  culmination;  see  pp.  336-348, 
volume  iii.,  also  pp.  342-373,  Washington  Irving,  Life  of  Washington,  iii. 

3  living's  Washington,  iii.,  p.  316. 


Selection  of  West  Point  113 

New  York  had  already  made  to  protect  the  Hudson. 
West  Point  had  been  suggested  as  a  site  to  be  considered, 
but  nothing  was  done  toward  occupying  it.  Washington 
finally,  on  December  2,  1777,  called  Putnam's  attention 
to  the  matter  and  instructed  him  ' '  to  employ  your  whole 
force  and  all  the  means  in  your  power  for  erecting  and 
completing  such  works  and  obstructions  as  may  be  neces 
sary  to  defend  the  river."  Putnam  at  once  examined 
West  Point  and  proposed  to  fortify  it.  General  Clinton 
also  recommended  the  site  to  Washington  in  a  letter  dated 
December  20,  1777.  Disagreement  arose  as  to  the  exact 
lay-out  of  the  works  as  well  as  to  the  situation  itself,  but 
finally  Gen.  Putnam  and  a  committee  of  the  Convention 
decided  on  January  14,  1778,  "that  the  most  proper  place 
to  obstruct  the  navigation  of  the  river  is  at  West  Point. " 
Putnam's  decided  opinion  was  thus  sustained,  and  a  week 
later  Parsons 's  brigade  crossed  from  the  east  side  of  the 
Hudson,  and  in  spite  of  the  severity  of  the  weather,  began 
the  erection  of  the  works  agreed  upon.  It  was  on  or  about 
January  25,  1778,  that  the  sounds  of  pick  and  shovel  were 
first  heard  on  that  famous  site  as  the  work  began  of  making 
it  the  invincible  fortress  which  played  so  prominent  a  part 
in  the  military  operations  that  were  to  follow.  x 

As  Major  Humphreys  was  present  with  his  brigade  and 
conversant  with  the  facts  in  the  case,  his  account  of  the 
transactions  and  events  of  that  date  is  especially  interest 
ing  and  important.  In  his  Life  of  Putnam,  he  continues: 

Late  in  the  year  we  left  the  lines  and  repaired  to  the  High 
lands.  For  upon  the  loss  of  Fort  Montgomery,  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  determined  to  build  another  fortification  for 
the  defence  of  the  river.  His  Excellency,  accordingly,  wrote 
to  General  Putnam  to  fix  upon  the  spot.  After  reconnoitering 
all  the  different  places  proposed  and  revolving  in  his  own  mind 
their  relative  advantages  for  offence  on  the  water  and  defence 

1  See  Boynton's  West  Point,  pp.  48-68. 


ii4  The  Continental  Forces 

on  the  land,  he  fixed  upon  WEST  POINT.  It  is  no  vulgar  phrase 
to  say  that  to  him  belongs  the  glory  of  having  chosen  this  rock 
of  our  military  salvation.  The  position  for  water  batteries 
which  might  sweep  the  channel  where  the  river  formed  a  right 
angle,  made  it  the  most  proper  of  any  for  commanding  the 
navigation ;  while  the  rocky  ridges  that  rose  in  awful  sublimity 
behind  each  other,  rendered  it  impregnable  and  even  incapable 
of  being  invested  by  less  than  twenty  thousand  men.  The 
British,  who  considered  this  post  as  a  sort  of  American  Gibral- 
ter,  never  attemping  it  but  by  the  treachery  of  an  American 
officer.  All  the  world  knows  that  this  project  failed,  and  that 
West  Point  continues  to  be  the  receptacle  of  everything  valu 
able  in  military  preparations  to  the  present  day. 

In  the  month  of  January  1778,  when  a  snow  two  feet  deep 
lay  on  the  earth,  Gen.  Parsons'  Brigade  went  to  West  Point 
and  broke  ground.  Want  of  covering  for  the  troops,  together 
with  want  of  tools  and  material  for  the  works  made  the 
prospect  truly  gloomy  and  discouraging.  It  was  necessary  that 
means  should  be  found  though  our  currency  was  depreciated 
and  our  treasury  exhausted.  The  estimates  and  requisitions  of 
Colonel  la  Radiere,  the  Engineer  who  laid  out  the  works  alto 
gether  disproportioned  to  our  circumstances  served  only  to  put 
us  in  mind  of  our  poverty,  and,  as  it  were  to  satirize  our 
resources.  His  petulant  behaviour  and  unaccommodating 
disposition  added  further  embarrassments.  It  was  then  that 
the  patriotism  of  Governor  Clinton  shone  in  full  lustre.  His 
exertions  to  furnish  supplies  can  never  be  too  much  com 
mended.  His  influence,  arising  from  his  popularity  was 
unlimited:  yet  he  hesitated  not  to  put  all  his  popularity  at 
risque,  whenever  the  federal  interests  demanded.  Notwith 
standing  the  impediments  that  opposed  our  progress,  with  his 
aid  before  the  opening  of  the  campaign,  the  works  were  in  great 
forwardness. x 

After  the  works  had  been  partially  completed,  Gen. 
Parsons'  Brigade  seems  to  have  remained  on  garrison 

1  Humphreys'  Life  of  Gen.  Putnam,  pp.  176,  177. 


Beverly  Robinson  115 

duty  at  West  Point  when  Gen.  Putnam  was  obliged  to  re 
turn  to  Connecticut.  Gen.  McDougall  was  put  tempora 
rily  in  charge  of  the  Highland  forts.  The  headquarters  for 
Gen.  Parsons  were  established  at  the  house  of  Col.  Bev 
erly  Robinson.  Col.  Robinson's  daughters  and  one  or  two 
other  young  ladies  in  the  Highlands  formed  an  agreeable 
'  *  Tory  circle ' '  where  young  American  officers  occasionally 
passed  an  afternoon  in  chat  and  repartee.  One  brisk 
day  in  November  previous,  Major  Humphreys  and  Colonel 
Samuel  B.  Webb  diverted  themselves  with  a  trip  up  the 
Hudson  to  take  tea  with  "the  Misses  Robinson,"  and 
enjoy  a  ride  back  together  to  Camp.  Their  comrade  of 
the  " Seventy-Six  Campaign,"  Benjamin  Tallmadge,  would 
have  made  a  sympathetic  companion,  but  just  then,  as  a 
full-blossomed  Major  of  Dragoons  on  Washington's 
picket  lines  outside  of  Valley  Forge,  he  was  on  duty. 
There  was  left  only  the  consolation  of  letters.  To  Webb 
he  wrote  November  17,  1777:  "If  my  old  friend  David 
Humphreys  is  with  you,  give  him  also  the  benedictions  of 
your  friend  and  humble  servant,  Benj.  Tallmadge.  "* 

The  house  of  Col.  Beverly  Robinson  was  upon  a  broad 
plateau  at  the  base  of  Sugar  Loaf  Mountain,  opposite 
West  Point.  The  house  commanded  an  extensive  and 
entrancing  view  of  river,  forest,  and  mountain.  Col. 
Robinson  himself  was  a  Loyalist,  and  as  Major  had 
served  with  Wolfe  at  Quebec.  He  married  a  daughter 
of  Frederick  Philipse,  the  second  Lord  of  the  Philipse 
Manor. 

Hoping  to  remain  in  contented  ease  in  his  Highland 
home  he  took  no  part  in  the  preliminaries  to  the  Revolution . 
But  when  the  War  actually  began  he  removed  to  New 
York  and  organized  the  Loyal  American  regiment,  of 
which  he  became  Colonel  and  his  son  Beverly  Robinson, 
Jr.,  Lieutenant -Colonel.  After  the  Revolution,  with  a 

1  Correspondence  of  Col.  S.  B.  Webb,  by  Worthington  Ford,  vol.  ii. 


n6  The  Continental  Forces 

portion  of  his  family,  he  went  to  England,  and  died  at 
Thornbury  in  1792,  in  his  seventieth  year.1 

Gen.  Parsons,  in  a  letter  to  his  friend,  Gen.  James 
Wadsworth  of  Hartford,  written  in  February,  1778,  says,  of 
the  life  led  at  the  Point : 

You  ask  me  where  I  can  be  found.  This  is  a  puzzling  question, 
the  camp  is  at  a  place  on  Hudson's  River  called  West  Point 
opposite  where  Fort  Constitution  once  stood.  The  situation  is 
pass'd  description  ....  To  a  contemplative  mind  which  delights 
in  a  lonely  retreat  from  the  world  to  view  and  admire  the 
stupendous  work  of  nature,  it  is  as  beautiful  as  Sharon  but 
affords  to  a  man  who  loves  the  society  of  the  world  a  prospect 
nearly  allied  to  the  Shades  of  Death ;  here  I  am  to  be  found  at 
present  in  what  situation  of  mind  you  will  easily  imagine.  Mr. 
D wight  and  Major  Humphreys  are  now  here,  and  a  good 
companion  now  and  then  adds  to  the  number  of  my  agree 
able  family.2 

It  was  about  this  time  that  it  was  ascertained  in  the 
camp  that  a  large  British  man-of-war  was  aground  near 
Smithtown,  Long  Island.  With  a  selected  company  of 
thirty  men  Major  Humphreys  crossed  the  Sound  to  de 
stroy  it.  Much  to  his  disappointment  the  vessel  had 
been  floated  the  day  before  their  arrival.  Other  British 
vessels  were  found  anchored  there  which  they  surprised. 
After  burning  a  brig,  schooner,  and  sloop,  the  expedition 
returned  to  camp  without  loss. 3 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Timothy  Dwight,  revisiting  the  scene  of 
his  early  youth  when  he  had  become  a  well-known  scholar, 
and  President  of  Yale  College,  recalls  this  incident  of  his 

1  Benson  J.  Lossing's  Field  Book  of  the  American  Revolution,  New  York, 
p.  140. 

a  Professor  Henry  B.  Johnston's  Yale  and  her  Honour  Roll  in  the  American 
Revolution,  1775-1783,  p.  259,  New  York,  Privately  printed,  1888. 

3  Johnston's  Yale  in  the  Revolution,  p.  272. 


Humphreys  at  West  Point  117 

army  chaplaincy,  which  had  probably  been  obtained  for 
him  by  Major  Humphreys x : 

The  headquarters  of  a  commanding  officer  are  of  necessity 
a  scene  of  bustle  and  business.  Such  at  that  time  was  particu 
larly  the  case  with  ours.  On  the  I5th  of  March,  which  was 
Sunday,  we  attended  Divine  service  in  the  morning.  After  it 
was  ended,  the  house  was  filled  with  a  succession  of  officers, 
and  others,  who  came  in  to  receive  orders,  or  to  report  the 
manner  in  which  they  had  executed  those  they  had  already 
received.  To  withdraw  ourselves  from  such  a  scene  of  con 
fusion,  Major  Humphreys,  an  intimate  friend  of  mine,  from 
the  time  we  were  fellow-students  at  Yale  College  and  myself, 
determined  to  seek  the  only  retreat  in  our  power ;  a  solitary 
walk.  Accordingly  we  wandered  to  the  top  of  Sugar-Loaf ;  a 
mountain  of  considerable  height,  at  a  small  distance  to  the 
South  from  Col.  Robinson's.  These  observations  will  introduce 
with  a  sufficient  explicitness  the  following  letter,  from  which 
you  will  derive  a  more  distinct  view  of  the  appearance  of  the 
most  interesting  part  of  the  highlands  than  I  can  give  you  in 
any  other  manner. 

"Yesterday  afternoon  in  company  with  Major  Humphreys 
I  went  up  to  the  summit  of  Sugar  Loaf,  a  mountain  near  Col. 
Robinson's  house.  We  ascended  it  with  some  difficulty,  from 
the  steepness  of  the  acclivity,  and  from  the  loose  stones  which 
frequently  sliding  from  under  our  feet ;  exposed  us  to  imminent 
hazard  of  falling.  From  the  summit  we  were  presented  with 
an  extensive  and  interesting  prospect,  comprising  the  ob 
jects  which  I  have  heretofore  mentioned,  and  many  others, 
which  I  had  never  seen.  The  point  of  view  was  remarkably 
happy:  the  mountain  being  so  situated  as  to  bring  within 
our  reach  the  greatest  number  of  objects  in  the  surrounding 
region,  and  exhibit  them  with  the  highest  advantage.  What  is 
almost  a  singularity,  there  was  not  a  cheerful  object  in  our 
horizon.  Everything  which  we  beheld,  was  majestic,  solemn, 
wild  and  melancholy."2 

1  He  was  in  the  army  from  October,  1777,  to  October,  1778. 

a  Travels  in  New-England  and  New- York;  by  Timothy  Dwight,  S.T.D., 


n8  The  Continental  Forces 

During  the  Spring  and  early  Summer  of  1778  the  Bri 
gade  of  Gen.  Parsons  remained  in  the  Highlands.  In  the 
meantime  Washington  with  the  main  body  of  the  army 
had  left  the  dreary  winter  quarters  at  Valley  Forge  where 
so  much  suffering  had  been  endured  and  so  much  hero 
ism  displayed. 

Sir  William  Howe  had  resigned  his  command,  and  the 
British  troops  under  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  their  new  chief, 
had  evacuated  Philadelphia,  and  intended  to  force  a 
passage  through  Washington's  army  to  New  York.  Pro 
clamations  of  bills  of  Amnesty  and  Conciliation  passed 
by  the  English  Parliament  were  promulgated  by  agents 
of  the  Crown,  and  in  June,  1778,  three  Commissioners  to 
treat  with  the  Americans  for  conciliation  and  a  return  to 
their  allegiance  arrived  at  Philadelphia,  who  were  re 
ceived  with  scant  courtesy  by  the  military  authorities. 
There  was  no  consideration  of  their  proposals  by  the 
Continental  Congress. 

On  June  19,  1778,  the  bloody  battle  of  Monmouth  was 
fought  with  much  courage  and  skill  both  on  the  part  of 
Clinton  and  Washington.  The  disobedience  of  orders  by 
General  Charles  Lee  made  it  very  near  a  fatal  disaster  for 
the  Continental  Army. 

While  Washington  was  encamped  at  Paramus,  New 
Jersey,  he  received  the  welcome  news  that  a  fleet  under 
the  command  of  Count  d'Estaing  had  arrived  off  the  coast 
with  instructions  to  render  all  possible  assistance  to  the 
Americans. 

This  was  the  first  result  of  the  treaty  of  alliance  finally 
negotiated  with  "his  most  Christian  Majesty,  Louis  XVI.," 
by  the  American  Commissioners  to  France  in  February, 
1778.  This  fleet  was  composed  of  twelve  ships  of  the  line 

LL.D.,  Late  President  of  Yale  College;  Author  of  Theology  Explained 
and  Defended,  in  Four  Volumes.  New  Haven:  Printed  by  Timothy 
Dwight.  S.  Converse,  Printer,  1811,  vol.  iii.,  p.  430. 


White  Plains  Camp  119 

and  six  frigates,  and  brought  a  body  of  four  thousand 
troops.  Its  arrival  in  connection  with  the  partial  victory 
at  Monmouth  made  the  prospects  of  the  success  of  the 
American  arms  much  brighter  and  cheered  the  desponding 
spirits  of  the  people.  Washington  with  the  army  pushed 
out  through  New  Jersey  and  crossing  the  Hudson  made  a 
camp  near  White  Plains,  which  he  occupied  during  the 
summer,  carefully  watching  the  movements  of  the  enemy, 
and  meditating  an  attack  on  New  York  or  in  some  other 
quarter  as  those  might  suggest.  The  greater  portion  of 
the  troops  in  the  Highlands  were  now  concentrated  in  the 
new  White  Plains  Camp.  Gen.  Putnam  was  given 
' '  command  of  the  right  Wing  of  the  Grand  Army  under 
the  Orders  of  the  General  in  Chief." x 

All  writers  upon  the  Revolution  note  that  the  effective 
strength  of  the  army  was  at  this  time  about  equal  to  that 
of  the  British. 2 

Major  Humphreys  says: 

Our  effective  force  in  one  camp  was  at  no  other  time  so  re 
spectable  as  at  this  juncture.  The  army  consisted  of  sixty 
regular  Regiments  of  foot  formed  into  fifteen  Brigades,  four 
Battalions  of  Artillery,  four  Regiments  of  Horse,  and  sev 
eral  Corps  of  State  Troops.3 

Our  soldier  during  the  summer  took  his  turn  as  ' '  Brigade 
Major  for  the  Day"  in  that  camp.  After  the  unsuccessful 
attempt  to  gain  Rhode  Island  by  siege  with  a  combination 
of  New  England  troops  under  Gen.  Sullivan  and  Gen. 
Greene,  the  French  Allies  and  the  French  fleet  in  August, 
and  some  skirmishing  in  various  places,  the  American  army 
went  into  Winter  quarters  late  in  the  Fall  of  1778.  A 
considerable  portion  of  the  British  army  had  been 

1  Humphreys'  Life  of  Gen.  Putnam,  Edition  of  1788,  p.  178. 

2  Marshall's  Washington,  iii.,  p.  452,  note  2. 

3  Life  of  Gen.  Putnam,  Edition  of  1788,  p.  178. 


120  The  Continental  Forces 

withdrawn  to  the  West  Indies  with  the  greater  portion 
of  the  fleet,  but  a  sufficient  number  of  soldiers  to  defend 
New  York  and  a  few  vessels  remained.  It  was  thought 
advisable  by  Washington  to  extend  the  winter  quar 
ters  from  Redding  in  Connecticut  to  Middlebrook  in 
New  Jersey  nearly  upon  a  line  with  West  Point.  The 
central  body  was  stationed  at  Middlebrook  where  Wash 
ington,  Greene,  Knox  and  Baron  Steuben  had  their  head 
quarters.  General  McDougall  still  commanded  in  the 
Highlands  and  in  his  vicinity  were  several  brigades.  Gen. 
Putnam  with  the  two  Brigades  of  Connecticut,  General 
Poor's  New  Hampshire  Brigade,  Col.  Sheldon's  cavalry 
and  Col.  Hazen's  Infantry  Corps  were  stationed  on 
Redding  Ridge  near  Danbury,  Connecticut.  It  is  said 
upon  good  local  authority  that  there  were  "three  separate 
Camps  about  half  a  mile  apart. " 

The  position  of  the  Campo  [says  Judge  Pickett,  whose  grand 
father  was  quartered  there],  on  the  easterly  slope  of  a  lofty  hill, 
known  as  Gallows  Hill,  was  wisely  chosen,  as  it  afforded  some 
shelter  from  the  northerly  and  westerly  winds,  was  well  pro 
vided  with  wood  and  water,  and  from  the  crest  of  the  hill  the 
shore  of  Long  Island  Sound  and  a  wide  section  of  country  that 
then  required  protection  was  in  view.  The  camp-ground  is 
located  about  seventeen  miles  north  of  Long  Island  Sound, 
twelve  miles  easterly  from  the  New  York  State  line  and 
twenty  seven  miles  south-easterly  from  West  Point.1 

Gen.  Putnam  established  his  headquarters  in  an  ancient 
"lean  to  "  house  on  the  Norwalk  and  Danbury  road  about 
three  miles  west  of  the  Congregational  Church  at  Redding. 
With  him  was  Major  Humphreys  who  had  been  appointed 
one  of  his  aides-de-camp,  under  the  following  order  of 

1  The  Hon.  R.  S.  Pickett,  Flag-Day  Oration.  June  14,  1892,  before  the 
Connecticut  Society  of  the  Sons  of  the  American  Revolution,  for  1893  and 
1894,  printed  for  the  Society,  1894,  p.  450. 


Redding  Camp  121 

December  17,  1778 :  "David  Humphreys  Esq.  late  Brigade 
Major  to  General  Parsons  is  appointed  Aid-de-Camp  to 
Major  General  Putnam  till  further  orders  and  is  to  be 
regarded  and  obeyed  as  such. " x 

The  soldiers,  as  in  previous  winters,  built  for  themselves 
log  huts  with  rude  stone  foundations.  The  incidents  of 
camp  life  were  few.  There  was  intense  cold  and  some 
scarcity  of  provisions.  The  raids  and  requisitions  on  the 
poultry  yards  and  cattle  of  farmers  in  the  vicinity  were 
frequent.  Even  the  cows  were  milked  by  the  soldiers  in 
the  absence  of  the  farmers.  The  clothing  of  the  troops 
needed  replenishing  and  both  the  State  and  Congressional 
treasuries  were  without  funds  for  the  purpose.  The  Gen 
eral  and  his  aides  did  all  that  was  possible  for  the  comfort 
of  the  soldiers.  Governor  Trumbull  was  constant  in  his 
endeavours  to  mitigate  the  evil  effects  of  an  empty  treas 
ury  and  the  slow  process  by  which  money  for  the  support 
of  the  Continental  troops  in  the  camp  was  obtained  by 
him.  This  camp  has  often  been  called  "the  Valley  Forge 
of  Connecticut. "  So  destitute  were  some  of  the  soldiers, 
it  is  said,  that  they  "were  reduced  to  blankets  alone,  for 
clothing  by  day  and  covering  by  night."  While  the 
courage  of  the  greater  number  did  not  fail  and  they  bravely 
endured  all  their  privations,  others  began  to  clamour  for 
their  delayed  pay,  suitable  clothing,  and  sufficient  food. 
The  Continental  currency  in  which  the  soldiers  were  paid 
was  then  undergoing  a  rapid  depreciation  which  was  an 
additional  cause  of  discontent.  At  length  the  conditions 
of  camp  life  became  so  intolerable  that  open  mutiny 
broke  out. 

The  troops  [says  Major  Humphreys],  who  had  been  badly  fed, 
badly  cloathed,  and  worse  paid,  by  brooding  over  their  griev 
ances  in  the  leisure  and  inactivity  of  winter-quarters  began 

1  Hall's  Life  of  Parsons,  p.  205. 


122  The  Continental  Forces 

to  think  them  intolerable.  The  Connecticut  Brigade  formed 
the  design  of  marching  to  Hartford,  where  the  General  As 
sembly  was  then  in  Session,  and  of  demanding  redress  at  the 
point  of  the  Bayonet.  Word  having  been  brought  to  Gen. 
Putnam  that  the  second  Brigade  was  under  arms  for  this  pur 
pose,  he  mounted  his  horse,  and  galloped  to  the  Cantonment 
and  thus  addressed  them:  "My  brave  lads,  whither  are  you 
going?  Do  you  intend  to  desert  your  officers,  and  to  invite 
the  enemy  to  follow  you  into  the  country?  Whose  cause  have 
you  been  fighting  and  suffering  so  long  in,  is  it  not  your  own? 
Have  you  no  property,  no  parents,  wives  or  children?  You 
have  behaved  like  men  so  far — all  the  world  is  full  of  your 
praises — and  posterity  will  stand  astonished  at  your  deeds :  but 
not  if  you  spoil  all  at  last.  Don't  you  consider  how  much  the 
country  is  distressed  by  the  war,  and  that  your  officers  have 
not  been  any  better  paid  than  yourselves?  But  we  all  expect 
better  times  and  that  the  Country  will  do  us  ample  justice. 
Let  us  stand  by  one  another  then,  and  fight  it  out  like  brave 
Soldiers.  Think  what  a  shame  it  would  be  for  Connecticut- 
men  to  run  away  from  their  Officers." 

After  the  several  Regiments  had  received  the  General  as  he 
rode  along  the  line  with  drums  beating  and  presented  arms,  the 
Sergeants  who  had  then  the  command  brought  the  men  to  an 
Order,  in  which  position  they  continued  while  he  was  speaking' 
When  he  had  done,  he  directed  the  acting  Major  of  Brigade  to 
give  the  word  for  them  to  shoulder,  march  to  their  Regimental 
Parades,  and  lodge  arms.  All  which  they  executed  with  promp 
titude  and  apparent  good  humour.  One  Soldier  only,  who  had 
been  the  most  active,  was  confined  in  the  quarter-guards ;  from 
whence  at  night,  he  attempted  to  make  his  escape.  But  the 
sentinel,  who  had  also  been  in  the  mutiny,  shot  him  dead  on 
the  spot,  and  thus  the  affair  subsided. x 

In  addition  to  the  defence  of  Connecticut  from  invasion 
Gen.  Putnam  by  frequent  scouting  parties  had  constantly 
to  be  on  the  alert  for  any  attempt  by  the  British  to  gain 

1  Life  of  General  Putnam,  Edition  of  1788,  pp.  179,  180. 


Raid  on  Horse  Neck  123 

a  foothold  on  the  Hudson.  Gen.  Washington,  after  the 
destruction  of  the  Highland  forts,  had  caused  a  small  fort 
to  be  erected  at  Verplanck's  Point  on  the  west  side  of  the 
river  and  nearly  opposite,  eight  miles  below  Peekskill, 
and  a  stronger  one  at  Stony  Point.  This  promontory 
presented  an  almost  bare  face  of  rock  to  the  river,  and  was 
difficult  of  approach  from  the  rear.  Small  garrisons  were 
left  in  them  to  guard  the  approach  to  the  Highlands. 
Rumours  of  a  general  attack,  pillage  and  burning  of  the 
Connecticut  shore  towns  were  constantly  received  from 
sympathizers  in  England  and  France.  The  greater  portion 
of  the  winter  had  passed  without  any  hostile  alarm.  Late 
in  February,  1779,  as  Gen.  Putnam  was  making  an  inspec 
tion  of  the  outpost  at  Horse  Neck  (now  West  Greenwich), 
where  he  was  the  guest  of  Gen.  Ebenezer  Mead,  he  saw 
as  he  was  shaving  on  the  morning  of  February  26th,  upon 
the  surface  of  his  shaving  glass  "the  reflection  of  a  body 
of  red-coats  marching  up  the  road  from  westward.  "  Has 
tily  dropping  his  razor,  putting  on  his  coat,  seizing  his 
sword  and  belt,  he  immediately  went  to  rally  his  men,  and 
place  his  two  small  field-pieces  upon  the  brow  of  the  hill 
near  the  Congregational  Church.  The  British  troops  were 
a  raiding  party  of  fifteen  hundred  regulars  and  Hessians 
under  the  command  of  Gen.  Tryon.  It  was  their  object 
to  destroy  the  salt-works  at  Horse  Neck  Landing.  The 
story  of  the  skirmish  is  best  told  in  Humphreys'  words : 

While  Gen.  Putnam  was  on  a  visit  to  his  out-post  at  Horse- 
Neck,  he  found  Governor  Tryon  advancing  upon  that  town 
with  a  corps  of  fifteen  hundred  men — to  oppose  these  General 
Putnam  had  only  a  Picket  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  and 
two  iron  field-pieces  without  horses  or  drag-ropes.  He,  how 
ever,  planted  his  cannon  on  the  high  ground  by  the  meeting 
house,  and  retarded  their  approach  by  firing  several  times, 
until  perceiving  the  horse  (supported  by  the  infantry)  about 
to  charge,  he  ordered  the  picket  to  provide  for  their  safety  by 


124  The  Continental  Forces 

retiring  to  a  swamp  inaccessible  to  horse ;  and  secured  his  own 
by  plunging  down  the  steep  precipice  at  the  church  upon  a  full 
trot.  This  precipice  is  so  steep,  where  he  descended,  as  to 
have  artificial  stairs  composed  of  nearly  one  hundred  stone 
steps  for  the  accommodation  of  foot  passengers.  There  the 
Dragoons  who  were  but  a  sword's  length  from  him,  stopped 
short.  For  the  declivity  was  so  abrupt  that  they  ventured 
not  to  follow:  and,  before  they  could  gain  the  valley  by  going 
round  the  brow  of  the  hill  in  the  ordinary  road,  he  was  far 
enough  beyond  their  reach.  He  continued  his  route  unmolested 
to  Stamford,  from  whence,  having  strengthened  his  picket  by 
the  junction  of  some  militia,  he  came  back  again,  and  in  turn 
pursued  Governor  Try  on  in  his  retreat.  As  he  rode  down  the 
precipice  one  ball  of  the  many  fired  at  him  went  through  his 
beaver.  But  Governor  Tryon,  by  way  of  compensating  for 
spoiling  his  hat,  sent  him  soon  afterwards,  as  a  present,  a 
complete  suit  of  cloaths. x 

Gen.  Tryon  accomplished  his  purpose,  plundered  the 
people  of  the  town,  and  injured  the  houses  of  many 
"Whigs.  " 

Mr.  Benson  J.  Lossing,  who  examined  and  sketched  in 
1848  the  site  of  Putnam's  descent,  says  in  his  Field  Book  of 
the  American  Revolution2: 

General  Mead  and  others  saw  the  descent  of  Putnam.  He 
wheeled  his  horse  from  the  road  near  the  house  of  Dr.  Mead, 
seen  on  the  extreme  right.  He  did  not  go  down  the  steps  at 
all,  (as  popular  tradition  avers,)  except  four  or  five  of  them  near 
the  bottom.  As  he  hastened  by  toward  Stamford,  General 
Mead  distinctly  heard  him  cursing  the  British  whom  he  had 
left  behind.  The  feat  was  perilous  but  under  the  circum 
stances  not  very  extraordinary.  I  was  told  that  in  1825 
several  of  the  dragoons  in  the  escort  of  La  Fayette  to  this  place 
performed  the  same. 

The  camp  on  Redding  Ridge  was  broken  up  on  May 
27,  1779,  when  the  Commander  issued  this  farewell  order: 

1  Life  of  General  Putnam,  pp.  181, 182.  a  Vol.  i.,  p.  413. 


Putnam's  Farewell  Order  125 

Major  General  Putnam  being  about  to  take  command  of  one 
of  the  wings  of  the  Grand  Army,  before  he  leaves  the  troops 
who  have  served  under  him  the  Winter  past  thinks  it  his  duty 
to  signify  to  them  his  entire  approbation  of  their  regular  and 
soldierlike  conduct,  and  wishes  them  (wherever  they  may 
happen  to  be  out)  a  successful  and  glorious  campaign.1 

1  Record  of  Connecticut  Men  in  the  Revolution,  Hartford,  1889. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

Fairfield  and  Stony  Point 

The  Camp  at  Smith's  Clove — Clinton  Captures  Stony  Point — Tryon's 
Raid  on  New  Haven  and  Fairfield — Humphreys'  Elegy  on  Burning  of 
Fairfield — Wayne's  Re-capture  of  Stony  Point — Steuben's  Opinion 
of  West  Point  as  a  Fort — Headquarters  Established  at  Morristown — 
Humphreys  visits  his  Home  at  Derby — Putnam  Seized  with  Paralysis 
on  his  Way  to  Morristown. 

ALL  through  the  struggle  Washington  jealously  guarded 
the  Hudson.  With  the  opening  of  the  campaign  of 
1779  he  aimed  to  prevent  Sir  Henry  Clinton  from  obtaining 
control  of  any  important  point  on  the  river.  To  effect 
this  purpose  General  Putnam  with  his  brigade  was  ordered 
to  the  lower  Highlands,  where  a  camp  was  established  near 
Smith's  Clove,  a  mountain  pass  in  the  rear  of  Haverstraw. 
Washington  transferred  the  main  army  slowly,  brigade  by 
brigade,  to  positions  on  the  east  and  west  sides  of  the 
Hudson  in  the  vicinity  of  West  Point  until  the  Con 
tinental  Camp  formed  a  strong  guard  for  that  post,  and 
with  the  reinforcements  for  the  garrison  made  its  retention 
by  the  Americans  certain. x 

1  In  the  final  disposition  of  the  army  in  the  Highlands  for  the  summer  of 
1779,  Gen.  Putnam  had  command  of  the  right  wing  in  which  there  were  the 
Virginia,  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  "lines"  under  Gens.  Stirling,  De 
Kalb  and  St.  Clair.  "  In  Smith's  Clove  and  at  the  furnace,"  says  Professor 
Johnston,  "they  guarded  the  roads  leading  to  the  rear  of  the  Point. "  Col, 

126 


Clinton  Captures  Stony  Point          127 

Clinton  challenged  Washington's  claim  from  his  tempo 
rary  headquarters  at  Phillipsburg,  now  Yonkers,  and  in 
May  sent  an  expedition  up  the  river,  leaving  the  large 
division  of  the  army  under  Gen.  Vaughan,  with  Gen. 
Matthews  and  his  troops  from  Virginia  under  the  convoy 
of  Sir  George  Collier  to  follow.  By  a  masterly  manage 
ment  of  his  forces,  Gen.  Vaughan  landed  at  Teller's  Point, 
seven  miles  below  Verplanck's  Point,  and  proceeded  by  land 
to  the  rear  of  the  American  Fort  Fayette.  Sir  Henry  him 
self,  with  Gen.  Patterson  in  immediate  command,  landed 
three  miles  below  Stony  Point  on  the  west  side  and  took 
by  surprise  the  American  detachment  engaged  upon  the 
works  which  were  at  once  abandoned.  Gen.  Patterson 
planted  his  guns  during  the  night  upon  the  summit  of  the 
Point  in  the  unfinished  works  and  at  five  o'clock  in  the 
morning  opened  fire  upon  Fort  Fayette  on  the  opposite 
bank.  Soon  after  Gen.  Vaughan  arrived  in  the  rear  of  the 
Fort  and  captured  it.  It  was  a  surprise  to  Washington 
that  Sir  Henry  Clinton  did  not  pursue  his  advantage 
after  finishing  the  works  at  Stony  Point,  and  placing  a 
garrison  of  seven  hundred  men  there  and  a  smaller  force 
at  Fort  Fayette,  but  returned  to  his  encampment  on  Man 
hattan  Island  near  Harlem.  Washington  was  then  appre 
hensive  that  some  predatory  excursion  was  contemplated 
and  sent  messengers  to  Lebanon  to  warn  the  Governor 
of  Connecticut,  as  soon  as  he  learned  that  the  British  fleet 
had  entered  Long  Island  Sound  and  was  stationed  off 
Huntington.  The  delay  of  the  messengers  was  unavoid 
able  and  their  arrival  too  late  to  serve  the  purpose  of  pre 
parations  for  defence  of  the  Connecticut  shore  towns. 
The  militia  had,  however,  been  put  under  arms  by  order 

Humphreys  in  his  "Life"  speaks  of  Gen.  Putnam  as  being  in  command  of 
the  Maryland  line  "at  Buttermilk  Falls  two  miles  below  the  Point."  It 
is  probable  that  he  established  his  headquarters  at  the  Falls,  which  would 
justify  the  statement. 


128  Fairfield  and  Stony  Point 

of  the  vigilant  Governor  and  every  precaution  taken 
against  a  surprise.  Two  objects  seem  to  have  been  de 
signed  by  the  attack  upon  Connecticut :  one  to  draw  Wash 
ington  from  the  natural  protection  of  the  Highlands  of 
New  York  to  the  more  level  region  of  Connecticut,  where 
the  British  would  be  at  a  greater  advantage;  the  other 
to  chastise  the  State  for  her  constant  readiness  to  furnish 
supplies,  money  and  men  for  the  Continental  Army,  and 
thus  by  an  exhibition  of  British  power  terrify  the  people 
into  submission.  The  invasion  of  Connecticut  was  con 
ducted  by  Gen.  Tryon,  as  usual,  with  General  Garth 
as  second  in  command. 

As  soon  as  Washington  knew  of  it,  he  sent  Heath  with 
the  Connecticut  division  towards  the  threatened  points 
while  Parsons  pushed  in  advance  with  a  small  party,  to 
aid  the  State  Militia  and  report  the  enemy 's  movements. 
It  was  about  five  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  Monday,  July 
5,  1779,  when  a  division  of  the  combined  British  and  Hes 
sian  forces  under  Gen.  Garth  landed  at  West  Haven  near 
Savin  Rock  and  proceeded  to  the  Meeting  House  Green. 
About  the  same  time  the  division  of  Gen.  Tryon  landed  at 
Five  Mile  Point,  near  the  present  Light  House  at  the  east 
projection  of  the  Harbour.  President  Stiles,  who  gives 
an  interesting  account  of  the  invasion,  estimated  the  whole 
body  of  troops  at  two  thousand,  while  the  official  report 
of  Sir  George  Collier,  the  British  Commodore,  says  that 
there  were  twenty-six  hundred.  Garth's  force  was  met 
by  the  militia  under  Col.  Sabin  at  West  Bridge,  with  two 
pieces  of  artillery.  Capt.  Hillhouse  with  a  small  force  of 
young  men,  so  harassed  the  advance  guard  that  it  was 
compelled  to  seek  refuge  with  the  main  body.  The 
militia  were  cool  and  collected  and  the  resistance  was 
determined.  Among  the  volunteers  was  a  company  of 
Yale  students  under  the  command  of  George  Welles  of  the 
Senior  class.  It  is  a  matter  of  local  pride  and  tradition 


Tryon's  Raids  129 

that  the  retired  President  of  Yale,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Napthali 
Daggett,  who  was  making  a  horseback  reconnoissance 
alone  near  the  second  milestone  from  the  city,  withstood 
bravely  a  party  of  the  British  until  taken  prisoner  by  it. 
He  was  treated  with  much  indignity  and  painfully  wounded 
on  the  march  into  New  Haven  where  he  was  released. 
The  enemy  entered  the  city  just  after  noon;  there  was  a 
general  pillaging  of  valuable  articles,  wanton  destruction 
of  others,  insult  and  injury  to  women  and  children,  actual 
conflict  with  inoffensive  citizens.  A  few  houses  were 
burned,  including  the  handsome  mansion  of  Mr.  Morris  at 
the  Cove.  Throughout  the  day  many  collisions  occurred 
between  the  British  and  the  various  bodies  of  militia. 
During  the  night  intoxication  added  to  the  fury  and  rage 
of  the  British  soldiers.  About  five  o'clock  on  the  morning 
of  July  6th,  after  setting  fire  to  houses  in  East  Haven  and 
to  the  stores  upon  Long  Wharf,  and  the  vessels  stationed 
there,  the  soldiers  retired  to  their  ships ;  the  galleys  still 
pouring  shot  and  shell  into  the  town,  which  was  continued 
during  the  day  after  the  arrival  of  four  regiments  of  the 
Connecticut  militia  that  had  been  summoned  to  repel  the 
invaders.  Late  at  night  the  fleet  and  transports  left 
the  harbour. x 

Upon  the  morning  of  Wednesday,  July  7th,  the  fleet 
anchored  off  Fairfield  and  about  four  o'clock  in  the  after 
noon  Gen.  Try  on  and  his  men  entered  the  town,  landing 
"a  little  east  of  Kensie's  Point  at  a  place  called  the  Pines.  " 
At  five  o'clock  the  whole  force  of  the  invaders  paraded  on 
the  Green  in  front  of  the  Meeting  House.  Gen.  Try  on 
took  for  his  headquarters  the  house  of  Mr.  Benjamin 
Bulkley  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Green,  from  which 

1  The  most  valuable  contemporary  account  may  be  found  in  President 
Stiles 's  Literary  Diary,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  351-367.     An  exhaustive  modern  account 
was  issued  by  Charles  Henry  Townsend  of  New  Haven  in  1879,  with  the 
title:  The  British  Invasion  of  New  Haven,  Connecticut. 
VOL.  i — 9 


130  Fairfield  and  Stony  Point 

he  issued  his  orders  to  the  small  detachment  sent  to 
plunder  and  burn.  The  militia  offered  a  gallant  resist 
ance  to  the  enemy.  Lieut.  Isaac  Jar  vis  with  twenty- 
three  men  in  the  fort  upon  Clover  Hill  did  effective 
execution  with  his  small  company  upon  various  parties  of 
the  British,  and  although  a  galley  was  sent  to  silence  its 
guns  and  several  parties  tried  to  take  it  by  assault  he  held 
it  throughout  the  raid.  Col.  Whiting  gathered  volunteers 
upon  Round  Hill,  and  Capt.  Thomas  Nash  with  a  small 
company  attacked  from  behind  fences  the  marauding 
bands,  killing  a  few. 

Cool  courage  was  displayed  by  many  women  as  well  as 
men.  Mrs.  Esther  Jennings  removed  to  Greenfield  Hill 
all  the  cattle  near  McKenzie's  Point.  Many  women 
and  children  were  placed  in  safe  hiding  places  on  that  hill 
and  in  the  Fairfield  Woods.  Enough,  however,  remained 
in  the  village  to  be  the  victims  of  insults,  injury  and  wan 
ton  cruelty.  The  written  protection  of  Gov.  Tryon  was 
not  respected  by  the  men  sent  to  burn  the  houses.  There 
was  an  indiscriminate  plundering  and  burning  of  the 
buildings  of  both  Whigs  and  Tories ;  even  the  Rev.  John 
Sayre,  minister  of  Trinity  Church,  an  outspoken  Tory,  was 
not  protected  in  his  property  rights.  The  church,  the 
parsonage,  his  books  and  furniture  shared  in  the  general 
conflagration  of  the  town.  About  five  o'clock  on  the  after 
noon  of  July  8th,  soon  after  the  first  house  was  set  on  fire, 
a  "flag"  was  sent  to  Col.  Whiting  from  Gen.  Tryon  with 
the  address  which  had  recently  appeared  in  the  Courant 
calling  upon  the  militia  and  people  to  return  to  their 
allegiance. 

The  Colonel  sent  back  this  spirited  message:  " Connec 
ticut  having  nobly  dared  to  take  up  arms  against  the  cruel 
despotism  of  Britain  and  the  flames  having  preceded  their 
answer  to  your  flag,  they  will  persist  to  oppose  to  the 
utmost  the  power  exerted  against  injured  innocence." 


Burning  of  Norwalk  131 

The  night  was  made  by  the  British  soldiers  one  of  revelry 
and  carousing.  When  the  detachment  sent  to  destroy 
the  neighbouring  hamlet  of  Green's  Farms  came  back 
in  the  morning,  all  marched  from  the  desolate  town  and 
returned  to  the  fleet  which  set  sail  for  Huntington .  Among 
the  ninety-seven  houses  burned  was  that  of  the  Rev. 
Samuel  Mills,  a  Baptist  minister,  who  had  married 
Sarah  Humphreys,  the  only  sister  of  Col.  Humphreys.  It 
is  a  family  tradition  that  Mrs.  Mills  hastily  gathered  a 
few  valuables,  placed  her  best  feather  bed  upon  the  family 
horse  for  a  saddle  and  sought  safety  by  briskly  trotting 
her  steed  to  her  father's  parsonage  in  Derby  thirty  miles 
away. 

The  burning  of  this  beautiful  village  and  the  wanton 
attack  upon  New  Haven  alarmed  the  people  of  the  shore 
towns,  but  did  not  increase  their  regard  for  the  British 
Crown  and  its  servants.  Two  hundred  and  eighteen 
buildings  were  destroyed  including  the  court-house,  jail, 
three  churches,  two  schools,  ninety-seven  dwellings, 
sixty-seven  barns,  forty-eight  stores  and  shops. * 

The  British  continued  their  terrible  demonstration  of 
power  by  the  burning  of  Norwalk  on  July  nth.  Gen. 
Parsons  arrived  at  Norwalk  on  the  I2th  and  assisted 
in  repelling  the  invaders.  It  was  here,  to  use  his  words, 
that  Gen.  Try  on  "  crowned  himself  with  laurels  from 

1  The  most  authentic  accounts  of  the  burning  of  Fairfield  are:  Diary  of 
President  Stiles,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  357-359;  J.  W.  Barber's  Historical  Collections 
of  Connecticut,  pp.  351,  352,  354,  355,  358,  360.  A  later  account  will  be 
found  in  the  Rev.  Dr.  E.G.  Rankin's"  Centennial  Commemoration,  1879,"  as 
printed  in  the  History  of  Fairfield  County,  pp.  281,  et  seq.  The  important 
letter  of  the  Rev.  Andrew  Eliot,  Congregational  minister  at  Fairfield  in 
J779>  appears  in  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Collections,  volume 
iii.,  pp.  283,  284.  The  Rev.  John  Sayre,  in  a  letter  describing  his  treat 
ment  by  the  Whigs  during  the  years  1775-1779,  written  to  the  Venerable 
Propagation  Society  from  "Flushing,  Long  Island,  Nov.  8,  1779,"  gives  a 
brief  notice  of  the  burning  of  the  town:  Connecticut  Church  Documents ,  vol. 
ii.,  p.  208,  Hawks  and  Perry,  New  York,  1864. 


132  Fairfield  and  Stony  Point 

another  fiery  expedition  to  wreak  his  master's  vengeance 
upon  the  rebellious  women  and  formidable  hosts  of  boys 
and  girls. x 

One  of  Col.  Humphreys'  earliest  published  poems  was 
written  upon  the  site  of  Fairfield  a  few  months  after  the 
sad  tragedy.  It  elicited  great  applause  on  its  first  issue 
and  has  been  incorporated  into  the  historical  accounts  of 
that  July  day,  by  several  writers. 2 

ELEGY 

on  the 

BURNING  OF  FAIRFIELD  IN  CONNECTICUT 

Ye  smoking  ruins,  marks  of  hostile  ire, 

Ye  ashes  warm,  which  drink  the  tears  that  flow, 

Ye  desolated  plains,  my  voice  inspire, 

And  give  soft  music  to  the  song  of  woe. 

How  pleasant,  Fairfield,  on  th'  enraptur'd  sight 
Rose  thy  tall  spires,  and  op'd  thy  social  halls! 
How  oft  my  bosom  beat  with  pure  delight, 
At  yonder  spot  where  stand  thy  darken'd  walls ! 

But  there  the  voice  of  mirth  resounds  no  more, 
A  silent  sadness  through  the  streets  prevails : 
The  distant  main  alone  is  heard  to  roar, 
And  hollow  chimneys  hum  with  sullen  gales — 

Save  where  scorch'd  elms  th'  untimely  foliage  shed, 
Which,  rustling,  hovers  round  the  faded  green — 
Save  where  at  twilight,  mourners  frequent  tread, 
'Mid  recent  graves  o'er  desolation's  scene. 

1  Stuart's  Life  of  Governor  Jonathan  Trumbutt,  p.  444. 
1  Lossing's  Field  Book  of  the  Revolution,  pp.  427, 428.     Barber's  Historical 
Collections,  vol.  i.,  p.  335. 


Burning  of  Fairfield  133 

How  chang'd  the  blissful  prospect,  when  compar'd 
These  glooms  funereal,  with  thy  former  bloom, 
Thy  hospitable  rights  when  Tryon  shar'd, 
Long  ere  he  seal'd  thy  melancholy  doom : 

That  impious  wretch,  with  coward  voice  decreed 
Defenceless  domes  and  hallow'd  fanes  to  dust; 
Beheld,  with  sneering  smile,  the  wounded  bleed, 
And  spurr'd  his  bands  to  rapine,  blood  and  lust. 

Vain  was  the  widow's,  vain  the  orphan's  cry, 
To  touch  his  feelings,  or  to  soothe  his  rage — 
Vain  the  fair  drop  that  roll'd  from  beauty's  eye, 
Vain  the  dumb  grief  of  supplicating  age. 

Could  Tryon  hope  to  quench  the  patriot  flame, 
Or  make  his  deeds  survive  in  glory's  page? 
Could  Britons  seek  of  savages  the  fame, 
Or  deem  it  conquest,  thus  the  war  to  wage: 

Yes,  Britons :  scorn  the  councils  of  the  skies, 
Extend  wide  Havock,  spurn  th'  insulted  foes ; 
Th'  insulted  foes  to  tenfold  vengeance  rise, 
Resistance  growing  as  the  danger  grows. 

Red  in  their  wounds,  and  pointing  to  the  plain, 
The  visionary  shapes  before  me  stand — 
The  thunder  bursts,  the  battle  burns  again, 
And  killing  fires  encrimson  all  the  strand. 

Long  dusky  wreaths  of  smoke,  reluctant  driv'n, 
In  black'ning  volumes  o'er  the  landscape  bend: 
Here  the  broad  splendour  blazes  high  to  heav'n, 
There  umber'd  streams  in  purple  pomp  ascend. 

In  fiery  eddies,  round  the  tott'ring  walls, 
Emitting  sparks,  the  lighter  fragments  fly; 
With  frightful  crash  the  burning  mansion  falls, 
The  works  of  years  in  glowing  embers  lie. 


134  Fairfield  and  Stony  Point 

Try  on,  behold  thy  sanguine  flames  aspire, 
Clouds  ting'd  with  dyes  intolerably  bright; 
Behold,  well  pleased,  the  village  wrapt  in  fire, 
Let  one  wide  ruin  glut  thy  ravish'd  sight ! 

E'er  fades  the  grateful  scene,  indulge  thine  eye, 
See  age  and  sickness,  tremulously  slow, 
Creep  from  the  flames — see  babes  in  torture  die, 
And  mothers  swoon  in  agonies  of  woe. 

Go,  gaze,  enraptur'd  with  the  mother's  tear, 
The  infant's  terror,  and  the  captive's  pain, 
Where  no  bold  bands  can  check  thy  curst  career ; 
Mix  fire  with  blood  on  each  unguarded  plain ! 

These  be  thy  triumphs!  this  thy  boasted  fame! 
Daughters  of  mem'ry,  raise  the  deathless  song! 
Repeat  through  endless  years  his  hated  name, 
Embalm  his  crimes,  and  teach  the  world  our  wrongs.1 

The  ruins  of  Fairfield  and  Norwalk  were  still  smoulder 
ing  when  the  spirits  of  the  patriots  were  revived  by  the 
brilliant  exploit  of  Anthony  Wayne,  the  storming  and 
capture  of  Stony  Point.  This  expedition  had  been  care 
fully  planned  by  Gen.  Washington  to  demonstrate  to  the 
British  Commander  that  the  control  of  the  Hudson  was  to 
be  in  the  hands  of  the  Americans.  He  selected  for  its 
leader  a  general  whose  courage  had  been  fully  proved, 
whose  judgment  was  sound,  whose  military  skill  was 
pre-eminent  and  who  for  daring  has  been  called  "Mad 
Anthony  Wayne. " 

When  the  project  was  laid  before  him  by  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  he  accepted  the  perilous  task  with 

1  A  letter  to  Gen.  Greene,  dated  New  Haven,  the  loth  of  April,  1780, 
states  that  the  poem  was  written  "to  while  away  a  vacant  hour  the  other 
morning."  A  note  in  Col.  Humphreys'  Miscellaneous  Works,  1804,  says 
it  was  written  in  1779  on  the  spot  where  the  town  stood. 


Re-capture  of  Stony  Point  135 

modest  confidence.  The  fifteen  hundred  men  necessary 
for  this  enterprise  were  chosen  by  General  Wayne  with 
great  care,  from  the  forty-six  battalions  in  the  portion  of 
the  Continental  Army  quartered  around  West  Point.  A 
new  corps  was  formed,  to  be  known  as  the  Light  Infantry; 
it  was  essential  that  each  man  in  it  should  be  perfect  in 
drill,  understand  the  use  of  the  bayonet,  be  able  to  make 
forced  marches,  and  take  any  risk.  It  was  to  consist  of  four 
regiments,  each  to  contain  three  hundred  and  forty  men 
and  officers.  The  first  was  commanded  by  Col.  Christian 
Febiger,  a  wealthy  Dane,  who  had  come  to  America  in 
1774  as  a  merchant,  became  a  volunteer  at  Bunker  Hill, 
and  then  entered  the  army.  His  endurance  and  bravery 
had  been  tested  at  Quebec  and  on  other  battlefields.  His 
battalion  commanders  were  Lieut.  Col.  Fleury,  a  gallant 
young  Frenchman,  and  Major  Posey,  a  valiant  Virginian. 
Col.  Richard  Butler,  who  is  styled  by  a  recent  historian 
"the  ablest,  bravest  and  most  reliable  field-officer  of  the 
Pennsylvania  line,"1  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  second 
regiment,  under  whom  were  Lieutenant-Colonel  Samuel 
Hay,  a  favourite  officer  of  General  Wayne,  whose  men 
were  principally  from  Pennsylvania,  and  the  dashing  Jack 
Stewart  of  Baltimore  whose  detachment  was  composed 
of  soldiers  in  the  Maryland  Line,  with  some  from  Delaware. 
The  third  regiment  was  under  Col.  Return  Jonathan 
Meigs,  with  Lieutenant-Colonel  Isaac  Sherman,  a  son  of 
Roger  Sherman,  a  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independ 
ence,  and  Capt.  Henry  Champion  as  battalion  chiefs. 
The  officers  and  men  were  all  veterans  from  Connecticut. 
Major  Humphreys  does  not  appear  to  have  taken  part  in 
the  expedition,  but  was  doubtless  active,  as  Putnam's 
aide,  in  preparing  against  a  possible  counter-attack  by  the 
enemy.  The  fourth  regiment  was  not  at  this  time  fully 
organized.  Col.  William  Hull  with  Major  Murfree,  of 

1  Prof.  Henry  P.  Johnston,  The  Storming  of  Stony  Point. 


136  Fairfield  and  Stony  Point 

North  Carolina,  joined  Gen.  Wayne's  force,  with  the 
Massachusetts  companies,  as  the  nucleus  of  the  regiment. 
There  were  no  men  from  New  York,  New  Jersey,  New 
Hampshire,  or  Rhode  Island,  as  those  lines  were  then 
engaged  in  the  expedition  against  the  New  York  Indians 
under  Gen.  Sullivan. 

At  noon,  July  15,  1779,  the  Light  Infantry  as 
sembled  for  inspection  at  Sandy  Beach,  five  miles 
below  West  Point,  and  two  miles  above  Fort  Mont 
gomery.  Thirteen  hundred  and  fifty  men,  determined 
and  eager  for  any  enterprise,  were  drawn  up  for  the 
first  time  before  their  commander.  Immediately  after 
inspection  the  line  of  march  was  taken  up.  It  led 
them  by  the  bases  of  high  hills,  through  morasses,  and 
over  rough  roads.  Torn  Mountain  and  Bear  Moun 
tain  were  passed  early  in  the  afternoon,  and  the  soldiers 
proceeded  during  the  remainder  of  the  long  July  day  in 
such  order  as  they  could  preserve.  They  surmounted 
the  crest  of  "De  Gaffles  Rugh" ;  crossed  the  western  slope 
of  Dunderberg,  and  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening  halted 
for  a  rest  on  the  farm  of  David  Springsteel,  thirteen  miles 
from  their  camp  and  one  mile  and  a  half  directly  in  the  rear 
of  Stony  Point.  It  was  not  until  then  that  the  men  knew 
their  destination  which  had  been  kept  a  profound  secret 
even  from  the  sentries  and  outposts.  The  attack  was 
planned  for  midnight,  and  the  troops  gained  a  short 
respite  from  toil  while  the  final  arrangements  were  made. 
At  half -past  eleven  in  profound  silence  the  Light  Infantry 
advanced  in  two  columns.  Colonels  Febiger  and  Meigs, 
and  Major  Hull  with  their  troops  were  on  the  right,  Col. 
Butler  on  the  left.  Major  Murfree  with  two  companions 
with  loaded  guns  formed  the  centre.  Each  man  carried 
his  musket  unloaded  and  with  fixed  bayonet.  The 
officers  carried  espontoons,  a  species  of  spear.  For  the 
right  column  there  was  a  vanguard  of  one  hundred  and 


Re-capture  of  Stony  Point  13? 

fifty  volunteers,  and  for  the  left  of  one  hundred.  They 
were  armed  with  axes  to  cut  away  the  abattis  and  other 
obstructions.  Their  muskets  were  slung.  For  each 
division  in  front  of  the  vanguard  in  the  post  of  greatest 
danger  were  twenty  intrepid  men  to  play  the  part  of  ' '  the 
forlorn  hope."  Lieut.  Gibbon  led  the  left  and  Lieut. 
Knox  the  right.  Almost  noiselessly  the  soldiers  advanced 
toward  the  Point,  the  column  under  Gen.  Wayne  through 
the  present  village,  and  that  of  Col.  Butler  through  "a 
farm-lane  now  a  road, "  and  at  midnight  were  on  opposite 
sides  of  the  marsh  between  the  Point  and  the  mainland. 
The  water  in  the  inlet  was  found  to  be  deeper  than  had 
been  supposed  but  it  was  no  obstacle  to  these  men  of 
pluck  and  muscle. 

In  they  waded  boldly,  and  although  at  times  the  water 
was  waist  deep,  they  advanced  rapidly  even  under  the 
fire  that  was  kept  up  by  the  sentinels  and  garrison  who  had 
now  discovered  the  attacking  party.  Led  by  Col.  Fleury  and 
Lieut.  Knox,  the  column  rapidly  scaled  the  heights,  charg 
ing  with  bayonets,  grappling  sometimes  with  those  who 
made  a  determined  resistance,  in  spite  of  the  incessant  fire 
which  was  kept  up.  The  artillery  men  had  now  manned 
the  batteries  and  hoped  to  pour  such  a  deadly  charge 
into  what  they  thought  the  large  force  in  front  as  to  defend 
the  fort.  Major  Murfree  with  his  two  companions  kept 
up  "a  galling  fire."  Col.  Johnson,  the  British  Command 
ant,  supposing  that  the  chief  attack  was  there,  gathered 
a  large  part  of  the  garrison  to  resist  it,  while  Col.  Butler 
approaching  from  the  left,  with  slight  opposition  broke 
through  the  abattis,  gained  the  fortress,  and  aided  his 
companions  in  overpowering  the  garrison.  Major  Posey 
with  his  battalion  seized  the  northern  side.  Col.  Fleury 
entered  the  flag  bastion  without  encountering  many 
obstacles  and  hauled  down  the  British  ensign,  raising  the 
cry  soon  echoed  by  the  whole  American  force:  "The 


138  Fairfield  and  Stony  Point 

fort's  our  own."  Col.  Johnson,  who  with  several  com 
panies  of  his  men  had  descended  to  the  outer  redoubt  to 
repel  the  attack,  started  back  to  the  citadel  "only  to  fall 
into  the  hands  of  Febiger  to  whom  he  surrendered  in  per 
son.  "  In  thirty  minutes  the  action  was  over,  and  the 
cries  of  the  British:  "Mercy:  Mercy:  dear  Americans, 
Quarter:  Quarter,"  ceased.  The  forbearance  of  the 
General  and  his  troops  in  sparing  the  lives  of  the  greater 
part  of  the  garrison  has  often  been  noted.  It  has  been  one 
of  the  unwritten  rules  of  war  that  putting  a  garrison  to 
death  in  a  night  attack  was  both  justifiable  and  necessary. 
No  one  was  killed  who  was  willing  to  surrender.  The 
British  loss  was  sixty-three  killed  and  more  than  seventy 
wounded;  the  prisoners  taken  were  five  hundred  and 
forty- three.  On  the  American  side  fifteen  were  killed 
and  eighty-three  wounded.  Fifteen  cannon  and  a  large 
amount  of  stores  were  taken.  Gen  Wayne  briefly  an 
nounced  his  success  to  Washington,  by  whom  the  General 
and  his  men  were  heartily  thanked  in  an  official  Order. 
This  affair  changed  the  plans  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  checked 
his  ravages  in  Connecticut,  and  prevented  any  desire  for 
battle  with  the  army  in  the  Highlands.  It  still  remains 
one  of  the  most  brilliant  and  daring  exploits  in  military 
history,  and  received  from  both  friends  and  foes  applause 
and  commendation.  It  gained  for  Gen.  Wayne  undying 
fame. r 
After  examining  carefully  the  condition  of  the  works  at 


1  The  most  complete  accounts  of  the  Storming  of  Stony  Point  are: 
Prof.  Henry  P.  Johnston's  The  Storming  of  Stony  Point  on  the  Hudson,  Mid- 
Night,  July  75,  1779.  Its  Importance  in  the  Light  of  Unpublished  Docu 
ments,  12  mo.,  p.  232.  James  M.  White  &  Co.,  N.  Y.  1900.  Hon.  John 
Marshall's  Life  of  George  Washington,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  71-81.  Washington 
Irving's  Life  of  George  Washington,  vol.  iii.,  pp.  502-509.  Henry  B.  Daw- 
son's  Battles  of  the  United  States,  volume  i.,  p.  517.  General  John  Arm 
strong's  Life  of  General  Anthony  Wayne,  in  Sparks's  American  Biography, 
vol.  iv.,  pp.  44-48. 


West  Point  Garrisoned  139 

Stony  Point,  July  I7th,  in  company  with  several  of  his 
most  trusted  generals,  Washington  determined  that  as  it 
would  require  a  garrison  of  at  least  fifteen  hundred  men, 
and  as  Fort  Fayette  on  Verplanck's  Point  opposite  was 
still  held  by  the  enemy,  it  was  inexpedient  to  retain 
the  post.  It  was  his  own  opinion,  in  which  the  best 
strategists  of  the  army  concurred,  that  the  defence  of  West 
Point  was  the  most  essential  service  to  the  American  cause. 
A  Council  of  officers  held  at  the  headquarters  of  General 
Putnam  on  July  22, 1 779,  at  the  request  of  the  Commander- 
in-Chief,  at  which  Gens.  Putnam,  De  Kalb,  Smallwood, 
Muhlenberg  and  Gist  were  present,  made  suggestions  as 
to  the  arrangement  of  outposts.  The  Board  did  not  think 
any  change  necessary  in  the  general  disposition  of  the  troops 
in  the  Highlands. x 

Baron  Steuben  as  an  expert  military  engineer  gave  an 
opinion,  as  desired  by  Washington,  upon  the  general 
military  status  after  the  capture  of  Stony  Point,  in  which 
he  reviewed  the  situation  of  the  two  armies  and  con 
sidered  the  effect  of  that  victory  upon  the  army  and  people 
of  the  United  States,  after  which  he  conjectured  the  pro 
bable  plans  of  the  enemy  and  the  changes  in  them  which 
it  brought  about.  His  conclusion  was  that  West  Point 
should  be  strongly  fortified,  supplied  with  sufficient  artil 
lery,  food,  and  ammunition  and  garrisoned  with  two  thou 
sand  men.  "We  ought  not  to  be  induced,"  he  said,  "to 
take  our  forces  more  than  a  day's  march  from  it. " 2 

The  conclusions  of  the  Board  of  officers  and  of  Baron 
Steuben  were  approved  by  the  Commander-in-Chief .  The 
northern  army  still  remained  on  the  defensive  in  its 
mountain  fastnesses.  Sir  Henry  Clinton  again  occupied 
Stony  Point,  strengthened  the  works,  and  placed  in  them 

1  Document  No.  51,  pp.  209-211  of  Appendix  of  Prof.  Johnston's    The 
Storming  of  Stony  Point. 

2  Ibid.,  pp.  207-209. 


140  Fairfield  and  Stony  Point 

a  large  body  of  soldiers.  The  news  from  the  South  was 
discouraging  to  the  patriots.  Gen.  Lincoln  had  planned 
to  besiege  and  capture  Savannah  with  the  aid  of  the 
French  under  Count  d'Estaing,  who  at  his  solicitation 
had  sailed  for  the  coast  of  Georgia  after  a  successful  engage 
ment  with  the  British  fleet  in  the  West  Indies.  The 
strength  of  the  fortifications,  the  readiness  of  Gen.  Prevost, 
the  British  Commandant,  the  reinforcements  received  by 
the  British  and  the  desire  of  d'Estaing  to  return  to  the 
West  Indies,  were  obstacles  to  success.  The  works  were 
bravely  stormed  October  9th,  with  great  loss  of  life  and 
the  wounding  of  many,  among  them  Count  d'Estaing, 
both  of  the  French  and  Americans.  The  death  of  Count 
Pulaski  was  a  serious  blow,  for  he  was  brave  and  devoted 
to  the  cause  of  the  Americans.  It  was  the  receipt  of 
this  intelligence  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  so  cheering  to  his 
country  and  the  prospect  of  the  reduction  of  South  Caro 
lina,  that  led  him  to  withdraw  the  garrisons  from  the 
Hudson  River  to  concentrate  his  forces  in  New  York,  and 
on  December  26th,  with  several  thousand  men  in  transports 
under  the  convoy  of  five  ships  of  the  line  and  some  frigates 
under  Admiral  Arbuthnot,  to  sail  for  the  South.  As  soon 
as  Washington  knew  this  design,  he  detached  and  sent 
forward  to  reinforce  Gen.  Lincoln  all  the  troops  of  Vir 
ginia  and  South  Carolina  then  in  the  Highlands,  and 
proceeded  to  make  arrangements  for  going  into  winter 
quarters.  He  selected  for  the  main  body  of  the  army  the 
strong  ground  at  Morristown,  New  Jersey,  as  a  suitable 
place,  after  surveying  several  other  situations  in  that 
State.  Gen.  Heath  was  left  in  command  in  the  Highlands 
and  to  protect  the  Connecticut  coast.  The  cavalry  was 
sent  to  Connecticut.  A  portion  under  Col.  Benjamin 
Tallmadge  was  encamped  at  Durham  and  another  portion 
at  Colchester. 

It  was  late  in  the  fall  when  Gen.  Putnam  and  his  military 


Putnam  Stricken  141 

family  left  the  neighbourhood  of  West  Point  to  make  brief 
visits  at  their  homes  in  Connecticut  before  joining  Gen. 
Washington  at  Morristown.  Col.  Humphreys  had  been 
absent  from  Derby  nearly  two  years  and  to  his  parents 
and  friends  he  could  tell  the  many  glories  and  failures  of 
the  campaigns  in  a  graphic  and  entertaining  manner.  He 
expected  soon  to  be  summoned  into  active  service  by  his 
General  who  was  then  resting  at  his  farm  in  Pomfret. 
Gen.  Putnam  commenced  his  journey  from  Pomfret  to 
Morristown  to  join  the  army  in  its  winter  huts  late  in 
December,  1779,  but  the  stout  old  campaigner  could  not 
proceed  to  his  destination.  His  active  work  was  done. 
His  aide-de-camp  says, 

Upon  the  road  between  Pomfret  and  Hartford  he  felt  an 
unusual  torpor  slowly  pervading  right  hand  and  foot.  This 
heaviness  crept  gradually  on,  until  it  had  deprived  him  of 
the  use  of  his  limbs  on  that  side  in  a  considerable  degree  before 
he  reached  the  house  of  his  friend  Colonel  Wadsworth.  Still  he 
was  unwilling  to  consider  his  disorder  of  the  paralytic  kind 
and  endeavoured  to  shake  it  off  by  exertion.  Having  found 
that  impossible,  a  temporary  dejection,  disguised  however 
under  a  veil  of  assumed  cheerfulness,  succeeded.  But  reason, 
philosophy,  and  religion  soon  reconciled  him  to  his  fate. 

The  family  of  Col.  Wadsworth  in  his  absence,  for  he  was 
the  Continental  Commissary-General  and  obliged  to  make 
many  journeys  to  obtain  supplies  for  the  army,  cared 
tenderly  for  General  Putnam. 

A  letter  to  Colonel  Wadsworth  from  his  friend  Mr. 
John  Jeffrey  says : 

General  Putnam  arrived  at  our  house  last  Friday  morning 
and  was  seized  immediately  after  his  arrival  with  a  fit  of  the 
palsey;  his  first  complaint  was  a  numbness  of  the  right  hand. 
In  the  space  of  about  an  hour  it  reached  up  to  his  shoulders. 


142  Fairfield  and  Stony  Point 

In  the  afternoon  his  right  foot  and  leg  was  affected,  and  he 
was  obliged  to  be  carried  up  to  his  chamber  by  two  men.1 

This  unexpected  event  gave  to  Major  Humphreys  some 
months  of  leisure  as  his  old  commander  was  unable  to 
resume  active  service  in  the  Army. 

With  the  General's  other  aide,  his  son,  Major  Daniel 
Putnam,  he  remained  in  Connecticut  during  the  winter, 
visited  Boston,  transacted  some  public  business,  and 
enjoyed  an  opportunity  to  indulge  his  favourite  muse  and 
correspond  with  fellow-officers  in  the  different  camps. 

1  Note  to  the  Address  of  the  Honourable  Jonathan  F.  Morris  at  the  unveil 
ing  of  a  tablet  marking  the  site  of  the  house  of  Colonel  Jeremiah  Wadsworth, 
where  General  Washington  was  entertained  on  his  first  visit  to  Hartford, 
June  29,  1775,  on  p.  56  of  Year  Book  of  the  Connecticut  Society  of  the  Sons  of 
the  A  merican  Revolution  for  1895-1896. 


CHAPTER  IX 

The  Campaign  of  178O 

Army  Songs — Dwight's  "Columbia" — Humphreys'  Poem  to  the  Armies — 
"The  Elegy"  and  other  Poems — His  Dedications  to  Washington — 
His  Letters  to  Gen.  Greene — The  Dark  Day  in  Connecticut — Hum 
phreys  Appointed  Aide-de-Camp  to  Washington — His  Sonnet  to  a 
Young  Lady — Offered  Place  on  Staff  of  Gen.  Greene — Humphreys' 
Description  of  the  Condition  of  Affairs — The  Spring  of  1780 — Hum 
phreys  Joins  Gen.  Greene  at  Morristown,  June,  1780 — Gen.  Greene's 
Character  —  Landing  of  British  under  Knyphausen  at  Elizabeth 
Point — Washington  Moves  his  Headquarters  to  Rockaway — Battle  of 
Springfield — Humphreys'  Account  of  it  to  Washington — Order  of  the 
Day  Appointing  Humphreys  Aide-de-Camp  to  Washington,  June  23, 
1780. 

HUMPHREYS  and  a  few  of  his  college  companions 
had  never  ceased  to  cherish  a  love  of  letters  even 
during  the  darkest  scenes  of  war  and  misery.  They  had 
cheered  their  soldiers  in  camp  and  on  the  march  by  stirring 
patriotic  ditties.  Any  one  acquainted  in  the  slightest 
degree  with  army  life  will  know  the  value  of  singing.  It 
takes  the  weariness  out  of  the  march,  inspirits  the  lag 
gard  and  encourages  all  to  endure  hardships  with  little 
complaining.  The  songs  composed  by  Humphreys  and 
his  friends  did  much  to  keep  up  the  spirits  of  the  much- 
tried  soldiers  of  the  Continental  Army  and  contributed 
largely  to  its  ultimate  success.  They  kept  alive  the  en 
thusiasm  of  the  patriotic  and  made  them  look  forward 
to  the  not  far  distant  time  when  Columbia  should  take 

143 


144  The  Campaign  of  1780 

her  rank  among  the  great  nations — free  and  independent 
of  all  transatlantic  rule. 

It  was  while  in  the  Highlands  with  Col.  Humphreys  in 
the  spring  of  1778  that  Dr.  Timothy  Dwight  wrote  his 
well-known  song,  "Columbia :  Columbia :  to  glory  arise."  It 
was  at  the  same  time  that  our  soldier  projected  his  first 
extended  poem  which  he  addressed  to  the  armies  of  the 
United  States. 

During  these  months  he  had  the  congenial  companion 
ship  of  John  Trumbull,  the  author  of  the  popular  serio 
comic  poem  "McFingal,"  a  satire  upon  the  Tories; 
Joel  Barlow,  a  poetical  genius,  who  was  meditating 
then  his  famous  "Columbia,"  and  others  who  amused 
themselves  by  contests  of  wit  and  eloquence  in  prose  and 
verse. 

Col.  Humphreys  now  revised  his  first  draft  of  the 
"Poem  Addressed  to  the  Armies  of  the  United  States," 
submitted  it  to  the  criticism  of  his  literary  friends,  among 
whom  was  Dr.  Ezra  Stiles,  the  learned  President  of  Yale 
College,  and  prepared  it  for  publication. 

In  a  letter  to  his  friend  Col.  Jeremiah  Wadsworth,  of 
Hartford,  written  from  "New  Haven  March  30,  1780," 
he  says : 

I  know  you  will  accuse  me  of  laziness  in  not  forwarding  before 
this  time,  the  piece  addressed  to  the  Army.  To  this  accusa 
tion,  I  was  prepared  to  plead  not  guilty. 

But  upon  considering  how  difficult  it  is  for  people  of  a  cer 
tain  class,  who  have  fallen  under  suspicions  to  vindicate 
themselves  however  innocent  they  may  be,  and  considering 
moreover  what  a  righteous  tribunal  I  was  to  be  brought  before : 
I  have  concluded  to  own  "the  foul  fact  like  a  Christian." 
I  throw  myself  on  the  mercy  of  the  court.  But  in  extenuation 
of  the  Crime,  your  Worship  will  please  to  be  inform'd  that  the 
aforesaid  poem  (so  called  as  the  Assembly  say  of  the  Tendery 
Act)  has  actually  been  for  a  considerable  time  past  fairly 


Humphrey's  Poems  145 

written  off  for  the  press,  with  large  emendations,  corrections 
and  improvements  (all  which  I  suppose  you  will  candidly 
acknowledge  would  have  become  the  author  exceedingly  well) 
and  furthermore  you  must  know  that  the  reason  it  has  not 
been  sent  was  that  its  length  made  it  improper  to  be  published 
except  in  a  Pamphlet  of  a  full  sheet  in  which  manner  it  has 
been  propos'd  by  a  number  of  gentlemen  in  this  Town,  to  have 
it  print'd  here,  and  nothing  but  the  indolence  of  the  printer  can 
prevent  it.  I  could  wish  to  have  it  done  under  my  eye.  On 
that  account  and  no  other  should  prefer  this  place,  but  as  I 
can't  this  moment  be  determined  I  will  write  you  in  a  few  days 
more  particularly  and  if  you  insist  upon  it  you  shall  have  the 
Copy  either  in  Manuscript  or  Print. 

He  appears  at  this  time  to  have  been  writing  various 
sonnets,  serio-comic  poems  and  playful  verses.  The  only 
survivals  appear  to  be  the  "Elegy,"  the  Poem,  and  "The 
letter  to  a  young  lady  in  Boston." 

In  a  letter  to  Gen.  Greene,  Humphreys  dilates  in  like 
vein  upon  his  own  and  other  poetic  productions,  and  lets 
us  for  a  moment  into  his  choice  circle  at  Yale.  He  is 
anxious,  too,  to  be  in  the  field  again : 

NEW  HAVEN,  loth  April,  1780. 
DEAR  SIR: 

The  ill-state  of  health  which  has  prevented  our  old  friend 
the  General  (with  whom  I  had  the  honor  of  serving)  from 
returning  to  Camp;  has  likewise  subjected  me,  to  a  state  of 
inactivity  and  rustication  for  several  months  past ;  this,  I  should 
have  little  reason  to  regret,  from  the  manner  in  which  I  have 
spent  the  time,  during  the  inactive  season  of  the  year:  but 
the  idea  of  its  being  protracted  into  the  active  parts  of  the 
Campaign  might  be  rather  irksome  &  disagreeable.  How 
ever,  I  shall  not  make  myself  or  friends  anxious  about  my  situ 
ation,  for  if  my  country  should  have  no  farther  occasion  for  my 
services,  I  shall  be  perfectly  willing  to  retire,  if  otherwise 
I  make  no  doubt  of  being  permitted  to  serve  it,  in  such  a  man- 

VOL.    I — 10 


146  The  Campaign  of  1780 

ner  as  will  be  most  conducive  to  the  public  good ;  which  is  the 
utmost  limit  of  my  ambition. 

In  the  interim,  whilst  I  am  amusing  myself  with  subjects  of 
Literature  &  Belle  Lettres,  I  have  presumed,  upon  the  know 
ledge  of  your  fondness  for  Letters,  to  trouble  you  with  a  small 
specimen  of  my  attempts  in  Poetry.  The  Elegy  on  the  burn 
ing  of  Fairfield,  which  is  herewith  transmitted  was  suggested 
(not  inspired  according  to  poetic  custom)  by  a  view  of  the  ruins 
of  that  once  beautiful  Town;  and  was  written  to  indulge  a 
pleasing  kind  of  melancholy,  and  while  away  a  vacant  hour  the 
other  morning.  Should  it  afford  you  a  moment's  amusement, 
it  will  be  an  additional  gratification.  And,  indeed,  since  I  have 
proceeded  so  far  in  confessing  my  weaknesses ;  I  may  as  well 
go  on  to  acknowledge  some  other  of  my  poetical  sins  &  in  the 
true  style  of  a  Penitent,  confess,  that  being  instigated  by  the 
Devil  &  a  certain  Jere  Wadsworth,  I  have  sometime  since 
written  &  consented  to  publish  a  Piece  in  verse  addressed  to 
the  Army  on  the  subject  of  the  present  war,  the  prospects 
before  us,  and  the  future  felicity,  grandeur,  population  &  glory 
of  the  Country  for  which  we  are  now  contending.  When  the 
aforesaid  poem  makes  its  appearance,  a  Copy  of  it  will  not  fail 
of  waiting  upon  you  with  the  writer's  sincerest  respects ;  unless 
you  should  have  a  surfeit  of  the  enclosure;  which  being  duly 
notified,  will  preclude  any  future  efforts  of  presumption  & 
vanity  from  the  same  quarter. 

Now  what  could  induce  me  to  turn  Scribbler,  whether  my 
own  sins  or  those  of  my  Parents  (as  Pope  says)  must  be  left 
to  further  discussion ;  tho  I  rather  imagine  the  mischief,  like  a 
thousand  others,  will  be  found  to  have  originated,  in  a  great 
measure,  from  keeping  ill  Company,  such  as  the  before  men 
tioned  Col  Wadsworth,  a  certain  Mr.  Trumbull,  a  Mr.  D wight, 
a  Dr.  Stiles  &  some  other  similar  Characters  of  smaller 
notoriety.  These  men  are  enough  to  corrupt  half  the 
youth  of  the  State,  and  introduce  them  to  the  same  evil 
practices.  For  instance,  there  is  a  hopeful  Genius  of  their 
fostering&  cultivation  in  this  town,  who  is  so  far  gone  in  Poetry, 
that  there  is  no  hope  of  reclaiming,  &  making  him  attentive  to 
anything  else, — to  be  more  serious  about  the  matter.  The 


Poem  to  the  Armies  147 

person  intended,  is  a  young  gentleman  by  the  name  of  Barlow; 
who  I  could  wish  was  introduced  to  your  notice.  He  is  cer 
tainly  a  very  great  genius,  and  has  undertaken  a  work  which 
I  am  persuaded,  will  do  honor  to  himself  &  his  Country,  if  he 
is  enabled  to  prosecute  it,  in  the  manner  he  has  proposed.  It 
is  entitled  The  Vision  of  Columbus,  and  in  the  course  of  the 
poem  will  bring  into  view  upon  a  larger  scale,  all  the  great 
events  that  have,  or  will  take  place  on  the  continent;  From  a 
sight  of  the  first  Book  which  he  has  nearly  finished,  I  have 
conceived  an  exceeding  high  idea  of  the  performance.  But 
the  difficulty  is,  it  will  be  a  labour  of  three  years  at  least ;  And 
his  patrimony  which  consisted  in  Continental  Bills  is  by  no 
means  sufficient  to  support  him.  However  a  number  of  gentle 
men  have  undertaken  to  patronize  him,  &  I  hope  will  not  relin 
quish  the  plan  on  account  of  the  expense.  Should  they,  he 
proposes  to  set  out  for  the  southward  &  see  what  encourage 
ment  he  can  obtain  there. 

My  friend  Trumbull  is  in  Town  &  informs  me  that  he  has 
had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  a  letter  from  You;  to  which  he 
wrote  an  answer  by  an  Officer  who  has  not  yet  gone  to  Camp, 
and  therefore  he  presumes  it  will  reach  you  in  a  very  depre 
ciated  state ;  which  depreciation,  he  engages  to  make  good,  pro 
vided  it  is  not  more  than  forty  for  one.  I  shall  spend  next 
week  with  him  at  Westbury  &  will  put  him  often  in  mind  of  his 
promise.  I  have  just  received  a  line  from  Maj  Putnam,  who 
acquaints  me,  that  the  General  is  better  &  proposes  making 
a  visit  to  Camp  in  May. 

I  am  with  great  respect  &  esteem,  your  most  obedt  &  very 

hble  servant, 

DAVID  HUMPHREYS. 

To  MAJOR  GENERAL  GREENE. 

The  "Poem"  was  finally  issued  late  in  the  spring  of 
1780  from  the  Press  of  T.  and  S.  Green  at  New  Haven. 
Col.  Humphreys  modestly  concealed  his  identity  under 
the  appellation:  "A  Gentleman  of  the  Army."  It  was 
received  by  the  reading  public  with  much  favour  and 


148  The  Campaign  of  1780 

enthusiastically  read  by  many  officers  and  soldiers  in  the 
army,1  and  French  translations  of  it  were  made  in  1785 
and  1786  by  the  Marquis  de  Chastelleux,  and  published  in 
Paris. 

An  early  copy  was  sent  by  the  author  to  Washington 
with  this  note : 

HARTFORD,  May  23d,  1780. 
SIR: 

I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  present  Your  Excellence,  with 
the  Copy  of  an  Address  to  the  Armies  under  your  command, 
which  was  begun  for  my  own  amusement,  compleated  with  the 
Design  suggested  in  the  introduction,  and  suffered  to  be 
published,  on  the  representation  of  my  friends,  that  it  might 
in  some  measure  answer  so  valuable  and  important  a  purpose. 
Should  it  be  so  fortunate  as  to  have  any  effect  in  the  way  or 
afford  a  moment's  amusement,  and  relaxation  to  your  Excel 
lency,  from  the  incessant  and  momentous  cares  which  are 
incident  to  your  elevated  station;  it  will  give  the  most  ample 
satisfaction  and  pleasure  to 

Your  Excellency's  Most  Obedient  and 
Most  Humble  Servant, 

DAVID  HUMPHREYS. 
His  EXCELLENCY, 
GEN'L  WASHINGTON. 

In  a  letter  accompanying  a  copy  of  the  Poem  sent  to 
General  Greene,  Col.  Humphreys  says : 

1  "A  Poem  Addressed  to  the  Annies  of  the  United  States  of  American, 
by  a  Gentleman  of  the  Army. 

Jam  fides,  et  pax,  et  honor,  pudorque 
Priscus,  et  neglecta  redire  virtus 
Audet,  apparetque  beata  pleno 

Copia  cornu.  Horace. 

Incipent  magni  procedere  menses.         Virgil. " 

16.  mo.  p.  16.  New  Haven:  printed  by  T.  and  S.  Green. 

MDCCLXXX. 


Address  to  the  Armies  149 

I  am  now  taking  the  liberty  you  was  pleased  to  give  me  of 
expressing  myself  still  farther,  by  presenting  you  with  a  copy 
of  the  address  to  the  Army  which  I  mentioned  in  my  last; 
all  that  I  could  presume  to  say  in  its  favour,  you  will  find 
recorded  (as  the  Parsons  say  by  way  of  introduction)  in 
the  Advertisement  prefixed  to  the  Poem.  So  far  as  an  honest 
intention  and  a  zeal  for  my  country  can  be  urged  as  an  excuse 
for  indifferent  poetry  I  am  determined  to  claim  the  indulgence 
of  the  Public  in  general  and  the  patronage  of  my  friends  in 
particular.  But  pray,  don't  you  think  I  have  been  guilty  of  an 
instance  of  impertinence,  by  addressing  a  Copy  of  it  to  his 
Excellency,  the  Commander-in-Chief  without  his  permission 
or  knowledge?1 

Another  letter  from  Humphreys  to  Gen.  Greene,  both 
serious  and  amusing,  has  its  interest  in  this  connection: 

NEW  HAVEN,  May  30th,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  beg  pardon  for  troubling  you  with  another  letter  upon 
the  back  of  my  last ;  and  scarcely  know  of  any  better  excuse 
for  it,  than  the  irresistible  propensity  to  have  to  write  to,  and 
about  the  objects  of  which  I  am  thinking,  continually;  Did 
not  your  candor  and  liberality  of  sentiment  &  behaviour 
inspire  me  with  almost  unbounded  confidence  in  your  friend 
ship,  I  should  not  have  written  with  the  same  freedom  I  have 
already  done.  And,  indeed  I  can  hardly  tell,  what  it  is  except 
this  which  now  prompts  me  to  unbosom  myself  with  so  little 
reserve.  I  wish  however  it  may  not  rather  be  considered 
as  an  argument  of  my  presumption  than  a  proof  of  my  attach 
ment  and  sincere  affection. 

The  present  moment,  which  is  certainly  big  with  great 
events ;  appears  to  me  to  be  the  most  important  as  well  as  the 
most  critical  one,  that  has  ever  happened,  since  the  commence 
ment  of  the  war.  On  the  one  hand,  every  prospect  from 

1  For  a  comparison  of  editions,  comments  and  annotations  of  the  "  Ad 
dress"  see  chapter  "Literary  Works  of  Colonel  Humphreys,"  post. 


150  The  Campaign  of  1780 

abroad  looks  exceedingly  favourable.  And  everything,  except 
what  depends  on  ourselves,  and  our  own  exertions,  wears  the 
most  flattering  aspect.  On  the  other,  the  ill-state  of  our 
finances,  the  total  want  of  credit,  the  impracticability  of  calling 
forth  the  resources  of  the  country  in  the  ordinary  mode,  the 
stupidity  &  negligence  of  the  people  at  large  to  their  own 
interest,  the  knavery  of  some,  and  the  want  of  ability  in  others, 
who  are  concerned  in  the  administration  of  public  affairs,  and 
especially  the  unbounded,  uncontrollable  spirit  of  dissipation, 
licentiousness,  &  avarice,  which  predominates  through  every 
rank  and  order  of  men,  so  far  as  they  have  any  opportunity  for 
its  gratification;  afford  the  most  gloomy  presage  of  what  this 
event  would  be,  if  Providence  should  only  leave  us  to  our 
selves,  or,  (as  they  commonly  say)  to  our  own  destruction. 

In  the  midst  of  this  embarras'd  &  distressing  state  of  affairs, 
when  we  can  neither  assemble  any  considerable  force ;  or  sup 
port  and  keep  together  the  shattered  remains  of  the  Army  now 
in  the  field,  for  want  of  supplies,  while  the  disposition  of  the 
Country  is  so  unfavourable  to  every  exertion ;  it  seems  to  me 
that  the  certain  prospect  of  the  immediate  arrival  of  a  formid 
able  land  and  naval  armament  to  cooperate  with  us,  can  serve 
only  to  augment  and  increase  the  perplexity  and  embarrass 
ment. 

Heaven  be  thanked  I  am  not  a  General,  and  never  shall  be, 
for  my  own  sake,  for  that  of  the  Public,  'tis  most  auspicious 
that  they  who  have  the  management  of  our  military  affairs, 
have  more  ability,  fortitude,  perseverence  and  integrity,  than 
ever  mortals  had  before.  You  will  pardon  me  for  the  boldness 
of  the  assertion,  and  allow  this  to  be  the  case  with  our  glorious 
Commander  in  Chief,  tho  you  may  have  more  diffidence, 
and  less  justice,  than  posterity  will  inevitably  have  in  coupling 
your  name  with  his.  Good  God  what  must  the  feelings  of 
that  great  &  good  man  be,  to  find  himself  so  ill  seconded  by  his 
country  at  such  a  crisis. 

As  to  the  plan  of  operations  for  the  campaign,  I  suppose  it 
is  determined  upon  before  this  time,  and  that  it  will  be  diffi 
cult,  if  not  disgraceful  to  recede  from  the  measures  concerted 
in  conjunction  with  our  allies.  So  that  I  presume  all  that  is 


The  Dark  Day  of  1780  151 

now  necessary,  is  for  the  Country  to  be  roused  from  its  leth 
argy,  to  make  those  great  efforts,  of  which  we  all  believe  it  is 
capable, — for  my  own  part  to  assist  in  effecting  so  important 
a  purpose,  I  could  wish  to  be  invested  with  power,  not  inferior 
to  be  sure,  to  that  which  Milton  bestows  upon  his  Devils,  to 
tear  up  Mountains  by  the  Roots  or  wield  some  of  these  ele 
ments  ;  at  least,  I  should  want,  for  a  little  while,  to  be  possessed 
of  a  voice  of  thunder,  so  that  I  might  stand  some  chance  to 
awaken  those,  who  I  fear  nothing  will  except  the  last  Trumpet. 
Apropos  of  the  last  Trumpet,  you  have  undoubtedly  heard 
of  the  dark  day  with  us,  the  speculations  on  it  were  curious, 
and  would,  I  dare  say  be  amusing  to  you,  but  time  would  fail 
me  to  enumerate  them.  Many  who  apprehended  the  last  day 
was  at  hand  began  to  think  of  repenting.  Others  turned  out  as 
Volunteers  to  preach  and  pray  and  prophesy  and  help  their 
neighbours  out  at  a  dead  light.  It  is  said  the  Assembly  broke 
up  not  without  some  precipitation  &  indications  of  terror,  that 
they  might  be  sent  for  before  they  were  quite  ready,  or  had 
got  their  business  in  such  forwardness,  as  that  they  could 
possibly  leave  it.  Amongst  the  rest,  there  was  a  certain  fat  old 
Gentleman,  known  by  the  name  of  Col.  Davenport,  who  having 
wrapped  himself  up  in  his  corpulency  and  integrity,  behaved 
with  very  great  composure  and  firmness ;  observing ' '  that  it  was 
best  for  the  Sheriff  to  order  Candles,  that  they  might  go  on 
with  their  business,  that  if  they  should  be  called  for  they  might 
be  found  in  the  way  of  their  duty. "  But  I  imagine  the  greater 
part  of  the  multitude,  began  to  think  that  the  Prince  of  the 
Regions  of  darkness,  who  is  sometimes  styled,  the  Prince  of 
the  Power  of  the  air,  was  about  uniting  both  his  kingdoms  into 
one,  in  the  same  manner  as  England  &  Scotland  were  formerly 
incorporated — And  altho  they  had  been  his  most  faithful 
adherents  &  humble  servants,  (as  it  was  well  known  that  like 
other  Monarchs,  he  was  rather  apt  to  be  ungrateful  to  his  best 
friends  &  benefactors)  they  were  not  without  fear  that  it  might 
be  a  dark  day  with  them  in  more  senses  than  one,  tho'  they 
could  not  be  under  any  apprehension  of  being  treated  as  Rebels, 
as  being  conscious  they  never  had  forfeited  their  allegiance  & 
fidelity  to  his  infernal  Majesty. 


152  The  Campaign  6f  1780 

I  have  just  returned  from  my  visit  to  General  Putnam,  & 
left  him  in  good  spirits  &  very  cleverly  in  every  respect,  but  his 
lameness.  I  have  a  letter  from  him  to  you,  which  I  hope  to 
have  the  honor  of  delivering  with  my  own  hand,  soon  after 
the  arrival  of  thjs. 

I  am,  Dear  Sir 

Your  Most  Obed  Hble  Servt. 
D.  HUMPHREY 

The  "  dark  day"  referred  to  in  this  letter  was  long  re 
membered  in  New  England.  That  entire  region  was  awed 
and  startled  on  Friday,  May  19,  1780,  by  a  remarkable 
darkness.  It  had  been  raining  early  in  the  morning  and 
about  ten  o'clock  the  heavens  began  to  grow  black  and 
from  about  eleven  o'clock  to  two  o'clock  candles  were 
necessary.  Dr.  Stiles,  who  observed  the  phenomenon  at 
Newport,  R.  I.,  notes  that  during  its  greatest  intensity 
there  was  a  "glim  of  light  in  the  edge  of  the  horizon." 
In  an  account  sent  by  him  to  the  newspapers  he  observes 
that  while  such  appearances  had  been  known  before  in 
other  parts  of  the  world,  and  notably  "on  the  coast  of 
Africa  and  in  Europe  and  partly  in  London  on  A.  D. 
J679, "  yet,  "it  is  not  recollected  from  History  that  a  dark 
ness  of  equal  intenseness  and  duration  has  ever  happened 
in  any  parts  of  the  world  except  in  Egypt,  and  at  the 
miraculous  Eclipse  at  the  Crucifixion  of  our  Blessed 
Saviour. " I 

Putnam's  letter  to  Greene  referred  to  in  the  preceding, 
is  as  follows: 

POMFRET,  May  29th,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  seen  a  letter  of  yours  to  Major  Humphreys,  in  which 
you  make  mention  very  kindly  of  me,  and  express  those  senti- 

1  Diary  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Stoles,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  424,  425,  for  the  darkness  at 
Newport;  pp.  430,  436  for  other  places. 


Putnam  to  Greene  153 

ments  of  benevolence  and  friendship.  I  beg  you  will  do  me  the 
justice  to  believe  that  the  recollection  and  kindness  of  so  good 
a  friend,  is  almost  a  sovereign  remedy  against  every  disorder; 
and  will  (if  anything  in  nature  can)  set  me  upon  my  legs  again. 
And  as  I  know  you  are  not  indifferent  to  anything  which  con 
cerns  me  so  intimately  as  the  possession  of  my  health  does; 
you  will  please  to  be  informed,  that  (bating  this  confounded 
lameness)  I  enjoy  myself  as  well  as  ever  I  did  in  my  life. 
Indeed  I  have  obtained  the  use  of  my  limbs,  so  far  as 
to  be  able  to  walk,  &  ride  on  horseback ;  and  hope  to  have 
the  pleasure  of  waiting  on  you  in  Camp,  before  a  great  while. 

Whether  I  shall  ever  be  able  to  take  the  field  or  not,  I  cannot 
determine,  but  I  have  charged  Major  Humphreys  to  tell  you 
that  I  am  very  well  pleased  with  your  offer  to  him,  of  coming 
into  your  family  as  a  Volunteer  Aide.  For  should  I  resume 
my  command  in  the  Army  I  should  be  glad  to  have  him  with 
me;  and  in  the  meantime,  I  do  not  wish,  by  my  illness,  to 
prevent  him  from  doing  any  service  to  his  Country  in  his 
power. 

The  news  of  a  french  fleet,  and  the  prospect  of  going 
into  New  York,  give  me,  I  imagine  some  such  kind  of  feel 
ings,  as  an  old  war  horse  experiences  at  the  sound  of  the 
Trumpet.  At  least  if  such  important  active  operations  take 
place,  as  it  is  conjectured  will,  I  should  like  to  be  near  at 
hand,  where  I  can  see  for  myself  and  know  the  certainty 
of  matters  without  being  obliged  to  doubt  of  everything 
or  on  the  other  hand,  to  swallow  every  lie  a  News  Paper  is 
pleased  to  impose  upon  me,  altho  it  should  be  as  big  as  a 
mountain. 

I  am,  Dear  Sir 

with  every  sentiment  of  friendship  &  esteem 
Your  most  obedient 

and  very  Hble  Servant, 

ISRAEL  PUTNAM. 

I  am  obliged  to  write  by  another  hand  not  being  able  to 
use  my  own. 

To  GENL.  GREENE. 


154  The  Campaign  of  1780 

The  "other  hand"  Putnam  refers  to  was  that  of  Hum 
phreys,  the  letter  being  written  and  doubtless  composed  by 
the  Major. 

The  desire  expressed  by  our  soldier  to  be  again  in  active 
service  was  fulfilled  in  a  most  gratifying  manner.  His 
fitness  for  the  part  of  an  aide-de-camp  had  been  tested  by 
nearly  three  years  of  intelligent  and  satisfactory  work 
under  Gen.  Parsons  and  Gen.  Putnam.  There  was  at  this 
time  a  vacancy  in  the  military  family  of  the  Commander- 
in-Chief,  by  the  retirement  of  Gol.  Laurens,  a  son  of  the 
Hon.  Henry  Laurens,  sometime  President  of  the  Con 
tinental  Congress,  a  brave  and  intrepid  young  officer  who 
won  the  regard  of  all  who  knew  him.  Col.  Laurens  was 
then  a  prisoner  on  parole  having  temporarily  been  en 
gaged  in  the  southern  campaign  and  made  prisoner  by  the 
surrender  of  Charleston. 

There  are  no  documents  to  show  at  what  time  the  offer 
of  his  honourable  position  was  made  to  Col.  Humphreys. 
Gen.  William  Hull,  his  friend  and  townsman,  states  that 
through  Gen.  Parsons  this  office  was  first  offered  to  him. 
As  Gen.  Hull  was  then  the  chief  assistant  of  Baron  Steuben 
in  disciplining  and  drilling  the  Continental  Army  as 
Deputy  Inspector  General,  he  delayed  his  answer  until 
after  consulting  with  the  Baron. 

That  General  impressed  upon  him  the  very  great  im 
portance  of  the  service  he  was  rendering  to  his  country 
in  his  present  capacity. 

I  felt  compelled  [says  Gen.  Hull]  to  decline  the  honour 
of  an  appointment  so  gratifying  to  my  feelings  and  so  calcu 
lated  to  elevate  me  in  the  eyes  of  my  countrymen.  I  requested 
that  when  an  answer  should  be  given  to  General  Washington 
that  my  views  should  be  stated  to  him.  I  observed  to  General 
Parsons  that  he  knew  the  character  and  situation  of  our  mu 
tual  friend,  Colonel  Humphreys,  that  he  knew  he  had  served  as 


Humphreys,  Aide  to  Washington        155 

aide-de-camp  to  General  Putnam,  who  on  account  of  age  and 
bodily  infirmities  would  not  again  be  called  into  active  service. 
That  Colonel  Humphreys  still  ranked  as  Captain  and  would 
now  return  to  the  command  of  his  company.  Being  satisfied 
with  his  qualifications  I  would  take  the  liberty  to  recommend 
him  for  the  appointment  with  which  he  had  intended  to 
honour  me. 

Gen.  Hull  made  this  statement  late  in  life  as  he  had  noticed 
in  a  newspaper  that  Major  Allen,  Col.  Humphreys,  and 
himself  had  been  the  candidates,  and  the  preference  had 
been  given  to  Col.  Humphreys.1 

It  is  probable  that  other  influential  friends,  of  whom  he 
had  many,  mentioned  him  favourably  to  Gen.  Washing 
ton.  His  letter  to  Gen.  Greene,  already  quoted,  seems 
to  show  that  he  had  then  no  intention  of  the  prospect 
before  him.  It  is  only  a  few  days  later  that  in  "a  letter 
to  a  Young  Lady  in  Boston ' '  he  closes  with  these  patriotic 
lines : 

The  cannon's  distant  thunders  ring, 
And  wake  to  deeds  of  death  the  spring : 
Far  other  sounds  once  touched  my  ear, 
And  ushered  in  the  flow'ry  year: 
But,  now,  adieu  the  tuneful  train, 
The  warblings  of  my  native  plain ; 
Adieu  the  scenes  that  charm 'd  my  view, 
And  thou,  fair  maid,  again  adieu. 
Farewel  the  bow'rs  and  conscious  shades f — 
My  country's  cause  my  soul  invades — 
Yes,  rous'd  by  sense  of  country's  wrongs. 
I  give  the  wind  my  idle  songs : 
No  vacant  hour  for  rhime  succeeds, 
I  go  where  e'er  the  battle  bleeds. 

1  Revolutionary  Services  and  Civil  Life  of  General  William  Hull,  by  his 
daughter,  Mrs.  Maria  Campbell,  pp.  174-177.  History  of  the  Campaign 
of  1812  by  his  grandson,  James  Freeman  Clarke,  p.  xx.,  482. 


156  The  Campaign  of  1780 

To-morrow — (brief  then  be  my  story) — 
I  go  to  WASHINGTON  and  GLORY; 
His  aid-de-camp — in  acts  when  tried — 
Resolv'd  (whatever  fates  betide) 
My  conduct,  till  my  final  breath, 
Shall  not  disgrace  my  life  or  death. x 

In  a  letter  that  does  not  seem  to  be  extant  Gen. 
Greene  offered  Col.  Humphreys  a  place  upon  his  Staff. 
It  was  evidently  not  intended  to  be  permanent,  as  the  offer 
from  Washington  must  have  been  made  in  April. 

Our  soldier,  writing  to  General  Greene  on  May  23,  1780, 
says: 

We  are  at  this  moment  made  happy  by  the  arrival  of  the 
news  from  your  quarter  that  a  French  fleet  will  be  on  the 
coast  in  a  few  days;  this  with  many  other  things  will  induce 
me  probably  to  accept  the  kind  offer  of  com  ng  into  your 
family  in  the  manner  you  propose,  for  which  and  every  other 
instance  of  your  friendship,  you  will  ever  receive  my  most 
grateful  acknowledgements. 2 

After  the  inaction  of  the  winter  with  its  intense  cold, 
and  suffering  by  the  troops  for  want  of  clothing  and  pro 
visions,  the  Spring  of  1780  opened  upon  a  supine  Congress, 
indifferent  states  and  a  discontented  army.  The  British 
forces  in  the  South  were  by  their  numbers  and  stratagems 
exhausting  the  energies  of  the  army  under  Gen.  Lincoln. 
They  had  besieged  Charleston,  completely  investing  it. 
The  garrison  of  Fort  Moultrie  had  previously  surrendered, 
and  finally  on  May  12,  1780,  Gen.  Lincoln  signed  articles 
of  capitulation  thus  leaving  Sir  Henry  Clinton  and  his 
army  practically  masters  of  South  Carolina. 

1  The  Miscellaneous  Works  of  Colonel  Humphreys,  New  York;  Hodge, 
Allen,  and  Campbell,  1790,  p.  96. 

•The  Humphreys  Family  in  America,  p.  156. 


Morris  town    Headquarters  157 

Colonel  Humphreys  deplored  the  situation,  and  was  all 
the  more  eager  to  take  the  field.  He  speedily  followed 
his  letter  of  May  3oth  and  joined  Gen.  Greene  at  his 
headquarters  near  Morristown  in  June. 

There  was  no  general  officer  in  whom  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  placed  greater  confidence  or  held  in  higher  esteem 
than  the  former  Quaker  from  Rhode  Island,  Nathaniel 
Greene.  His  military  knowledge,  his  foresight,  and  lack 
of  self-seeking  made  him  a  refreshing  contrast  to  some  of 
his  fellow  generals  who  were  in  frequent  contention,  as 
to  their  relative  ranks,  and  allowed  piques  and  jealousies 
to  interfere  with  the  proper  prosecution  of  the  Campaign. 
Gen.  Greene  was  thoroughly  liked  by  his  officers  and 
men.  It  was  a  post  of  honour  to  be  in  his  military  family. 
He  made  himself  very  agreeable  to  his  aides  and  other 
members  of  the  household.  His  young  and  beautiful 
wife,  who  was  the  brilliant  Catherine  Littlefield,  dispensed 
at  the  headquarters  whether  in  a  hastily  constructed  hut 
at  a  winter  cantonment,  or  in  some  convenient  house,  a 
graceful  and  bountiful  hospitality  and  provided  a  pleasant 
home  for  the  numerous  attaches  and  officials  which  the 
varied  duties  of  his  difficult  task  as  Quarter  Master 
General  made  necessary.  The  ladies  of  the  Army,  Mrs. 
Washington,  Mrs.  Knox,  wife  of  Gen.  Henry  Knox  of 
Massachusetts,  chief  of  Artillery,  and  Mrs.  Greene, 
tempered  with  mild  gaieties  the  rigours  of  the  winters 
at  Valley  Forge  and  Morristown.  While  Washington 
had  for  his  headquarters  the  spacious  mansion  of  Colonel 
Jacob  Ford  at  Morristown,  Mrs.  Washington,  a  pattern  of 
a  soldier's  wife  during  the  day,  attending  to  her  household 
cares,  directing  the  servants,  working  for  the  soldiers  in 
her  plain  dress  and  receiving  with  stately  dignity  the 
frequent  guests  of  her  illustrious  spouse,  at  night  would 
often  give  informal  dances  where  the  music  would  be  the 
homely  fife  and  rolling  drum,  and  where  the  cares  of  the 


158  The  Campaign  of  1780 

army  and  the  misfortunes  of  the  day  were  put  aside  by 
the  General  as  with  his  Virginian  ease  and  courtesy  he 
walked  through  the  solemn  minuet  with  the  wife  or 
daughter  of  some  officer  or  guest  or  had  some  fair  partner 
for  the  merrier  Virginia  reel.  It  is  traditional  that  at  one 
of  the  dances  at  Gen.  Greene's  headquarters,  Mrs.  Greene 
and  Gen.  Washington  danced  continually  for  three  hours. 
In  describing  it  Gen.  Greene  said  "We  had  a  pretty  little 
frisk."1 

A  recent  writer  says : 

Under  the  arch  of  this  most  beautiful  Colonial  door  way  passed 
such  American  Generals  as  Knox,  genial  and  fine  looking  as 
he  was  brave  and  true ;  gallant  Maxwell,  who  had  served  under 
Wolfe  at  Quebec;  Wayne  who  if  he  was  "Mad  Anthony"  on 
the  battlefield  was  "  Dandy  Wayne"  in  my  lady's  parlour;  the 
splendid  fighting  Quaker  Greene;  "Molly  Stark's  husband" 
whose  command  lay  over  among  the  hills;  Gist  and  Small- 
wood;  and  such  distinguished  foreigners  as  Von  Steuben, 
Kosciusko,  and  La  Fayette, — who  was  like  a  younger  brother 
to  the  General  and  his  wife — the  chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,  and 
Don  Juan  de  Mirailles.  Here  also  came  the  Governors  of 
States,  members  of  Congress  and  many  Jersey  patriots  to  call 
upon  the  Commander-in-Chief ,  bringing  their  wives  and  their 
daughters  with  them  to  pay  their  respects  to  Lady  Washing 
ton.  Pretty  Mrs.  Green  tripped  up  those  steps  many  times 
with  her  dear  friend  Cornelia  Lott,  and  Lady  Stirling  and  her 
daughter,  now  Lady  Kitty  Duer,  Mrs.  Knox,  and  Mrs.  John 
Cochran.2 

When  Col.  Humphreys  joined  the  pleasant  circle  at 
Gen.  Greene's  headquarters  he  found  the  camp  already 

1  Mary  A.  Greene  in  New  England  Magazine,  January,  1898,  vol.  xvii., 
No.  5,  p.  561. 

a  Pp.  134,  135,  Martha  Washington,  by  Anne  Hollingsworth  Wharton, 
with  Portrait.  In  the  Series  of  Women  of  Colonial  and  Revolutionary 
Times,  Chas.  Scribner's  Sons,  New  York. 


::-.«,, ,  ., 


&m 


w 

W 


Knyphausen's  Expeditions  159 

in  motion.  Washington  learning  of  the  arrival  of  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  at  New  York  with  four  thousand  troops, 
had  advanced  to  Rockaway  ten  miles  from  Morris- 
town  preparatory  to  marching  into  the  Highlands  if  the 
enemy  should  make  an  attack  in  that  quarter  as  seemed 
probable  from  the  passage  of  a  few  small  vessels  with 
troops  up  the  Hudson.  General  Knyphausen,  who  in  the 
absence  of  Sir  Henry  commanded  at  New  York  knew  of  the 
distress  and  discontent  of  the  main  American  Army.  He 
had  sent  emissaries  among  the  men  to  induce  them  to 
mutiny  or  to  desert.  He  thought  that  a  good  oppor 
tunity  was  now  given  him  to  strike  an  effective  blow  at 
Washington.  He  knew  of  the  mutiny  of  the  Connecticut 
troops,  which  had  been  with  great  difficulty  quelled  on 
May  25.' 

The  circulation  of  a  handbill  of  British  origin  giving 
the  particulars  of  the  fall  of  Charleston  gave  to  Washing 
ton  and  the  whole  army  a  new  cause  for  gloomy  fore 
bodings.  But  the  report  which  came  early  on  the  morning 
of  June  6,  that  the  enemy  was  landing  a  large  force  at 
Elizabethtown  Point  was  startling  and  created  a  general 
alarm. 

Five  thousand  fresh  troops  from  their  camp  on  Staten 
Island  under  the  command  of  Gen.  Knyphausen  ad 
vanced  on  the  seventh  toward3  Springfield  where  there 
was  a  magazine  of  military  stores.  The  General  thought 
that  wearied  with  a  hopeless  contest  and  impoverished 
by  the  requisitions  for  the  American  army  the  farmers  and 
soldiers  would  hasten  to  range  themselves  under  the 
British  standard.  As  he  proceeded  he  perceived  that  the 

1  Marshall's  Washington,  iv.,  pp.  222-23;  living's  Washington,  iv.,  pp.  42, 

43- 

1  Lossing  says  Brig.  Gen.  Matthew  commanded  the  detachment,  Marshall 
and  Irving  that  Gen.  Knyphausen  commanded  in  person,  Lossing's  Field 
Book,  i,  p.  322;  Marshall,  iv.,  p.  223;  Irving,  iv.,  p.  62. 


160  The  Campaign  of  1780 

temper  and  desires  of  the  people  had  been  misrepresented 
to  him.  Upon  the  first  alarm  Col.  Elias  Dayton  had 
summoned  the  militia  near  Elizabethtown  and  the  troops 
of  the  Jersey  line  to  oppose  the  onward  progress  of  the 
British.  This  body  of  Americans  was  too  small  to  do  more 
than  harass  the  British  and  keep  up  a  galling  fire  by  small 
detachments  wherever  it  was  possible.  The  British  went 
as  far  as  Connecticut  Farms,  six  miles  from  Elizabeth- 
town,  which  after  the  example  of  Gen.  Tryon,  they 
burned.  Here  also  some  of  the  soldiers  brutally  fired 
through  a  window  of  the  Presbyterian  parsonage  into  a 
room  where  was  sitting  Mrs.  Caldwell  the  wife  of  the  Rev. 
James  Caldwell,  a  chaplain  in  the  American  army,  popu 
larly  known  as  "the  rousing  Gospel  preacher, "  and  killed 
her. 

The  determined  stand  of  the  New  Jersey  line  under 
Col.  Dayton  showed  the  British  commander  that  his  de 
sign  would  be  frustrated  and  he  withdrew  his  force  within 
the  old  earthworks  built  by  the  Continental  soldiers  at 
the  Point. 

When  Gen.  Clinton  returned  from  the  South  and 
resumed  command,  Gen.  Knyphausen  made  another  at 
tempt  to  capture  the  stores  in  the  vicinity  of  Springfield 
and  Morristown.  It  was  the  design  of  the  British  to  bring 
on  a  general  engagement  with  the  reduced  and  dispirited 
Continental  Army.  Washington  suspecting  the  purpose 
of  the  enemy  had  remained  encamped  for  some  days 
among  the  Short  Hills  near  Springfield  and  then  removed 
with  the  greater  portion  of  the  soldiers  to  Rockaway. 
Gen.  Greene  was  left  at  Springfield  with  the  New 
Jersey  Brigade  of  Gen.  Maxwell,  the  New  Hampshire 
Brigade  of  Gen.  Stark,  the  dragoons  of  Col.  Henry  Lee, 
and  such  New  Jersey  militia  as  could  then  be  gathered. 
It  was  at  this  critical  moment  that  our  soldier  gained  a 
just  view  of  the  real  ability  of  Gen.  Greene  who  acted 


Battle  of  Springfield  161 

with  quickness  and  sagacity  in  making  his  preparations 
to  repel  the  enemy  and  prevent  their  passage  to  Morris- 
town.  He  placed  small  detachments  as  guards  in  the 
various  passes.  The  principal  portion  of  the  brigades 
were  detailed  to  watch  the  two  main  roads  through  the 
village  which  finally  united  outside  its  limits  and  led 
through  the  Short  Hills. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  Friday,  June  23,  the  pickets 
perceived  that  Gen.  Knyphausen  was  advancing  rapidly 
from  Elizabethtown  with  the  troops  in  two  columns 
towards  Springfield.  Gen.  Greene  re-assembled  his  men 
from  their  scattered  situations  and  sent  "  Major  Lee 
with  the  horse  and  pickets  to  oppose  their  right  column 
and  Colonel  Dayton  with  his  regiment  the  left. ' '  The  con 
flict  in  front  was  continued  with  vigour  for  two  hours  until 
the  actions  of  the  enemy  were  such  that  Gen.  Greene  was 
convinced  a  movement  upon  the  flanks  was  meditated. 
He  then  disposed  his  little  army  in  a  different  way. 
Col.  Angell  with  two  hundred  selected  men  and  one  piece 
of  artillery  was  sent  to  guard  a  bridge  over  the  Rahway 
"a  little  West  of  the  Town. " 

Col.  Shrieve  was  posted  at  a  second  bridge  on  a  branch 
of  the  Rahway  east  of  the  town,  to  cover  the  retreat  from 
the  first  bridge,  if  necessary.  Major  Lee  with  his  dragoons 
and  the  pickets  under  Capt.  Walker  was  stationed  at 
Liddle's  Bridge  on  the  Vauxhall  road  with  Col.  Ogden  to 
support  him.  The  other  troops  of  Gen.  Maxwell's  and 
Gen.  Stark's  brigades  were  drawn  up  "at  the  high  ground 
at  the  mill. "  The  militia  were  on  the  flanks.  A  gallant 
attempt  was  made  by  Gen.  Dickinson  upon  a  British 
flanking  party,  but  his  force  was  too  weak  to  allow  him  to 
follow  up  his  advantage.  The  right  column  disputed 
desperately  the  bridge  with  Major  Lee,  until  fording  the 
river  the  British  gained  the  point  of  the  Hill  and  the 
intrepid  Major  was  compelled  to  fall  back.  The  left 


VOL.    I  —  II 


1 62  The  Campaign  of  1780 

column  was  then  pressing  Col.  Angell  very  hard  "and 
forced  our  troops  to  retire  over  the  second  bridge. "  Col. 
Shrieve  bravely  defended  the  second  bridge  until  the 
order  for  the  Colonel  and  his  men  to  join  the  brigade. 
At  this  juncture  Gen.  Greene  thought  it  advisable  to  con 
centrate  the  troops  upon  the  first  range  of  hills  in  the  rear 
of  Bryant's  Tavern  "where  the  roads  are  brought  so  near 
to  a  point  that  succor  might  readily  be  given  from  one  to 
the  other."  Col.  Webb's  regiment  under  Lieut.  Col. 
Huntington  with  that  of  Col.  Jackson  and  one  piece  of 
artillery  were  detached  to  check  the  advance  of  the  British. 
This  was  effectually  done.  Gen.  Greene,  being  now 
strongly  posted  would  willingly  have  given  battle  to  Gen. 
Knyphausen,  but  after  the  British  soldiers  had  set  fire 
to  many  buildings  in  the  village  they  commenced  to 
retreat.  Detachments  of  the  Continentals  were  sent  to 
put  out  the  fires  whenever  they  were  not  under  the  direct 
range  of  the  enemy's  guns,  but  the  flames  had  made  such 
headway  that  nearly  the  whole  village  was  destroyed. 
Gen.  Stark's  brigade  was  sent  in  pursuit  of  the  British 
who  reached  Elizabethtown  at  sunset.  Major  Davis 
with  one  hundred  and  twenty  men  and  a  large  body  of 
militia  fell  upon  their  rear  and  flanks,  and  kept  up  a 
continual  fire  upon  them  until  they  entered  Elizabeth- 
town.  Major  Lee  followed  the  rear  guard  to  Elizabeth- 
town  Point  where  the  earth-works  protected  them, 
and  took  some  refugee  prisoners.  At  twelve  o'clock 
that  night  the  British  troops  began  to  embark  for  Staten 
Island,  and  by  six  o'clock  in  the  morning  all  had  left  the 
Point. 

The  military  skill  of  Gen.  Greene  had  driven  the  Brit 
ish  from  New  Jersey,  and  they  made  no  attempt  to  re- 
invade  it. 

The  services  of  Col.  Humphreys  were  called  into  re 
quisition  frequently  during  the  day  by  the  Commander. 


Humphreys'  Account  of  Battle          163 

At  the  height  of  the  engagement  he  sent  this  dispatch  to 
Gen.  Washington: 


HEIGHTS  NEAR  SPRINGFIELD,  June  23,  '80. 
n  o'clock  A.M. 


SIR: 


General  Greene  directs  me  to  inform  your  Excellency 
that  from  the  best  intelligence  he  is  able  to  obtain,  the  en 
emy  are  now  out  in  force  with  seventeen  pieces  of  artil 
lery.  At  first  they  made  a  demonstration  of  acting  on  his 
right ;  and  large  parties  were  seen  from  the  heights  of  Spring 
field  filing  off  in  that  direction.  A  considerable  column 
in  the  meantime  advanced  on  his  left  where  Major  Lee 
with  a  body  of  militia  were  posted,  between  whom  and  the 
enemy  there  was  some  skirmishing  without  any  considerable 
effect. 

After  having  spent  two  or  three  hours  in  various  manoeuvres 
apparently  with  a  design  of  gaining  our  flanks,  they  of  a  sudden 
contracted  their  front  and  pushed  a  column  up  the  main  road 
to  Springfield  where  a  sharp  action  ensued  for  a  short  time 
between  some  detachments,  which  were  posted  to  cover  our 
artillery  on  the  height,  and  then  advance — Our  troops  re 
treated  in  order  and  brought  off  the  field-pieces.  The  troops 
are  advantageously  posted  to  annoy  the  enemy's  progress, 
and  General  Greene  is  determined  to  dispute  every  inch 
of  strong  ground  with  them.  Indeed  they  must  have  been 
very  much  galled  before  they  got  possession  of  Springfield, 
as  they  rec'd  several  heavy  and  well  directed  fires  from 
Angell's  and  Shrieve's  Regts.  which  behaved  with  the 
greatest  gallantry.  The  firing  has  now  principally  ceased. 
The  loss  on  either  side  cannot  be  ascertained — on  our's 
it  is  not  great.  Several  of  our  wounded  are  brought  off. 
A  Dragoon  Horse  of  the  detachment  which  escorted  General 
Greene  was  killed  with  a  cannon  shot.  I  have  heard  of  no 
officers  killed,  and  but  few  slightly  wounded, — they  have 
this  moment  set  fire  to  two  or  three  buildings.  How  far 


164  The  Campaign  of  1780 

the  conflagration  will  extend  I  know  not.  In  the  greatest 
haste 

I  have  the  honour  to  be 
Your  Excellency's 

Most  Obed't  Hble.  Servt. 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 
His  Excellency 

General  Washington.1 

The  morning  orders  of  that  day  issued  from  Rockaway 
headquarters  announced  the  appointment  of  "Captain 
David  Humphreys  of  the  Connecticut  line"  as  aide-de 
camp  to  the  Commander-in-Chief. 

MORNING  ORDERS,  JUNE  23RD 

The  Men  will  cook  their  provision  immediately  they  are  to 
be  kept  Compact  in  readiness  for  a  sudden  movement. 

Headquarters  Rockaway,  Friday,  June  23rd,  1780. 

Parole.     Countersigns.     Watchword. 

In  case  a  sudden  movement  should  become  necessary  two 
piece  of  Cannon  will  be  fired  at  the  Park  as  a  signal  to  the 
Troops  to  get  under  Arms. 

The  General  officers  present  will  assemble  at  General  Hands 
Brigade  this  afternoon  five  o'clock  to  take  into  consideration 
a  dispute  of  rank  between  Colonels  Livingston  and  Hazen  of 
that  brigade  and  will  as  speedily  as  possible  report  their 
opinion  to  the  Commander-in-Chief 

1  Professor  Johnston's  Yale  in  the  Revolution,  pp.  1 18,  1 19.  The  original 
letter  is  in  the  Sparks  Collection  at  Harvard  University:  The  dispatch  is 
endorsed:  "Opened  at  Mr.  Lett's  5  o'clock  P.M.  by  your  humble  Servt. 
Anty  Wayne." 

The  authorities  for  the  Battle  of  Springfield  are:  General  Greene,  Official 
dispatches  in  the  Life  of  Nathaniel  Greene,  Major  General  in  the  A  rmy  of  the 
Revolution,  by  George  Washington  Greene,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  198-200;  Sir  Henry 
Clinton's  Letter  in  Spark's  Washington,  viii.,  p.  86;  Matthew's  Narrative, 
Historical  Magazine,  i.,  p.  104;  Marshall's  Washington,  iv.  pp.  234-238; 
living's  Washington,  iv.,  pp.  69-72;  Lossing's  Field  Book  of  the  Revolution, 
i.,  pp.  322-325. 


Humphreys  Appointed  Aide-de-Camp    165 

The  General  has  often  observed  much  unnecessary  damage 
done  to  Gnss  grounds  by  turning  the  horses  of  the  Army  at 
large  upon  them  by  which  means  more  is  trodden  down  than 
is  consumed.  Care  will  therefore  be  taken  in  future  when  the 
Army  Halts  near  mowing  grounds  to  have  the  grass  cut  & 
brought  to  the  horses — The  Officers  commanding  divisions 
and  brigades  will  see  this  order  executed  and  the  Quarter 
master  General  will  direct  that  it  is  particularly  attended  to 
by  the  Conductors  of  Teams  not  attached  to  any  particular 
part  of  the  Line. 

Captain  David  Humphreys  of  the  Connecticut  Line  is 
appointed  Aide-de-Camp  to  the  Commander-in-Chief  and  is 
to  be  respected  and  obeyed  accordingly. 

Brigade  Field  Returns  (of  the  officers  and  men  present  fit 
for  action  regimentally  digested)  are  to  be  delivered  in  at 
five  o'clock  this  afternoon  at  which  time  After  Orders  will  be 
issued. 

AFTER  ORDERS 

In  the  present  divided  state  of  our  Force  the  second  Penn 
sylvania,  Hand's  and  two  Connecticut  Brigades  are  to  form  one 
line — the  park  of  Artillery  will  be  between  Hand's  brigade  and 
the  Connecticut  Troops — the  troops  will  lay  on  their  arms  in 
their  proper  Platoons.  Officers  of  all  ranks  are  to  be  at  their 
Posts,  Headquarters  will  be  at  the  Park  of  Artillery. 

General  St.  Clair  will  see  that  proper  Requests  are  posted 
for  the  security  of  the  right  Wing  and  General  Huntington  will 
do  the  same  for  the  security  of  the  Left  Wing. 


CHAPTER  X 

TKe  FrencH  Allies 

Status  of  the  Aide-de-Camp  to  Washington — Washington's  New  Head 
quarters  at  Preakness — Arrival  of  French  Fleet  under  Rocham- 
beau — Washington  Marches  to  Bang's  Bridge  —  Withdraws  to 
Tappan — Meeting  of  Washington  with  Rochambeau — And  the 
French  Officers  at  Hartford— Washington's  Visit  to  West  Point- 
Capture  of  Andre" — Flight  of  Arnold — Humphreys'  Letter— Trial 
and  Execution  of  Andre" — Humphreys'  Letter  to  Thomas  Wooster — 
Washington  Returns  to  Preakness — Visit  of  de  Chastellux — Who  Pro 
poses  a  Plan  for  an  Attack  on  New  York — Humphreys'  Description  of 
it — Washington's  Secret  Instructions  to  Humphreys — Failure  of  the 
Plan — Humphreys'  Negro  Company. 

FROM  the  day  which  officially  marked  his  appointment 
as  aide-de-camp  to  the  Commander-in-Chief,  Hum 
phreys  became  a  member  of  Washington's  military  family. 
As  we  will  see  in  the  course  of  this  Memoir  no  one  served 
the  Father  of  our  Country  with  greater  zeal  and  affection 
than  David  Humphreys.  Henceforth  our  soldier  shared 
in  the  joys  and  anxieties  of  the  Continental  Commander. 

Gen.  Washington  gave  to  his  aides  his  sincere  respect 
and  esteem  and  treated  them  with  confidence  and  courtesy. 
They  were  more  than  mere  machines  to  write  orders,  con 
duct  official  correspondence,  and  ride  to  various  points  at 
the  bidding  of  their  chief.  They  were  necessarily  much 
immersed  in  the  routine  of  military  life ;  there  were  many 
details  for  them  to  care  for,  there  was  much  inevitable 

166 


Washington's  Household  167 

inspection  of  provisions  and  clothing.  The  officers  and 
men  stationed  at  a  distance  from  headquarters  had  to  be 
visited  and  counselled.  As  the  communications  were 
often  of  too  confidential  a  nature  to  be  fully  committed 
to  writing,  Washington  chose  those  members  of  his  house 
hold  with  great  care  and  with  that  almost  unerring  judg 
ment  of  men  which  he  possessed. 

At  this  time  the  veteran  of  the  staff  was  Col.  Tench 
Tilghman,  of  Maryland.  He  was  a  young  scion  of  an 
ancient  family,  and  to  grace  of  manner  added  executive 
ability  and  personal  courage.  Col.  Alexander  Hamilton 
was  the  most  striking  figure  in  the  little  group  around 
Washington.  His  beauty  of  person,  his  quickness  to 
grasp  and  execute  the  plans  of  his  chief,  his  clear  style  as  a 
writer  of  good  English  gave  to  him  the  composition  of 
many  important  documents  issued  from  headquarters 
which  did  not  require  to  be  written  by  the  Commander 
himself.  He  also  was  skilled  in  the  technical  part  of  the 
profession  of  arms. 

That  enthusiastic  and  liberty-loving  Frenchman,  the 
Marquis  de  La  Fayette,  was  still  in  name  an  aide,  although 
he  had  been  for  more  than  a  year  in  France  and  had  re 
ceived  a  separate  command  as  Major-General.  His  real 
merits  and  desire  to  serve  the  American  cause,  his  courtly 
air  and  affectionate  heart  endeared  him  to  Washington, 
who  treated  him  as  a  son.  Col.  James  McHenry  of 
Maryland  was  then  filling  with  much  acceptance  the  post 
of  private  secretary.  Toward  the  close  of  Washington's 
second  administration  he  was  made  Secretary  of  War. 
His  name  was  given  to  the  fort  in  Baltimore  harbour,  the 
brave  defence  of  which  by  Major  Armistead  in  the  War  of 
1812  gave  occasion  for  that  stirring  national  song  The 
Star  Spangled  Banner. 

It  was  into  this  congenial  company  of  young  men  of 
high  breeding  and  education,  all  ardent  admirers  of  their 


i68  The  French  Allies 

beloved  general,  that  David  Humphreys  was  now  ad 
mitted.  By  Mrs.  Washington,  or  "Lady  Washington" 
as  she  was  even  then  often  called,  he  was  welcomed  with 
that  warmth  of  manner  and  sincerity  which  she  gave  to 
all  her  husband's  trusted  friends.  She  was  careful  of  the 
comfort  of  the  aides  and  both  she  and  the  General  spared 
them  any  unnecessary  discomfort. 

Washington  shortly  after  the  battle  of  Springfield 
removed  his  headquarters  to  the  house  of  Col.  Dey  at 
Preakness  near  the  Passaic  River.  It  was  his  intention 
to  watch  closely  the  movements  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  and 
not  allow  him  to  advance  against  West  Point.  A  recent 
writer  says : 

The  main  body  of  the  army  was  encamped  on  the  Totowa 
Heights,  near  the  great  falls  of  the  Passaic,  Colonel  Moyland's 
Pennsylvania  Dragoons  occupying  an  advanced  position  at 
the  Little  Falls  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  while  the 
Marquis  de  La  Fayette  had  his  headquarters  at  the  residence 
of  Samuel  Van  Saun,  near  Sanford's  race  track,  and  about  a 
mile  from  the  Dey  house.1 

The  Dey  house  is  described  as  being  situated  in  a  beauti 
ful  valley  just  over  the  brow  of  Preakness  hill.  Charming 
vistas  extended  for  many  miles  through  openings  in  the 
mountains  in  almost  every  direction,  and  the  plain  was 
traversed  by  roads  leading  to  Newark,  Elizabethtown, 
Springfield  and  Southern  New  Jersey,  to  Totowa  and 
Hackensack  on  the  south-east  and  Paramas,  Pompton  and 
Ridge  wood  toward  the  north-east. 

The  house  was  built  in  a  very  substantial  manner  with  a 
brick  front.  It  was  two  stories  high,  and  had  a  double 
pitched  roof.  On  the  first  floor  was  a  hall  twelve  feet  wide 
and  thirty  feet  deep,  with  two  rooms  on  each  side  of  it. 

1  Mr.  William  Nelson  in  The  Magazine  of  American  History,  vol.  iii., 
p.  490. 


2> 


The  Dey  House  169 

The  house  was  fifty  feet  wide.  It  was  standing  in  excel 
lent  repair  a  few  years  ago.  The  south-east  room  over 
the  first  floor  is  still  known  as  Washington's  room.  It 
is  a  spacious  apartment  with  elaborately  carved  wooden 
cornices  and  wainscoting  around  the  walls  and  panelled 
and  carved  woodwork  above  the  fireplace.  It  is  said  to 
have  been  papered  at  Washington's  expense.  This  wras 
the  room  used  as  his  office  and  sitting  room.  He  occu 
pied  for  himself  and  his  military  staff  four  rooms,  two  on 
the  first  and  two  on  the  second  floor.  It  is  traditional 
that  throughout  this  summer  there  was  a  scheme  to 
capture  Gen.  Washington.  This  entailed  special  vigilance 
by  his  aides  and  that  small  body  of  picked  men  known  as 
"the  commander-in-chief's  Guards,"  but  more  commonly 
as  "Washington's  Life  Guards,"  then  under  the  command 
of  Major  William  Coif  ax.1 

This  is  supposed  to  be  one  of  the  reasons  why  a  situation 
so  remote  from  the  greater  portion  of  the  army  was  at  this 
time  chosen  for  headquarters.  It  is  said  that  owing  to 
the  great  distance,  seven  or  eight  miles,  "officers  of  the 
day  were  excused  from  reporting  at  headquarters  when 
there  was  nothing  more  than  common  to  report."  In  this 
safe  and  delightful  retreat  Washington  remained  until 
after  the  arrival  of  the  Chevalier  de  Ternay,  commanding 
a  portion  of  the  French  fleet  and  a  body  of  troops  under 
the  Comte  de  Rochambeau  at  Newport,  Rhode  Island, 
on  July  loth.*  There  were  in  it  seven  ships-of-the-line, 
two  frigates  and  two  bombs  with  transports  to  convey 
the  five  thousand  officers  and  men.  It  was  hoped  that 
with  this  reinforcement  the  Americans  and  their  allies 


1  Some  interesting  particulars  about  the  Guard  will  be  found  in  Lossing's 
Field  Book,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  121,  122.     Miss  Wharton's  Martha  Washington, 

P-  134- 

1  See  vol.  iv.,  pp.  76-79,  of  Irving's  Washington,  for  particulars  of  their 
reception  and  encampment. 


170  The  French  Allies 

could  successfully  attack  and  capture  New  York.  The 
plan  for  this  purpose  had  long  been  maturing  in  the 
mind  of  Washington.  He  knew  that  such  a  blow  would 
practically  end  the  war. 

He  now  awaited  a  suitable  time  to  confer  with  the  Count 
and  Chevalier  who  were  warmly  greeted  by  the  patriots 
of  Rhode  Island.  Washington  sent  La  Fayette  as  his 
messenger  to  welcome  his  compatriots,  and  explain  to 
them  his  plans  for  a  combined  attack  upon  New  York. 
At  the  same  time  he  used  every  effort  to  fill  up  the  de 
pleted  ranks  of  the  Continental  army  and  addressed  a 
letter  to  Congress,  and  the  authorities  of  several  of  the 
States. 

The  departure  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  from  New  York 
with  six  thousand  men  who  were  to  attack  the  French  in 
their  strong  position  on  Rhode  Island  aided  by  the  fleet 
of  Sir  George  Arbuthnot  gave  an  opportunity  to  the 
American  commander. 

Washington  thought  that  the  weakened  garrison  of 
New  York  might  be  overcome  if  he  should  rapidly  gather 
his  forces  and  menace  the  city.  He  broke  up  the  camp 
at  Totowa,  marched  to  the  Hudson  and  crossing  it  with 
nearly  ten  thousand  men  proceeded  as  far  as  King's 
Bridge.  A  change  of  plan  by  the  British  commander 
after  he  was  informed  of  the  formidable  character  of  the 
works  at  Rhode  Island  and  the  stations  of  the  vessels  of 
the  French  fleet  caused  him  to  return  suddenly  to  New 
York  after  spending  a  short  time  at  Huntington.  Wash 
ington  was  disappointed.  He  withdrew  to  the  west 
side  of  the  Hudson  and  encamped  at  Orangetown  or 
Tappan  two  miles  back  from  the  river.  This  little 
town  was  at  the  head  of  a  plain  extending  southward 
to  New  York,  well  watered  and  very  productive.  It  was 
sheltered  by  the  Palisades  and  made  an  admirable  site 
for  this  purpose.  Washington's  headquarters  were  in  an 


Campaign  Plans  I71 

old  stone  house,  quaint  and  comfortable.  On  his  way  to 
his  encampment  he  established  a  post  and  threw  up  earth 
works  at  Dobbs  Ferry  on  the  east  side  of  the  river  about 
ten  miles  from  King's  Bridge. 

He  waited  anxiously  for  the  return  of  La  Fayette,  and 
made  every  preparation  for  the  proposed  attempt  on 
New  York.  It  was  hard  for  him  to  give  up  the  design  so 
long  formed  but  the  result  of  the  interview  of  La  Fayette, 
Rochambeau  and  de  Ternay  was  that  since  the  arrival 
in  New  York  harbour  of  Admiral  Graves  with  six  English 
ships-of-the-line,  and  the  blockade  of  Newport  harbour  by 
Admiral  Arbuthnot,  nothing  could  be  done.  The  French 
troops  were  besides  weary  from  their  long  voyage,  many 
of  them  being  still  very  ill. 

While  the  affairs  in  the  North  were  thus  not  progressing 
as  had  been  hoped  for,  the  victorious  British  Generals  in 
the  South  were  gaining  new  victories  over  Gen.  Gates  at 
Camden,  and  in  many  skirmishes.  Lord  Cornwallis  had 
shown  himself,  when  not  under  the  influence  of  Howe,  a 
capable  commander.  He  was  quick  to  strike  a  blow  and 
to  take  every  advantage  the  enemy  offered  him. 

Washington  was  still  meditating  upon  the  best  methods 
of  arousing  the  country  and  securing  men  and  supplies. 
He  was  also  very  desirous  of  meeting  the  French  Admiral 
and  French  General  so  that  a  plan  of  campaign  might  be 
decided  on  between  them.  He  still  held  to  his  opinion 
that  New  York  was  the  best  objective  point  when  the 
remainder  of  the  French  fleet,  under  Count  Guichen, 
should  arrive  from  the  West  Indies. 

In  a  correspondence  which  he  opened  up  with  de  Ro 
chambeau  and  de  Ternay,  the  various  possible  plans  of 
campaign  were  discussed.  The  invasion  of  Canada,  of 
course,  was  the  only  one  that  did  not  require  a  naval  force ; 
all  the  others,  such  as  the  recovery  of  the  South,  depended 
upon  the  co-operation  of  the  naval  and  land  forces.  New 


1 72  The  French  Allies 

York,  however,  was  the  one  vital  point  which  the  Amer 
icans  must  obtain. 

While  much  could  be  settled  by  correspondence  it  was 
impossible  to  provide  for  every  detail  in  that  way.  How 
much  of  the  correspondence  and  the  drafting  of  these 
letters  fell  to  Humphreys  we  have  no  means  of  knowing. 
Still  as  he  was  the  most  finished  scholar  among  Washing 
ton's  aides  and  the  master  of  a  vigorous  prose  style  there 
can  be  little  doubt  that  much  of  it  fell  to  his  lot. 

The  summer  was  one  of  anxiety,  depression,  and  yet 
hope  for  the  American  people  and  the  American  army. 
They  were  constantly  expecting  that  the  junction  between 
the  forces  would  be  made  and  an  effective  battle  fought 
and  won. 

The  result  of  the  correspondence  with  the  French 
officers  was  that  a  conference  was  necessary  before  the 
final  plan  of  campaign  could  be  made.  The  feelings  of  the 
Commander-in-Chief  at  this  time  are  shown  in  a  letter  to 
an  intimate  friend  written  toward  the  end  of  the  summer : 

We  are  now  drawing  to  a  close  an  inactive  campaign,  the 
beginning  of  which  appeared  pregnant  with  events  of  a  very 
favourable  complexion.  I  hoped  but  I  hoped  in  vain,  that  a 
prospect  was  opening  which  would  enable  me  to  fix  a  period  to 
my  military  pursuits  and  restore  me  to  domestic  life.  .  .  . 
We  have  lived  upon  expedients  until  we  can  live  no  longer. 
In  a  word  the  history  of  the  war  is  a  history  of  false  hopes  and 
temporary  devices  instead  of  system  and  economy.  It  is 
vain  however  to  look  back,  nor  is  it  our  business  to  do  so.1 

The  pressing  need  of  an  interview  with  the  French 
officers  was  seen  by  Washington.  This  was  finally  ar 
ranged  to  be  held  in  Hartford  on  September  2ist. 

Washington,  with  his  staff,  Gen.  Knox  and  the  Marquis 
de  La  Fayette  set  out  on  a  bright  September  morning, 

1  Quoted  on  pp.  268,  269,  vol.  iv.,  Marshall's  Washington. 


Lack  of  Funds  173 

Monday  the  i8th,  for  the  ride  to  Hartford.  It  was  a 
small  but  brilliant  cavalcade.  The  Commander-in- Chief 
in  his  blue  and  white  uniform  with  the  broad  blue  ribbon 
denoting  his  rank,  the  aides  in  their  smartest  uniforms, 
also  blue,  but  faced  with  buff,  and  La  Fayette  in  his  uni 
form  as  general  in  the  French  army  with  the  other  mem 
bers  of  the  little  company  in  their  best  array  all  combined 
to  make  a  brave  show.  To  the  villagers  and  farmers  the 
company  seemed  a  gay  and  cheerful  one.  The  cheerful 
ness  was,  however,  only  outward,  At  heart  all  were 
oppressed  with  a  common  anxiety,  the  lack  of  money. 
How  to  obtain  the  necessary  funds  for  the  journey  had  been 
the  pressing  question  before  leaving  camp.  Washington 
had  practically  exhausted  his  private  resources.  Public 
credit  there  was  none.  A  loan  from  individuals  was  the 
only  possible  plan.  Finally  eight  thousand  Continental 
dollars  were  secured  in  this  manner  from  various  persons. 
The  paper  money  issued  by  Congress  had  at  this  time  so 
declined  in  value  that  even  when  it  was  accepted,  it  was 
only  at  the  rate  of  sixty  paper  dollars  for  one  "hard" 
dollar. 

This  sore  lack  of  funds  added  to  the  imperious  necessity 
of  striking  some  vigorous  blow  that  would  restore  the 
falling  fortunes  of  the  Continental  army.  It  made 
Washington  keener  than  ever  to  perfect  some  plan  by 
which,  if  possible,  the  war  could  be  brought  to  a  satis 
factory  conclusion. 

As  the  cavalcade  passed  through  village  after  village  it 
was  greeted  with  music,  the  applause  of  the  people  and 
their  hearty  God  speed.  In  one  village,  reached  after  the 
shades  of  night  had  fallen,  the  whole  population  was  in 
procession  to  cheer  and  speed  the  "hope  of  the  republic" 
on  his  way.  Children  with  torches  illuminated  the  street 
and  led  Washington  through  the  town.  Each  was  eager 
to  grasp  the  hand  of  Washington.  It  was  a  scene  which 


174  The  French  Allies 

deeply  affected  him.  Turning  to  Count  Dumas,  the 
representative  of  Count  de  Rochambeau,  he  said:  "We 
may  be  beaten  by  the  British,  it  is  the  chance  of  war,  but 
there  is  an  army  they  will  never  conquer. "  It  was  a  real 
relief  to  Washington  to  know  that  his  good  friend  ' '  Brother 
Jonathan,"  the  war  Governor  of  Connecticut,  had  with 
thoughtful  care  made  every  provision  for  the  comfort  of 
himself  and  his  friends.  They  were  during  their  stay 
to  be  the  guests  of  the  State.  A  contemporary  historian, 
Dr.  Gordon,  says  that  the  paymaster  of  the  party  was 
much  embarrassed  by  the  possible  failure  of  the  small 
funds  he  had  on  hand  and  feared  he  would  be  unable  ' '  to 
pay  their  way. ' '  They  all  however 

put  on  a  good  countenance  when  in  Connecticut,  called  for 
what  they  wanted,  and  were  well  supplied, — but  the  thought 
of  reckoning  with  their  host  damped  their  pleasure.  To  their 
great  joy,  however,  when  the  bills  were  called  for  they  were 
informed  that  the  Governor  of  Connecticut  had  given  orders 
that  they  should  pay  nothing  in  that  State  but  should  be  at 
free  cost. z 

As  they  approached  Hartford  they  were  met  by  a 
military  escort,  the  Governor's  Foot  Guards  attired  in 
their  striking  uniforms,  a  survival  from  Colonial  days,  a 
company  of  artillery  which  fired  a  salute  of  thirteen  guns, 
Gov.  Trumbull,  Col.  Wadsworth  and  other  distinguished 
sons  of  the  State.  They  passed  through  crowds  of  people 
who  from  all  the  neighbouring  towns  had  flocked  to  Hart 
ford  to  see  the  great  General  and  his  companions.  He 
was  loudly  cheered  as  he  passed  slowly  along  acknowledg 
ing  their  greeting.  The  reception  of  La  Fayette  was  not 
less  cordial  and  every  member  of  the  party  was  duly 
applauded. 

1  Dr.  William  Gordon's  History  of  the  Rise,  Progress  and  Establishment  of 
the  Independence  of  the  United  States. 


Washington  Meets  French  Officers      175 

Upon  arriving  at  Hartford  the  cortege  halted  by  the  elm 
which  shaded  the  mansion  of  Col.  Wadsworth.  Washing 
ton,  La  Fayette,  Knox  and  their  immediate  associates 
dismounted  and  were  received  upon  the  porch  by  the 
graceful  Mrs.  Wadsworth  and  the  ladies  of  the  family. 
Here  they  were  nobly  entertained  while  in  the  city.  The 
other  members  of  the  party  were  escorted  to  their  abiding 
places. 

Upon  the  following  day  the  French  officers  arrived. 
After  crossing  the  ferry  from  East  Hartford  they  were 
received  by  the  authorities  at  the  City  Landing  and  with 
the  same  military  escort  as  before.  Washington  marched 
to  the  front  of  the  Capitol.  Here  he,  his  staff,  and  com 
panions,  met  them.  Courtesy,  dignity  and  cordiality 
marked  the  meeting.  Again  the  people  shouted,  salutes 
were  fired,  and  to  martial  music  the  brilliantly  attired 
Frenchmen,  the  Governor,  the  state  and  city  officials, 
Washington  and  his  staff  and  generals  marched  to  the 
Wadsworth  house  where  Rochambeau  and  de  Ternay 
with  their  personal  staff  enjoyed  the  bountiful  hospitality 
of  Col.  Wadsworth.  The  scene  during  the  procession  is 
described  as  surpassing  any  that  had  previously  taken 
place  in  the  city.  Washington  is  said  for  this  occasion  to 
have  worn  a  "buff  vest,  buff  breeches,  buckles  at  the  knee, 
long  spurred  boots,  white  neck  cloth  and  blue  buff -lined 
coat,  that  shone  with  a  pair  of  rich  massive  epaulets.  "x 

Gen.  Knox  and  the  other  American  officers  also  wore 
their  buff  and  blue  uniforms.  The  French  officers  wore 
the  uniform  appropriate  to  their  ranks ;  upon  their  breasts 
suspended  by  broad  ribbons  were  the  insignia  of  the  order 
of  St.  Louis  and  other  orders,  made  of  gold  and  which 
glistened  as  the  rays  of  the  sun  fell  upon  them.  The 
conferences  were  held  at  Col.  Wadsworth's.  They  were 
long  and  earnest.  Gov.  Trumbull  and  Col.  Wadsworth 

r  Stuart's  Trumbull,  p.  486. 


176  The  French  Allies 

were  invited  to  take  part  in  them.  The  chief  subject  was 
the  possibility  of  a  combined  attack  upon  New  York 
provided  that  the  fleet  of  Comte  de  Guichen  could  come 
from  the  West  Indies  to  unite  with  the  vessels  already  at 
Newport ;  the  invasion  of  Canada  was  regarded  favourably, 
and  a  campaign  for  the  recovery  of  the  South  was  seri 
ously  discussed.  Naturally,  each  party  was  desirous  of 
perfecting  some  plan  by  which  the  British  could  be  perma 
nently  crippled. 

The  news  that  de  Guichen  had  sailed  from  the  West 
Indies  for  France  instead  of  for  New  York  was  a  bitter 
disappointment  to  Washington  because  it  made  his  plan 
of  an  attack  on  New  York  impossible  for  the  present. 
The  conference  closed  on  Thursday  evening,  and  on  Friday 
the  French  commanders  commenced  their  return  journey. 
The  conference  effected  nothing  practical  at  the  time,  but 
it  laid  the  foundations  of  a  mutual  esteem  and  confidence. 

De  Ternay,  who  was  then  far  from  well,  died  before  the 
close  of  the  year. x 

No  definite  plan  was  arranged  upon  for  as  Washington 
remarked,  "We  could  only  combine  possible  plans  on  the 
supposition  of  possible  events,  and  engage  mutually  to  do 
everything  in  our  power  against  the  next  campaign.  "2 

The  ride  to  the  Hudson  through  a  well  cultivated  region 
in  the  clear  September  air,  the  trees  gorgeous  in  their  fall 
tints,  and  with  agreeable  company,  was  a  pleasant  relaxa 
tion  to  Washington  who  seemed  for  the  time  to  have 
thrown  aside  some  of  the  burden  of  care  and  anxiety 
which  usually  made  him  grave  and  silent.  Upon  ap- 

THe  died  at  Newport  on  December  15,  1780,  in  his  fifty-ninth  year. 
He  was  buried  in  Trinity  Churchyard  "with  great  pomp  and  ceremony." 
King  Louis  sent  in  1785  a  suitably  inscribed  tablet  which  was  affixed  to  the 
exterior  of  the  Church.  In  1872,  the  French  Ambassador,  Marquis  de 
Noailles,  had  it  repaired  and  it  was  then  placed  in  the  vestibule.  He  also 
marked  the  grave  of  the  Admiral  with  a  granite  stone  suitably  inscribed. 

2  Stuart's  Trumbull,  p.  487. 


Benedict  Arnold  i?7 

preaching  the  river  he  turned  from  the  direct  road  to  the 
camp  that  he  might  with  his  suite  and  friends  make  an 
inspection  of  West  Point  and  show  La  Fayette  the  im 
provements  made  while  he  was  in  Europe. 

The  command  of  that  fortress  and  the  other  forts  in  the 
Highlands  had,  at  his  earnest  request,  been  given  in  July 
to  Gen.  Benedict  Arnold,  whose  dash  and  bravery  the 
Commander-in-Chief  admired  and  whose  conduct  of  the 
Canada  campaign  in  1775  after  the  death  of  Gen.  Mont 
gomery  was  skilful  and  resourceful.  Gen.  Arnold  es 
tablished  his  headquarters  at  the  Robinson  house,  to  which 
he  brought  his  charming  young  wife  and  infant  son.  Mrs. 
Arnold  dispensed  here  as  in  her  Philadelphia  home  a 
bounteous  hospitality.  It  was  a  pleasant  resort  for  the 
young  officers  of  the  garrison  and  the  attaches  of  the 
Tappan  camp. 

Washington  had  known  Mrs.  Arnold  as  Margaret 
Shippen  when  encamped  at  Valley  Forge,  and  esteemed 
and  respected  her.  It  had  been  the  General's  intention 
that  his  company  should  spend  Saturday  night  at  the 
Arnold  headquarters  and  afterward  cross  to  West  Point. 

Encountering  the  French  Minister,  the  Chevalier  de 
Luzerne,  on  his  way  to  visit  Comte  de  Rochambeau,  a 
short  distance  below  Fishkill,  he  turned  back  with  him 
and  spent  the  night  in  that  village.  Very  early  on  Sun 
day  morning  Washington  and  his  friends  were  in  the  saddle, 
the  baggage  having  been  sent  ahead  on  Saturday  with  a 
note  informing  Gen.  Arnold  that  they  would  take  breakfast 
with  him  on  Sunday.  It  was  a  delightful,  but  rough  ride 
of  eighteen  miles.  When  approaching  Sugar  Loaf  Moun 
tain,  Washington  headed  his  horse  for  a  road  leading  to 
the  river.  Upon  La  Fayette 's  remonstrating  that  it 
would  take  them  out  of  their  way,  and  that  Mrs.  Arnold 
would  be  waiting  for  them,  the  General  with  one  of  his 
rare  sallies  of  pleasantry  said:  "Ah,  Marquis,  I  know  you 


VOL.  i — 12 


The  French  Allies 

young  men  are  all  in  love  with  Mrs.  Arnold  and  are  eager 
to  see  her  as  soon  as  possible.  Go  and  take  breakfast 
with  her, — I  must  ride  down  and  see  the  redoubts  on  this 
side  of  the  river, — and  will  join  you  shortly."  The 
whole  party  accompanied  him  with  the  exception  of  Col. 
Hamilton  and  Col.  McHenry,  the  acting  aide  to  La 
Fayette,  who  proceeded  to  the  house  bearing  the  Gen 
eral's  apologies  and  message. 

To  the  commandant  of  West  Point  the  presence  of  the 
Commander-in-Chief  was  peculiarly  unwelcome  and 
hazardous,  for  during  the  visit  to  Hartford  he  had  engaged 
in  a  plot  which  was  of  momentous  consequence  to  the 
American  cause. 

Gen.  Arnold  was  indignant  at  supposed  slights,  insults, 
and  accusations  from  individual  patriots,  officers  of  the 
army  and  the  Continental  Congress.  After  many 
months  of  correspondence  he  had  held  an  interview  with 
an  accredited  agent  of  the  British  Commander-in-Chief. 
For  nearly  two  years  he  had  thought  that  his  merit  was 
unrecognized,  and  that  name  and  fame  would  come  to 
him  by  this  course.  He  was  personally  courageous,  but 
reckless,  careless,  extravagant,  fond  of  display,  vain  and 
selfish.  The  importunity  of  his  many  creditors  harassed 
and  annoyed  him.  His  own  pecuniary  freedom  he  con 
sidered  of  greater  consequence  than  the  freedom  of  his 
native  land. 

West  Point  was  a  prize  which  the  British  would  be  glad 
to  purchase  at  a  great  price.  He  bargained  with  a  cool 
audacity  under  the  fiction  of  a  proposed  mercantile  enter 
prise  in  a  correspondence  conducted  for  more  than  a  year 
under  assumed  names  between  himself  and  the  Adjutant- 
General  of  the  British  forces,  Major  John  Andre.  The 
commander,  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  approved  the  correspond 
ence  and  scanned  the  various  letters  that  passed  between 
"Gustavus"  and  "John  Anderson."  When  Clinton 


Treason  of  Arnold  179 

learned  the  rank  of  his  American  correspondent  and  the 
position  he  occupied  he  was  anxious  to  bring  the  negotia 
tions  to  an  end,  fearing  that  the  union  of  the  Americans 
and  French  might  make  the  purchase  of  Benedict  Arnold 
unprofitable  and  undesirable.  The  absence  of  Washing 
ton  from  the  Highlands  seemed  to  be  the  most  suitable 
opportunity  for  the  necessary  interview  between  the 
betrayer  of  his  trust  and  the  man  willing  to  tempt  him. 

For  this  purpose  the  British  sloop-of-war,  the  Vulture, 
sailed  up  the  Hudson  to  Verplanck's  Point  having  Major 
Andre  as  a  passenger.  It  was  arranged  by  Gen.  Arnold 
that  the  meeting  should  be  held  near  the  house  of  Mr. 
Joshua  Hett  Smith,  two  miles  below  Stony  Point,  and 
take  place  on  Thursday,  September  2ist,  at  night. 

Mr.  Smith  was  a  gentleman  highly  respected  and  of 
much  local  influence.  He  had  been  able  at  various  times 
to  obtain  private  and  special  information  from  New  York 
of  great  advantage  to  Washington  and  other  Continental 
commanders.  It  is  not  probable  that  any  suspicion  of  the 
actual  purpose  of  Arnold  entered  his  mind  or  that  he  was 
an  enemy  of  America.  Upon  some  of  the  unexpected  oc 
currences  connected  with  this  interview  and  the  result,  this 
Memoir  need  not  dwell  at  length. 

The  cannonade  from  Verplanck's  Point  which  caused 
the  Vulture  to  drop  lower  down  the  river,  the  necessity 
which  compelled  Major  Andre  in  leaving  the  American 
lines  to  make  a  land  journey  to  New  York  under  a  pass 
from  Gen.  Arnold;  his  lack  of  coolness  and  prudence  when 
stopped  by  the  self-appointed  vigilants  of  the  "Neutral 
Ground" ;  the  stupidity  of  Col.  Jameson  in  communicating 
with  Gen.  Arnold ;  the  keen  astuteness  of  Major  Tallmadge 
in  learning  the  rank  and  purpose  of  Major  Andre;  the 
sending  by  special  messenger  to  Washington,  information 
of  his  important  capture  and  the  incriminating  papers 
he  had  concealed ;  were  features  of  a  scheme  that  if  carried 


i8o  The  French  Allies 

out  as  intended  would  have  prolonged  the  war  and  tried 
the  patience  and  endurance  of  the  people. 

It  was  under  the  weight  of  this  terrible  secret  that 
Arnold  received  the  aides  on  that  bright  September  day, 
with  outward  cordiality  but  inward  trembling,  and  even 
Mrs.  Arnold's  cheerful  and  witty  conversation  could  not 
remove  from  him  an  apprehension  that  the  unexpected 
early  return  of  Washington  from  Hartford  would  lead  to 
a  discovery  of  his  treachery. 

The  delivery  to  him  while  at  the  table  of  Col.  Jameson's 
letter  announcing  the  capture  of  "John  Anderson"  and 
the  forwarding  of  his  papers  to  the  Commander-in- Chief ; 
his  abrupt  departure  from  the  room  and  quick  return 
to  announce  his  intention  of  visiting  West  Point  to  pre 
pare  for  its  inspection  by  Washington ;  the  frenzy  of  Mrs. 
Arnold  and  precipitate  flight  of  Gen.  Arnold ;  the  surprise 
and  perplexity  of  Washington  to  find  no  commandant 
at  West  Point  and  not  to  receive  the  proper  salute; 
the  arrival  at  the  Robinson  house  of  the  travel-stained 
messenger  who  had  gone  as  far  as  Danbury  on  his  way 
to  Hartford  with  the  dispatches  for  Washington;  the 
opening  of  them  by  Col.  Hamilton  and  the  consternation 
they  aroused ;  the  return  of  Washington  and  the  rest  of  the 
party  and  the  disclosure  to  him  of  the  shameful  proceeding, 
are  incidents  of  that  beautiful  September  Sunday  morning 
which  destroyed  the  peace  and  quiet  of  the  day  of  rest. 
Washington's  control  of  himself  was  remarkable  and  he 
was  outwardly  calm.  Taking  Gen.  Knox  and  the  Mar 
quis  de  La  Payette  into  his  confidence  and  sadly  exclaim 
ing:  "Whom  can  we  now  trust?"  he  took  energetic 
measures  to  arrest  Arnold,  dispatching  Hamilton  as  soon 
as  the  necessary  papers  could  be  made  out  to  endeavour 
to  overtake  him  before  he  reached  the  Vulture.  Andre 
was  ordered  to  be  brought  under  a  strong  guard  to  the 
Robinson  house,  but  was  not  seen  by  Washington.  From 


Capture  of  Andre  181 

there  he  was  conducted  to  Tappan  and  confined  in  a  large 
room  in  "the  '76  Stone  House"  under  a  double  guard. 
So  carefully  did  Washington  provide  against  any  attempt 
to  escape  that  he  ordered  two  officers  with  drawn  swords 
to  be  always  in  the  room  and  the  sentries  constantly  on 
the  watch  and  relieved  at  frequent  intervals. 

His  capture  had  created  an  almost  greater  sensation 
than  even  the  treason  of  Arnold.  He  was  almost  indis 
pensable  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton ;  a  favourite  with  his  brother 
officers,  he  held  the  pen  of  a  ready  writer  and  could  quickly 
indite  a  sweet  sonnet  or  ballad,  or  discourse  learnedly 
upon  some  point  of  military  science  or  literature;  his 
artistic  taste  was  shown  in  many  pen  and  ink  sketches 
whjch  were  both  graphic  and  suggestive.  In  society 
his  graceful  carriage,  polished  manners,  and  witty  sayings 
made  him  to  all  the  Tory  maidens  in  Philadelphia  and 
New  York  "the  mould  of  fashion  and  the  glass  of  form. " 

All  the  younger  officers  in  the  Highlands  soon  suc 
cumbed  to  his  charms  and  felt  for  him  both  affection  and 
pity.  He  was  then  in  his  twenty-ninth  year,  and  had  all 
the  ambition  and  enthusiasm  of  youth  and  also  many  of 
the  qualities  that  mark  the  good  soldier. 

Strong  efforts  were  made  to  effect  his  release  and  to 
mitigate  his  offence  of  being  within  the  American  lines 
without  the  protection  of  a  flag  of  truce.  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  pleaded  for  him,  and  appealed  to  the  well-known 
clemency  of  Washington.  Even  Arnold,  with  great  ef 
frontery,  argued  that  the  pass  given  to  "John  Anderson" 
by  him  when  still  commandant  at  West  Point  was  suffi 
cient  protection  and  told  Washington  that  Andre  could 
not  be  treated  as  a  spy.  The  personal  dignity  and  manly 
bearing  of  Major  Andre  impressed  the  Commander-in- 
Chief ,  and  he  treated  him  with  courtesy  and  consideration, 
but  he  also  knew  that  his  offence  could  not  be  condoned, 
for  then  there  would  be  an  end  of  all  discipline,  if  he  were 


182  The  French  Allies 

not  firm  in  applying  to  it  the  rule  of  civilized  warfare. 
Washington  convened  at  Tappan  on  September  29th,  a 
Court  of  Inquiry,  composed  of  the  ablest  and  most  judi 
cial  of  his  general  officers  of  the  main  body  of  the  Con 
tinental  army.  Its  members  were  Gen.  Greene,  Lord 
Stirling,  Gen.  St.  Clair,  Marquis  de  La  Fayette,  Gen. 
Robert  Howe,  Baron  Von  Steuben,  and  Brigadier  Gen 
erals  Parsons,  James  Clinton,  Knox,  Huntington,  Glover, 
Patterson  and  Stark;  Col.  James  Laurens  was  the  Judge 
Advocate  General  and  Gen.  Greene  was  the  President  of 
the  Board. 

There  was  a  scrupulous  desire  to  give  the  accused  all  the 
rights  to  which  he  was  entitled  and  to  make  the  inquiry 
full  and  exact. 

The  high-minded  Major,  however,  by  his  statement  of 
his  movements  from  September  2Oth,  to  the  time  of  his 
capture,  made  the  presence  of  witnesses  unnecessary  and 
after  due  deliberation  the  Board  determined:  "That 
Major  Andre,  Adjutant  General  of  the  British  Army  ought 
to  be  considered  as  a  spy  from  the  enemy,  and  that 
agreeably  to  the  law  and  usage  of  Nations,  it  is  their 
opinion  that  he  ought  to  suffer  death. " 

With  unfeigned  sorrow  and  regret  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  approved  the  sentence.  A  delay  of  one  day  was 
granted  before  it  was  carried  into  effect  that  a  delegation 
from  Sir  Henry  Clinton  might  lay  before  Washington 
some  considerations  which  possibly  would  modify  the 
sentence.  Gen.  James  Robertson,  Lieut.  Gov.  Andrew 
Elliott  and  Chief  Justice  William  Smith  proceeded  in  the 
Greyhound  with  a  flag  of  truce  to  Dobbs  Ferry.  Here 
Gen.  Greene  met  Gen.  Robertson  unofficially;  the  others 
not  being  military  men  were  not  allowed  to  land.  The 
conference  was  long,  but  no  new  facts  were  brought  out 
which  could  take  from  the  Ad  jut  ant- General  the  odium 
of  being  within  the  American  lines  without  a  flag  of  truce, 


Execution  of  John  Andre  183 

and  thus  by  all  military  law  a  spy.  On  October  2d,  Major 
Andre  was  executed  by  hanging.  He  was  brave,  collected 
and  calm,  and  the  execution  which  was  witnessed  by 
many  officers  and  soldiers  affected  them  deeply. 

Few  incidents  of  the  war  are  tinged  with  deeper  shades 
of  sadness  than  this.  No  occasion  more  severely  tested 
the  conflict  between  Washington's  inclination  and  his 
sense  of  duty. 

The  part  borne  in  these  transactions  by  Col.  Hum 
phreys  does  not  appear  from  any  available  documents. 
But  as  one  of  the  General's  aides  and  a  personal  friend 
of  Col.  Wadsworth  he  undoubtedly  went  to  Hartford, 
where  his  knowledge  of  French  was  probably  of  service. 
The  subjoined  letter  appears  to  be  conclusive  on  this 
point :  written  to  a  friend  of  his  in  Connecticut,  probably 
Col.  Wadsworth,  the  Colonel  expresses  himself  as  follows: 

HEAD  QUARTERS  NEAR 
PASSAIC  FALLS 

Oct°  28th  1780 

MY  DEAR  SIR, 

.  .  .  What  a  scene  of  horror  has  displayed  itself  since  I 
saw  you  last !  Arnold  has  now  become  like  a  twice  told  tale  of 
infamy  and  so  let  him  sink  in  perdition  tho  not  oblivion. 

The  Proceedings  of  the  Board  of  General  Officers  on  Major 
Andre*  are  published  by  Order  of  Congress. — There  is  also  a 
handsome  account  of  the  whole  affair  written  by  a  friend  of 

ours  (Col.  H n) I  &  printed  in  the  Philadelphia  Papers — To 

these  let  me  refer  you. 

The  plan  for  reducing  the  number  of  Regiments  in  service 
is  at  last  compleated,  and  Congress  have  resolved  to  give  half 
pay  to  the  reduced  as  well  other  Officers  of  the  Army  for  life, — 
General  Parsons  is  promoted  to  be  a  Major  General. 

I  am  happy  to  learn  from  Col.  Meigs  that  the  Assembly  of 

1  Alexander  Hamilton.  Hamilton  and  Humphreys  were  at  this  time 
Washington's  aides. 


184  The  French  Allies 

Connecticut  are  taking  up  the  affairs  of  the  Army  with  Spirit. 
I  know  it  is  unnecessary  to  impress  on  you  the  necessity  of  hav 
ing  an  Army  for  the  War  &  Magazines  to  subsist  it;  had  this 
been  the  case,  His  Excellency's  Letter  I  am  sure  would  have 
superseded  this  necessity.  .  .  .  For  Heaven's  sake  let  us 
have  an  Army  for  the  War,  or  no  Army  at  all ....  A  few 
days  will  point  out  the  necessity  of  looking  out  for  Winter 
Quarters.  You  shall  hear  from  me  anon. 

Your  most  Obedt  Hble  Servt 

D.  HUMPHRYS.1 

In  the  exciting  and  distressing  scenes  that  followed  the 
return  he  would  find  full  occupation  in  preparing  necessary 
papers,  in  reporting  to  his  chief  the  deliberations  of  the 
Court,  and  with  his  associates  in  the  military  family  of 
Washington  admiring  the  talents  and  sympathizing  with 
the  sufferings  of  Major  Andre. 

Col.  Humphreys  only  briefly  alludes  to  this  event  in 
his  Life  of  Putnam:  "The  British,  who  considered  this 
post  as  a  sort  of  American  Gibraltar,  never  attempted  it 
but  by  the  treachery  of  an  American  officer.  All  the 
world  knows  that  this  project  failed."2 

He  probably  could  give  to  Washington  some  details 
of  the  life  of  Benedict  Arnold  in  New  Haven,  as  he  was  the 
only  one  of  the  aides  who  had  lived  there.  Many  young 
men  of  family  and  position  had  the  noble  ambition  to  be 
useful  to  their  country,  not  only  in  the  ranks  and  as 
subordinate  officers,  but  desired  to  secure  thorough  mili 
tary  science  by  serving  the  Commander-in- Chief  as  aides. 
Among  them  was  Thomas  Wooster,  a  college  companion  of 
Col.  Humphreys,  and  a  graduate  of  Yale  in  1768.  He  was 
a  son  of  that  brave  veteran  Gen.  David  Wooster  who  was 
killed  at  Redding  Ridge.  Capt.  Wooster  served  under  his 

1  Published  from  the  collection  of  George  Brinley.     Dawson's  Historical 
Magazine,  Second  Series,  vol.  i.,  p.  204. 

2  Humphreys'  Putnam,  Edition  of  1788. 


Humphreys  to  Thomas  Wooster        185 

father  as  aide  in  the  fall  of  1775  upon  the  borders  of  West- 
chester  County.  In  January  1777  he  was  commissioned 
as  Captain  in  Col.  Samuel  B.Webb's  "additional"  regi 
ment  and  was  with  it  on  the  Hudson  and  in  Rhode 
Island  during  1777  and  1778.  From  November  7,  to 
June  I,  1779,  he  was  upon  a  furlough,  at  the  expiration  of 
which  he  left  the  army.  A  letter  to  Col.  Webb  from  him 
declares  that  he  did  not  draw  his  "supernumerary"  pay 
as  an  officer  during  his  furlough  "as  I  did  not  enter  the 
service  for  the  sake  of  pay  or  rank,  and  imagine  I  should 
not  have  quitted  it  till  the  war  was  over,  if  you  had  not 
been  so  unfortunate  as  to  be  taken  from  it. "  He  entered 
into  business  but  his  application  to  Washington  shows 
that  there  was  still  military  ardour  in  him.  Gen.  Wash 
ington's  reply  does  not  seem  to  be  extant.  Its  nature 
can  be  imagined  from  this  letter  of  Col.  Humphreys: 

HEADQUARTERS,  October  24th,  1780. 
DEAR  SIR  : 

It  was  not  until  within  these  two  days  that  I  have  been 
favoured  with  your  letter  of  the  8th  inst.  That  which  you 
mention  to  have  sent  enclosing  the  money  has  not  yet  come  to 
hand :  and  I  fear  it  will  not,  unless  some  extraordinary  precau 
tions  were  taken  to  make  the  bearer  accountable  for  it.  I 
have  not  yet  had  occasion  for  the  money,  but  shall  in  a  few 
days.  You  will  see  by  his  Excellency's  letter  to  you  the  reason 
why  he  could  not  accept  of  your  proposal.  He  expressed  to 
me  in  conversation  his  entire  satisfaction  as  to  your  character 
and  abilities;  his  unhappiness  in  not  being  able  to  gratify  you, 
repeating  the  names  of  the  Gentlemen  whose  services  he  had 
previously  declined,  and  discovered  a  delicate  apprehension 
lest  you  should  consider  the  matter  in  any  improper  point  of 
view  Tho'  the  reasons  for  his  conduct,  I  am  confident  will 
be  satisfactory  to  you. 

It  gives  me  real  concern  that  I  am  not  likely  to  be  made 
happy  with  your  Company  as  I  had  flattered  myself. 


1 86  The  French  Allies 

We  have  nothing  new  of  any  consequence. 
My  compliments  wait  on  Mrs.  Wooster  and  my  other  friends 
of  your  acquaintance. 

Believe  me  to  be,  Dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obdt.  Hble.  Servt. 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 
THOMAS  WOOSTER,  ESQ. 
Endorsement : 

To  THOMAS  WOOSTER,  ESQ. 
New  Haven. 

After  the  Revolution  young  Wooster  removed  to  New 
Orleans.  It  was  on  a  voyage  to  his  new  home  from  New 
Haven,  in  1792,  that  he  was  lost  at  sea.1 

Washington,  after  strengthening  the  garrison  at  West 
Point,  which  was  put  under  the  command  of  Gen.  Heath, 
removed  the  main  body  of  the  northern  army  to  the 
Passaic  hills,  and  again  occupied  Col.  Dey's  house  as 
headquarters.  Here  was  once  more  carefully  planned  an 
attack  upon  the  forts  of  the  enemy  near  Kingsbridge  in 
the  upper  part  of  Manhattan  Island.  If  there  seemed  to 
be  a  favourable  opportunity  and  the  garrison  of  New  York 
was  not  increased  it  was  intended  to  make  a  bold  dash  for 
the  city.  The  younger  officers  had  chafed  under  the 
inactivity  of  the  campaign.  La  Fayette  was  particularly 
anxious  for  some  hostile  demonstration,  fearing  that  the 
present  course  would  be  misunderstood  and  injure  the 
American  cause  in  his  own  country.  As  Gen.  Washington 
had  always  desired  to  make  an  attack  upon  New  York 
he  thought  the  present  time  when  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
would  probably  send  large  detachments  to  strengthen  the 
army  in  the  South  under  Lord  Cornwaliis  most  opportune. 
The  ultimate  design  of  Gen.  Washington  was  known  to 
very  few. 

The  amiable  and  learned  Marquis  de  Chastellux,  one 

1  Prof.  Henry  P.  Johnston's  Yale  in  the  Revolution,  p.  250. 


Attack  upon  New  York  Discussed       187 

of  the  Major-Generals  in  the  French  army  under  Comte 
de  Rochambeau,  was  occupying  his  leisure  in  travelling 
in  those  parts  of  the  country  where  he  could  go  with  safety. 
He  was  an  acute  observer,  versed  in  military  science,  and 
desirous  of  observing  carefully  the  work  of  the  great 
American  commander.  He  visited  Washington  at  the 
Dey  house  while  spending  some  days  with  his  relative, 
La  Fayette.  A  few  days  previously  a  memoir  had  been 
prepared  upon  the  feasibility  of  securing  New  York  by 
an  attack  upon  Kingsbridge  and  Fort  Washington.  The 
subject  was  discussed  at  headquarters  by  Washington, 
La  Fayette  and  others,  in  a  general  way,  in  the  presence 
of  the  traveller,  who  had  been  graciously  received  and 
invited  to  join  the  company  at  the  General's  table.  The 
Marquis  has  given  a  detailed  and  lively  description  of 
the  dinner,  the  conversation,  and  his  impressions  of  the 
American  chief  whom  he  then  saw  for  the  first  time.  x 

The  carrying  into  execution  of  the  plan  was  entrusted 
to  General  Heath,  who  received  confidential  orders  by 
word  of  mouth  from  Col.  Humphreys.  In  the  papers  of 
Col.  Pickering,  Quartermaster- General,  is  a  letter  written 
by  Col.  Humphreys  as  aide-de-camp  dated  November 
6,  1780,  requesting  him  to  provide  carriages  for  the  trans 
portation  of  boats.3  It  was  the  intention  that  a  "grand" 
forage  should  be  made  under  the  command  of  Gen.  Stark. 
Several  small  parties  also  were  to  be  sent  on  expeditions. 

It  was  planned  that  all  should  meet  the  main  army  at 
Kingsbridge.  The  Colonel  thus  explains  the  design  of  this 
movement : 

1  For  La  Fayette's  "Memoirs,"  see  The  Writings  of  Washington,  Being  His 
Correspondence,  Addresses,  Messages  and  Other  Papers,  Official  and  Private, 
with  a  Life  of  the  Author,  Notes  and  Illustrations,  by  Jared  Sparks,  Russell 
&c.,  Boston,  1835,  vol.  viii.,  p.  538.  For  a  summary  of  the  Marquis  de 
Chastellux's  visit,  see  Irving's  Washington,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  177,  181. 

'"Index  to  Pickering  Papers,"  in  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Collec 
tions,  p.  226. 


1 88  The  French  Allies 

A  multitude  of  proofs  might  be  produced  to  demonstrate  that 
military  facts  cannot  always  be  accurately  known  but  by  the 
Commander-in-Chief  and  his  confidential  officers.  The  Mar 
quis  de  Chastelleux  (whose  opportunity  to  acquire  general 
information,  respecting  those  parts  of  the  American  war  which 
he  hath  casually  mentioned,  was  better  than  that  of  any  other 
writer)  gives  an  account  of  a  grand  Forage  which  Gen.  Heath 
ordered  to  be  made  towards  Kingsbridge  in  the  autumn  of  1 780. 
The  Marquis,  who  was  present  when  the  detachment  marched, 
and  to  whom  Gen.  Heath  shewed  the  orders  given  to  General 
Stark,  the  commanding  officer  of  the  expedition,  observes  that 
he  had  never  seen,  in  manuscript,  or  print,  more  pertinent 
instructions.  Now  the  fact  is,  that  this  detachment,  under 
pretext  of  a  forage  was  intended  by  the  Commander-in-Chief 
to  co-operate  with  the  main  army,  in  an  attempt  against  the 
enemy's  posts  on  York-Island;  and  that  General  Heath  himself 
was  then  ignorant  of  the  real  design.  The  Commander-in- 
Chief  spent  a  whole  campaign  in  ripening  this  project.  Boats, 
mounted  on  travelling  carriages,  were  kept  constantly  with 
the  army.  The  Marquis  de  La  Fayette,  at  the  head  of  the 
Light  Infantry,  was  to  have  made  the  attack  in  the  night 
on  Fort  Washington.  The  period  chosen  for  this  enterprise 
was  the  very  time  when  the  army  were  to  break  up  their 
camp  and  march  into  winter-quarters;  so  that  the  Com 
mander-in-Chief,  moving  in  the  dusk  of  the  evening,  would 
have  been  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  with  his  whole 
force,  to  have  supported  the  attack.  The  cautious  manner 
in  which  the  co-operation  on  the  part  of  the  troops  sent 
by  General  Heath,  on  the  pretended  forage,  was  to  have 
been  conducted,  will  be  understood  from  the  following  secret 
instructions : 

To  BRIGADIER  GENERAL  STARK 
Headquarters,  Passaic  Falls,  Nov.  21,   1780. 

SIR: 

Colonel  Humphreys,  one  of  my  Aides-de-Camp,  is  charged 
by  me  with  orders  of  a  private  and  particular  nature,  which  he 


Attack  on  York-Island  Planned         189 

is  to  deliver  to  you,  and  which  you  are  to  obey.     He  will  inform 
you  of  the  necessity  of  this  mode  of  communication. 

I  am,  Sir,  &c. 

G.  WASHINGTON. 

To  Lieut.  Col.  David  Humphreys,  A .  D.  Camp 

SIR: 

You  are  immediately  to  proceed  to  West  Point  and  com 
municate  the  business  committed  to  you,  in  confidence,  to 
Major  Heath,  and  to  no  other  person  whatsoever;  from  thence 
you  will  repair  to  the  detachment  at  the  Whit  Plains  on 
Friday  next,  taking  measures  to  prevent  their  leaving  that 
place,  before  you  get  to  them.  And  in  the  course  of  the  suc 
ceeding  night  you  may  inform  the  commanding  officer  of  the 
enterprise  in  contemplation  against  the  enemy's  posts  on 
York-Island.  As  the  troops  are  constantly  to  lie  on  their  arms, 
no  previous  notice  should  be  given;  but  they  may  be  put  in 
motion  precisely  at  4  o'clock,  and  commence  a  slow  and 
regular  march  to  King's  Bridge,  until  they  shall  discover  or 
be  informed  of  the  concerted  signals  being  made — when  the 
march  must  be  pressed  with  the  greatest  rapidity.  Parties 
of  horse  should  be  sent  forward  to  keep  a  look  out  for  the 
signals.  Although  the  main  body  ought  to  be  kept  intact, 
patroles  of  horse  and  light  parties  might  be  sent  towards  East 
and  West  Chester,  and  upon  the  signals  being  discovered 
Sheldon's  regiment  and  the  Connecticut  State  troops  (which 
may  also  be  put  in  motion  as  soon  as  the  orders  can  be  com 
municated  after  4  o'clock)  should  be  pushed  forward  to  inter 
cept  any  of  the  enemy,  who  may  attempt  to  gain  Frog's  Neck, 
and  to  cut  off  the  Refugee-corps  at  Morrissania.  A  few  men, 
with  some  address,  may  spread  such  an  alarm  as  to  prevent 
an  attempt  of  the  enemy  to  retreat  to  Frog's  Neck,  from  an 
apprehension  of  surrounding  parties.  You  will  communicate 
these  instructions  to  the  commanding  officer  of  the  detach 
ment,  who,  upon  his  approach  to  King's  Bridge,  will  receive 
orders  from  me  as  early  as  possible.  Should  the  signals  not 
be  discovered,  the  troops  will  halt  at  least  six  miles  from  the 
bridge,  until  further  intelligence  can  be  obtained.  The 


190  The  French  Allies 

absolute  necessity  of  the  most  perfect  secrecy  is  the  occasion 
of  communicating  my  orders  through  this  channel. 

Given  at  Head  Quarters,  Passaic  Falls,  this22d.  day  of  Nov.  1780. 

G.  Washington. 

Never  was  a  plan  better  arranged,  and  never  did  the  circum 
stances  promise  more  sure  or  complete  success.  The  British 
were  not  only  unalarmed,  but  our  troops  were  likewise  entirely 
misguided  in  their  expectations.  The  accidental  intervention 
of  some  prevented  at  this  time  the  attempt,  which  was  more 
than  once  resumed  afterwards.  Notwithstanding  this  favour 
ite  project  was  not  ultimately  effected,  it  was  evidently  not 
less  bold  in  conception  or  feasible  in  accomplishment,  than  that 
attempted  so  successfully  at  Trenton;  or  than  that  which 
was  brought  to  so  glorious  an  issue  in  the  successful  siege  of 
Yorktown. 

It  is  true  the  Marquis  de  Chastellux,  whose  professional 
knowledge  and  fountain-head  intelligence  have  enabled  him  to 
describe  several  actions  better  than  they  are  elsewhere  de 
scribed,  speaks  in  this  instance  of  an  ulterior  object,  and  says 
that  secrets  were  preserved  more  inviolable  in  the  American 
than  in  the  French  army.  His  words  are :  "  C'est  que  le  secret 
est  garde  tres  exactement  a  Tannee  Americaine;  peu  de  per- 
sonnes  ont  part  a  la  confiance  du  Chef,  et  en  general  on  y 
parle  moins  que  dans  les  arme'es  Franchises  des  operations  de 
la  guerre,  et  de  ce  que  Ton  appelle  chez  nous  les  Nouvelles."1 

At  the  last  moment  Washington  was  compelled  to 
abandon  his  well  matured  plans  and  accordingly  issued 
the  following  order  to  Colonel  Humphreys: 

To  Lieut.  Col.  David  Humphreys,  A.  D.  Camp 

HEAD  QUARTERS,  Nov.  24,  1780. 
DEAR  SIR, 

Some  intelligence  having  been  received  from  New  York 
unfavourable  to  the  project  I  had  in  contemplation,  I  have 

1  Life  of  Putnam,  p.  247,  note.  The  instructions  to  Colonel  Humphreys 
are  also  given  in  Sparks'  Washington,  vol.  vii.,  pp.  306,  307. 


Continental  Army  Reorganized          191 

relinquished  it,  and  am  to  desire  the  detachment  under 
General  Stark  will  discontinue  its  co-operations  and  take  such 
measures  as  are  necessary  for  its  security  and  for  making  the 
Forage  originally  intended. 

I  am,  with  great  Regard  &c., 

G.  WASHINGTON. 


At  the  close  of  this  year,  1780,  the  Continental  Army 
was  reorganized  by  the  consolidation  of  the  regiments  of 
the  several  State  *  'Lines."  The  number  was  reduced,  as 
Humphreys  states  in  his  letter  of  October  28,  1780.  The 
eight  or  nine  regiments  of  Connecticut  were  re-arranged 
in  five  battalions,  with  a  general  transfer  of  many  of  the 
officers.  Humphreys,  who  had  been  borne  on  the  rolls 
for  the  past  three  years  as  Captain  in  the  Sixth  Regiment, 
was  assigned  to  the  new  Fourth  Regiment  commanded 
by  Col.  Zebulon  Butler.  It  is  an  interesting  fact,  seldom 
referred  to  in  histories  of  the  Revolutionary  War,  that  a 
considerable  number  of  negroes  enlisted  in  the  Continental 
Army.  Two  months  after  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  in 
1778,  Adjutant-General  Scammell  made  a  return  of  such 
troops  then  in  the  army.  They  were  enrolled  in  fourteen 
different  regiments  and  represented  several  States.  Five 
hundred  and  eighty-six  were  in  active  service,  out  of  a 
total  muster  of  seven  hundred  and  fifty-two.  There  were 
about  one  hundred  of  them  scattered  throughout  the 
fifty  or  more  companies  in  the  Connecticut  Line.  When 
the  above  consolidation  took  place  however,  going  into 
effect  on  January  I,  1781,  the  Connecticut  negro  soldiers 
appear  to  have  been  brought  together  into  one  company 
in  Colonel  Butler's  regiment  and  put  under  the  nominal 
command  of  Col.  Humphreys.  It  is  a  tradition  that  he 
was  one  of  the  first  men  in  the  country  to  recognize  the 
possibilities  of  the  negro  as  a  soldier,  and  by  his  own  in 
fluence  and  that  of  his  faithful  body-servant,  Jethro 


192 


The  French  Allies 


Martin,  among  people  of  his  own  race,  created  much 
enthusiasm  for  the  cause  of  freedom  among  the  negroes 
of  Connecticut,  who  were  largely  household  servants.1 

The  following  is  the  roll  of  Captain  Humphreys' 
consolidated  negro  company  in  1781-83;  as  given  in  the 
official  record  of  Connecticut  men  in  the  Revolution, 
published  by  the  Adjutant-General,  Hartford.  It  may 
contain  many  a  gallant  name  which  should  be  rescued 
from  oblivion : 


Jack  Arabas 
Casar  Bagden 
Casar  Chapman 
Sampson  Cuff 
Ned  Freedom 
Prinnis  Freeman 
Andrew  Jack 
Alexander  Judd 
Jeffery  Liberty 
Jack  Little 
John  Rogers 
Solomon  Soutree 
Ezekiel  Tuphand 
Cato  Williams 
Dick  Freedom 
London  Sawyer 


The  Negro  Company 

Bristol  Baker 
Hearper  Camp 
Timothy  Casar 
James  Dinor 
Cuff  Freedom 
Peter  Gibbs 
Prince  Johnson 
Peter  Lyon 
Sharp  Liberty 
Lewis  Martin 
Sharp  Rogers 
Jeffery  Sill 
Hector  Williams 
Dick  Violett 
Congo  Jack  (?) 
Simon  Rose 


Peter  Mix 
Job  Casar 
Pomp  Cyrus 
Jube  Dyer 
Peter  Freeman 
Prince  George 
Shubael  Johnson 
Pomp  Liberty 
Cuff  Liberty 
Jesse  Otis 
Cato  Robinson 
William  Sowers 
Harry  Williams 
Jube  Freeman 
Pomp  McCuff 
Pomp  Edore 


1  The  National  Portrait  Gallery,  vol.  ii.,  states  that  "Humphreys,  when 
in  active  service,  had  given  the  sanction  of  his  name  and  influence  in  the 
establishment  of  a  Company,  of  Coloured  infantry  attached  to  Meigs', 
afterwards  Butler's  regiment,  in  the  Connecticut  Line.  He  continued  to 
be  the  nominal  Captain  until  the  establishment  of  peace. "  The  Connecti 
cut  Revolutionary  rolls  fail  to  show  a  negro  company  in  Meigs'  regiment. 
Rhode  Island  tried  the  experiment  of  raising  a  black  regiment,  but  its 
numbers  never  exceeded  one  hundred  and  forty,  and  later  in  the  war  negroes 
were  not  enlisted.  See  S.  S.  Rider's  An  Historical  Inquiry  Concerning  the 
attempt  to  raise  a  Regiment  of  Slaves  by  Rhode  Island  During  the  War  of 
the  Revolution,  R.  I.  Historical  Tracts,  No.  10,  Providence,  1880. 


CHAPTER  XI 
WasHington  and  tKe  FrencH  Officers 

Surrender  of  Fort  George — Washington's  Headquarters  at  New  Windsor — 
Humphreys'  Attempt  to  Seize  Knyphausen  or  Clinton — General 
Heath's  Account — Its  Failure — Col.  Laurens  Appointed  Envoy  to 
France — The  Mutinies  of  Pennsylvania  and  Jersey  Troops — Gen. 
Knox's  Visit  to  the  New  England  States — Humphreys'  Mission  to 
Connecticut — His  Report  to  Washington — Report  of  the  French 
Officers — Visit  of  Washington  to  Newport — And  Hartford — Sailing 
of  French  Fleet  for  Virginia — Washington's  Return  to  Windsor — 
La  Fayette  Sent  to  Join  Gen.  Greene  in  the  South — Arrival  of  Count 
de  Barras — Washington's  Visit  to  the  French  Commanders  at  Weth- 
ersfield — Washington's  Circular  to  Governors  of  New  England 
States — Camp  at  Dobbs  Ferry — Failure  to  Surprise  the  British  Out 
posts — Arrival  at  East  Chester  of  de  Lauzun — Visit  of  Congressional 
Committee  to  Washington — French  Fleet  Goes  to  Chesapeake  in 
stead  of  to  New  York — Loan  of  Twenty  Thousand  Dollars  by  de 
Rochambeau — Washington  Transfers  Bulk  of  Army  to  the  South — 
Humphreys'  Letter  to  Gen.  Lincoln — Allied  Forces  Pass  through 
Philadelphia — Arrival  of  French  Fleet  in  the  Chesapeake — And  of 
Col.  Laurens  with  the  French  Subsidy — Entry  of  Washington  and  de 
Rochambeau  in  Baltimore — Washington  with  Humphreys  Revisits 
Mount  Vernon — Washington  Entertains  the  French  Officers — Goes  to 
Williamsburg — Meets  Admiral  de  Grasse — British  Fortifications  at 
Yorktown — Outposts  Occupied  by  American  and  French  Troops — 
Death  of  Alexander  Scammel — Epitaph  on  him  by  Humphreys — Bri 
tish  Position  Carried — Cornwallis'  Request  for  a  Cessation  of  Hostili 
ties — It  is  Granted — Terms  of  Capitulation  Accepted  by  Cornwallis. 

TO  Washington  and  all  those  who  knew  its  real  object, 
it  was  a  very  great  disappointment  to  be  compelled 
to  abandon  his  well-matured  plan  of  an  attack  on  New 

VOL.    I — 13  193 


194    Washington  and  the  French  Officers 

York.  Two  details  of  it  were,  however,  successfully 
accomplished.  Gen.  Stark  with  twenty-five  hundred 
men  went  upon  what  is  termed  "a  general  forage. "  Col. 
Benjamin  Tallmadge  with  eighty  men,  on  the  evening  of 
November  22d,  crossed  over  Long  Island  Sound  and  pro 
ceeded  to  Coram.  They  attacked  Fort  George,  which 
after  a  very  slight  resistance  surrendered.  The  whole 
garrison  of  fifty-two  men  and  officers  were  made  prisoners. 
As  there  seemed  to  be  no  special  reason  for  keeping  the 
troops  in  the  summer  encampment  they  went  into  winter- 
quarters.  With  the  exception  of  the  New  York  "Line" 
which  was  stationed  at  Albany  to  repel  any  attack  from 
Canada,  the  northern  army  formed  an  almost  continuous 
line  from  West  Point  to  Morristown.  The  New  England 
troops  were  stationed  in  the  Highlands  on  both  sides  of 
the  Hudson  in  the  neighbourhood  of  West  Point,  the 
New  Jersey  contingent  on  the  Pompton  hills,  and  the 
Pennsylvania  Line  was  at  Morristown.  To  be  within 
convenient  distance  of  the  main  portion  of  his  army  the 
General  took  for  his  headquarters  a  low-roofed  old  Dutch 
farmhouse  at  New  Windsor  a  few  miles  above  West  Point. 
Towards  the  close  of  November,  Lady  Washington  joined 
him  and  thus  added  to  the  pleasure  and  comfort  of  her 
husband  and  all  in  his  household. 

Many  distinguished  visitors  found  in  its  small  rooms 
when  they  had  entered  through  the  half -door  a  welcome 
and  a  grace  of  manner,  a  hospitality  refined  and  abundant 
which  was  not  always  seen  in  the  courts  of  the  old  world. 
The  desire  to  have  the  year  distinguished  for  events  other 
than  treasonable  and  a  possible  expectation  that  Gen. 
Arnold  might  be  given  up  to  the  Americans  led  Col. 
Humphreys  to  propose  a  small  expedition  which  should 
proceed  secretly  to  New  York  and  capture  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  or  Gen.  Knyphausen.  This  required  co-operation 
on  the  part  of  friends  in  the  city.  The  arrangements  for 


c^*^S 


Kidnapping  Expedition  Fails  195 

it  were  made  with  much  care.  Col.  Humphreys  chose 
for  his  assistants  Capt.  Roger  Welles  of  Col.  Webb's 
Connecticut  regiment  and  Lieut.  Hart.  An  order  from 
headquarters  on  December  16,  1780,  directed  Col.  Picker 
ing  to  have  the  proper  boats,  oars  and  material  for  muffling 
them.  The  Commander-in-Chief  issued  to  his  aide  these 
instructions : 

To  Lieut.  Col.  David  Humphreys : 
Instructions  : 

You  will  take  command  of  such  of  the  detachments  of 
waterguards  now  on  the  river  as  you  may  think  necessary, 
and  with  them  attempt  to  surprise  General  Knyphausen  from 
Morris's  House  on  York  Island,  or  Sir  Henry  Clinton  from 
Kennedy's  House  in  the  city,  if  from  the  tide,  weather,  and 
other  circumstances  you  shall  judge  the  enterprise  practicable. 
In  the  execution  of  it  you  will  be  guided  by  your  own  discre 
tion;  and  I  have  only  to  suggest  that  secrecy,  rapidity,  and 
prudence  in  making  good  your  retreat  will  be  indispensably 
necessary  to  insure  success. 

Given  at  Head  Quarters, 
23  of  December,  1780.* 

The  expedition  set  out  in  a  barge  and  two  whaleboats 
from  Dobbs  Ferry  on  Christmas  evening,  1780.  Through 
high  winds  they  were  not  able  to  land  as  intended ;  one  of 
the  boats  was  driven  down  to  Sandy  Hook  and  another 
was  stranded  on  Staten  Island.  Finally  they  all  made 
Brunswick,  and  from  that  place  the  Colonel  with  his  of 
ficers  and  men  returned  to  camp.  Gen.  Heath  gives  this 
account  in  his  Memoirs 2: 

On  the  25th  inst.  Major  Humphreys,  aide-de-camp  to  the 
Commander-in-Chief,  went  towards  New  York  on  an  enter- 

1  Sparks'  Washington,  vol.  vii.,  p.  338. 

2  Memoirs  of  Major  General  William  Heath,  by  J.  Thomas  and  E.  T . 
Andrews,  Boston,  Aug.,   1798.     New  Edition,  edited  by  William  Abatt, 
New  York,  1901,  p.  247. 


196    Washington  and  the  French  Officers 

prise;  he  was  attended  by  Captain  Welles,  of  the  Connecticut 
Line,  Lieut.  Hart,  Ensign  McCalpin,  Mr.  Buchanan,  Mr. 
McGuyer,  and  twenty-four  non-commissioned  officers  and 
privates,  in  one  barge  and  two  whale-boats.  The  wind  was 
very  fresh  at  north-west  in  the  night,  and  the  boats  were 
forced  past  the  city  and  one  of  them  almost  down  to  Sandy 
Hook.  One  of  the  boats  put  in  at  Staten  Island;  at  length 
the  three  went  round  to  Brunswick,  from  thence  the  major 
and  all  the  others  returned  to  the  army  on  ist  of  January. 

A  partial  knowledge  of  this  plan  was  communicated  to 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  by  one  of  his  spies  in  the  American 
camp.  His  letter  is  found  in  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  "Secret 
record  of  private  daily  Intelligence"  now  in  the  possession 
of  Dr.  Thomas  Addis  Emmet,  of  New  York  City,  portions 
of  which  with  annotations  by  Mr.  Edward  F.  DeLancey 
were  published  in  the  Magazine  of  American  History . 

The  informant  says : 

A  most  daring  enterprise  has  been  lately  concerted  at  the 
quarters  of  the  Chieftain  here.  It  was  no  less  than  an  attempt 
to  take  the  Commander-in-Chief  in  his  quarters  in  the  city — 
a  certain  Col.  Humphreys,  one  of  the  Chief's  aides-de-camp, 
was  to  have  gone  down  the  River  with  a  party  and  land  behind 
Kennedy's  house,  thence  proceed  up  through  the  garden  and 
secrete  themselves  behind  the  house,  whilst  some  were  to 
advance  on  each  side  of  it,  and  seize  the  sentries  in  the  street, 
upon  which  a  signal  was  to  be  given  those  on  the  back  of  the 
house,  to  crash  in  with  crowbars  and  take  his  Excellency  with 
all  his  papers.  Some  traitors  in  the  city  were  to  know  the 
night  and  hour  of  attack  and  were  likewise  to  seize  the 
adjacent  sentries  on  receiving  the  signal.  To  facilitate  this 
mad  project  a  captain's  command  was  to  land  at  Green 
wich  and  march  to  Knyphausen's  quarters  as  well  for 
the  purpose  of  making  an  alarm  as  to  take  him.  How 
ever  romantic  this  may  seem,  yet  I  can  assure  you  that 
it  has  been  attempted  to  be  put  into  execution.  This 


Mistakes  of  Congress  19? 

Humphreys  is  quite  sanguine  of  succeeding  in  some  conve 
nient  season.1 

It  is  noted  with  some  surprise  that  Mr.  DeLancey  does 
not  refer  to  the  authentic  notices  of  Col.  Humphreys'  bold 
attempt,  but  makes  it  the  occasion  of  this  general  observa 
tion: 

"This  plan  may  perhaps  have  been  the  origin  of  the 
Sergeant  Champe  story,  the  alleged  attempt  to  seize 
Arnold  in  New  York,  which  like  the  baseless  Lydia 
Darragh  story  of  Philadelphia,  is  believed  by  some  to  be 
one  of  the  many  myths  of  American  history. ' ' 2 

The  empty  Continental  treasury,  the  short  enlistments 
of  the  men,  the  lack  of  power  in  the  Continental  Congress 
to  compel  the  States  to  furnish  their  quotas  to  recruit  the 
army,  the  depreciation  of  the  currency  and  the  inability 
to  secure  even  that  to  pay  the  troops,  the  failure  of  the 
commissary  department,  were  still  grave  obstacles  to 
any  success  in  the  field.  The  Congress  had  grown  wise  in 
its  own  conceit  and  thought  that  it  could  judge  of  the 
military  ability  of  the  various  officers,  map  out  the  cam 
paigns  in  its  legislative  hall  and  then  have  them  executed 
by  its  chosen  commanders.  The  crushing  defeat  of 

1  Extract  of  a  letter  from  McClelland,  of  Red  Hook  on  the  Hudson,  to  his 
brother,  January  29,  1781,  rec'd  January  3ist,  Magazine  of  American 
History,  x.,  pp.  413,  414.  Mr.  DeLancey  notes  that  the  Kennedy  house, 
which  was  No.  i  Broadway,  was  only  pulled  down  in  May,  1882.  He  gives 
General  Knyphausen's  residence  as  being  "on  the  North  side  of  Wall  next 
to  William. "  He  allows  the  possibility  of  that  General  temporarily  taking 
up  his  quarters  at  Richmond  Hill  not  far  from  Greenwich  village.  The 
Morris  House,  known  better  as  the  Jumel  Mansion,  is  on  the  line  of  One 
Hundred  and  Sixty-second  Street,  overlooking  the  Harlem  River. 

3  The  story  of  John  Champe,  of  Virginia,  who  in  order  to  capture  the 
traitor  was  to  enlist  in  his  loyalist  corps,  is  gracefully  told  by  Washington 
Irving  in  his  Washington,  iv.,  pp.  166-169.  It  is  given  at  greater  length 
in  Mr.  Benson  J.  Lossing's  Field  Book  of  the  American  Revolution,  ii.,  pp. 
206-210.  Mr.  Lossing  bases  his  account  upon  the  "Memoirs "  of  Col.  Henry 
Lee's  Washington  (1827)  in  whose  corps  Champe  served. 


198    Washington  and  the  French  Officers 

Gen.  Gates,  a  congressional  appointment  without  con 
sultation  with  Washington,  at  Camden,  South  Carolina, 
on  August  1 6,  1780,  by  Lord  Cornwallis  showed  that  body 
its  error.  The  persistent  representations  of  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief ,  enforced  by  the  discontent  of  the  troops 
with  their  insufficient  food  and  clothing,  and  their  large 
arrears  of  pay,  finally  led  Congress  to  listen  to  the  proposal 
that  a  special  envoy  should  be  sent  to  France  to  solicit  a 
large  loan  and  also  obtain  more  men  and  ships.  It  was 
a  mission  pecularly  delicate  and  arduous.  France  had 
shown  her  good-will  in  sending  the  forces  already  in 
America,  and  the  constant  new  levies  that  replenished 
the  British  army  could  not  be  met  by  soldiers  enfeebled 
and  half  clad. 

Congress,  with  rare  good  sense,  left  the  selection  to 
Washington,  who  suggested  his  former  aide,  Col.  John 
Laurens,  who  was  duly  appointed  on  December  28,  1780. 
Before  his  departure,  Col.  Laurens  followed  his  own  in 
clination  and  the  instruction  of  Congress  and  passed  some 
days  with  Washington.  In  a  letter  to  Col.  Pickering  from 
Col.  Humphreys,  the  delay  of  the  General  in  answering 
a  communication  of  that  officer  is  explained  by  the  fact 
that  he  was  busy  preparing  dispatches  for  Col.  Laurens. x 

The  great  need  of  such  aid  as  he  was  to  seek  was  seen 
soon  after  in  the  open  mutiny  of  the  Pennsylvania  Line, 
which  was  quelled  only  by  an  official  visit  of  Gen.  Reed, 
President  of  Pennsylvania,  and  promises  to  yield  to  their 
just  demands  for  wages  and  clothing.  An  attempted 
mutiny  in  the  Jersey  Line  it  was  thought  would  be  treated 
in  the  same  way,  but  the  Commander-in- Chief  saw  that 
such  arguments  between  States  and  their  troops  would 

'"Index  to  Pickering  Papers,"  p.  226.  The  available  authorities  for 
the  mission  of  Col.  Laurens  are:  Marshall's  Washington,  iv.,  pp.  407-410; 
living's  Washington,  iv.,  pp.  210,  212,  287,  288,  289;  Lossing's  Field  Book, 
ii.,  p.  857. 


Washington  to  Greene  199 

soon  destroy  all  discipline,  and  it  was  summarily  dealt 
with  by  the  execution  of  two  of  its  ringleaders. 

Engrossed  as  he  was  with  the  affairs  of  his  own  im 
mediate  army  and  the  Northern  situation  generally, 
Washington  did  not  forget  the  tireless  and  faithful  Greene 
in  the  South.  He  sent  him  all  the  news,  and  encouraging 
words,  as  the  two  following  letters  testify.  Both  of  them 
appear  in  Col.  Humphreys'  handwriting  and  were  doubt 
less  amplified  by  him  from  Washington's  first  draft : 

HEAD  QUARTERS  NEAR  PASSAIC  FALLS 

Nov.  8th,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  am  favoured  with  your  letter  of  the  3ist  of  October  &  am 
pleased  to  find  your  appointment  so  agreeable  to  the  views 
and  wishes  of  Congress. 

So  fully  sensible  have  I  long  been  of  the  distressed  situation 
not  only  of  the  Army  in  this  quarter,  but  also  at  the  South 
ward,  and  of  all  our  great  departments,  from  the  embarrassed 
state  of  our  finances,  that  it  has  been  not  only  a  constant  sub 
ject  of  representation,  in  the  strongest  terms  to  Congress, 
and  the  States  individually ;  but  particularly  so  to  the  Minister 
of  France  at  our  last  interview ;  and  that  a  foreign  Loan  was 
absolutely  necessary  to  retrieve  our  Affairs.  My  ideas  there 
fore  must  have  been  exceedingly  misapprehended  by  him, 
or  his,  by  the  Baron  Steuben. 

I  entirely  approve  of  your  plan  for  forming  a  flying  Army. 
And  in  addition  to  this  (if  the  Enemy  should  continue  to  har 
ass  those  parts  of  Virginia  that  are  intersected  with  large 
navigable  Rivers)  I  would  recommend  the  building  of  a 
number  of  flat  bottomed  Boats  of  so  large  a  construction  as 
can  be  conveniently  transported  on  Carriages — this  I  conceive 
might  be  of  great  utility  by  furnishing  the  means  to  take 
advantage  of  the  Enemy's  situation  in  crossing  those  Rivers 
which  would  be  otherwise  impassable.  I  have  also  written 
to  Governor  Jefferson  on  the  subject. 

If  a  spirit  of  Patriotism  or  even  of  true  policy  animates  the 


2oo    Washington  and  the  French  Officers 

Merchants  and  men  of  Property  in  the  Southern  States  a  sub 
scription  may  be  attended  with  success — at  least  the  experi 
ment  can  do  no  injury. 

General  Knox  has  received  directions  to  send  forward  the 
Company  of  Artillery.  An  Order  will  be  given  for  the  Thou 
sand  stand  of  Arms. 

Since  writing  the  above  I  have  received  your  favour  of  the 
3rd  instant. 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Laurens  will  have  heard  of  his  exchange 
before  this  time,  and  is  at  liberty  to  go  to  the  Southward  if 
he  thinks  proper. 

With  respect  to  the  power,  Congress  have  invested  you  with 
to  make  exchanges.  I  should  suppose  it  regarded  the  Prison 
ers  taken  in  the  Southern  Department,  on  the  usual  principles, 
without  involving  the  Convention  Troops,  or  any  further 
Northward.  A  pretty  extensive  exchange  has  just  taken 
place  in  this  quarter. 

It  will  be  impossible  from  the  non  arrival  of  the  French  Arms, 
and  the  scarcity  in  the  eastern  States,  to  furnish  those  re 
quested  by  you.  Nor  do  I  think  the  Legion  of  the  Duke  de 
Lauzun  can  be  detached  from  the  French  Army.  The  Fleet  of 
Arbuthnot  which  still  blocks  that  of  France,  in  the  Harbour  of 
New  Port,  effectually  prevents  the  execution  of  the  other  plan. 

Our  last  advices  from  the  Northward  mention  another  incur 
sion  of  the  enemy  from  Canada,  in  greater  force — in  consequence 
of  which  the  remainder  of  York  Brigade  is  ordered  thither. 

There  are  reports  that  an  embarkation  is  about  to  be  made 
at  New  York.  But  the  accounts  are  vague  and  contradictory, 
and  the  fact  not  yet  ascertained. 

I  have  to  request  you  will  be  pleased  to  send  by  a  Flag  of 
Truce  the  inclosed  letter  to  Brigadier  General  DuPortail  who 
is  exchanged. 

I  am  Dear  Sir 
With  great  regard  &  esteem 
Your  most  Obedient 

&  very  Hble  Servant 

(Signed)  G?  WASHINGTON. 

MAJOR  GENERAL  GREENE. 


Sufferings  of  the  Troops  201 

HEAD  QUARTERS  NEW  WINDSOR 

Jan'ry  Qth,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  been  duly  favoured  with  your  Letters  of  the  yth  and 
8th  of  December,  together  with  the  Returns  of  the  Army  under 
your  command. 

It  is  impossible  for  any  one  to  sympathize  more  feelingly 
with  you,  in  the  suffering  and  distresses  of  the  Troops  than  I 
do  and  nothing  could  aggravate  your  unhappiness  so  much  as 
the  want  of  ability  to  remedy  or  even  alleviate  the  calamities 
they  suffer,  and  in  which  we  participate  but  too  largely. 
None  of  the  Clothing  so  long  expected  from  France  has  yet 
arrived  we  are  compelled  therefore  to  have  recourse  to  the 
States,  and  the  supplies  are  very  inadequate  to  our  wants. 
Should  the  French  Clothing  be  brought  in,  you  may  depend 
upon  having  a  full  proportion  of  it.  You  will  be  pursuaded  in 
the  mean  time,  that  I  am  perfectly  sensible,  of  the  innumerable 
embarrassments  and  hardships  you  have  to  struggle  with,  in 
such  an  exhausted  Country,  and  that  I  should  be  happy  to  be 
able  to  afford  the  wished  relief. 

The  brilliant  action  of  General  Sumpter,  and  the  stratagem 
of  Colonel  Washington  deserve  great  commendation — it  gives 
me  inexpressible  pleasure  to  find  that  such  a  spirit  of  enter 
prise  and  intrepidity  still  prevails. 

I  was  much  surprised  that  any  dispute  about  Rank  was  like 
to  arise  between  the  Baron  Steuben  and  General  Smallwood. 
Nor  can  I  conceive  upon  what  principles  the  latter  can  found 
his  claims  of  seniority ;  for  if  that  date  of  his  Commission  is  to 
be  carried  back  to  any  given  period  previous  to  his  appoint 
ment  ;  it  may  supersede  not  only  that  of  the  Officer  now  in 
question,  but  many  others,  and  indeed  derange  and  throw  into 
confusion  the  rank  of  the  whole  Line  of  Major  Generals.  But 
as  the  services  of  the  Baron  may  be  extremely  necessary  in 
Virginia,  it  may  not  be  amiss  for  him  to  continue  there  till 
the  principles  of  Major  General  Smallwood  on  the  subject, 
are  more  clearly  ascertained,  and  a  decision  is  made  by  Con 
gress  if  the  dispute  cannot  otherwise  be  determined. 


202    Washington  and  the  French  Officers 

The  preposterous  conduct  of  those  concerned  in  releasing 
instead  of  exchanging  the  Prisoners  lately  taken  to  the  South 
ward,  is  really  astonishing.  I  had  entertained  hopes  that  a 
considerable  number  of  our  Prisoners  in  Charles-town,  might 
have  been  obtained  for  them.  In  this  quarter  an  extensive 
exchange  has  taken  place,  we  have  few  Officers,  and  no  Pri 
vates  remaining  in  the  hands  of  the  Enemy. 

I  advised  you  on  the  2nd  ins't  of  the  sailing  of  a  Fleet  from 
New  York  with  about  1600  Troops  on  board.  Nothing  has 
been  heard  respecting  it  since. 

I  am  extremely  sorry  to  inform  you  of  the  defection  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Line.  On  the  first  instant  a  Mutiny  was  raised 
by  the  Non-Commissioned  Officers  &  Soldiers,  in  attempting 
to  quell  this  tumult  in  the  first  instance,  several  lives  were 
lost.  The  Mutineers  moved  off  to  Prince  Town  with  their 
Arms  &  six  pieces  of  Artillery  under  pretext  of  Marching  to 
Philadelphia  in  a  Body  to  demand  a  redress  of  their  griev 
ances — but  they  cannot  be  induced  by  Gen'l  Wayne  who  has 
come  to  them,  to  pass  the  Delaware.  Their  demands  are  ex 
orbitant  &  tend  to  the  immediate  dissolution  of  the  Line. 
On  the  contrary  unless  they  are  complied  with,  there  is  great 
danger  of  their  falling  to  the  Enemy,  who  have  sent  Emissaries 
to  tamper  with  them.  It  is  however  a  happy  circumstance, 
that  the  remainder  of  the  Troops  have  given  no  signs  of  de 
fection,  though  it  is  uncertain  how  far  they  would  act  against 
those  in  Revolt.  God  only  knows  what  will  be  the  consequence, 
or  what  can  be  done,  in  this  critical  dilemma.  All  reason,  au 
thority  &  personal  influence  seem  to  be  lost  upon  them. 
I  am  Dear  Sir 

With  very  great  regard  &  esteem 
Your  Most  Obedient 
Humble  Servant 

(Signed)     G?  WASHINGTON.1 

P.  S.  Jan'ry  nth  7  o'clock  A.M. 

I  cannot  suffer  the  Post  to  depart  without  adding  the 
favourable  intelligence  last  Night  rec'd  by  Express  from  Tren- 
1  United  States  Archives,  State  Department,  Washington. 


Condition  of  the  Army  203 

ton.  The  Pennsylvanians  have  given  an  unequivocal  &  de 
cided  mark  of  attachment  to  our  cause  &  detestation  of  the 
Enemy's  conduct  by  delivering  up  the  Negotiator  sent  by  Gen'l 
Clinton  to  treat  with  them,  together  with  his  Guide  &  papers. 
A  Court  Martial  is  ordered  for  his  Trial.  These  are  favour 
able  indications  that  the  affair  may  yet  be  happily  settled. 

It  will  ever  give  me  pleasure  to  hear  from  you,  on  matters 
of  business  or  friendship;  being  with  sentiments  of  perfect 
esteem  and  regard,  My  Dear  Sir 

Your  Most  Obed't  and 
Humble  Servant 
(Signed)     G°  WASHINGTON. 

MAJOR  GEN.  GREENE. 

In  providing  for  the  needs  of  his  army,  Washington 
placed  great  confidence  in  the  exertions  of  the  Governors 
of  the  New  England  States  to  obtain  funds  to  pay  the 
troops,  to  purchase  clothing,  and  to  assist  in  provisioning 
the  army.  He  thought  that  a  mere  express  bearing  a 
formal  dispatch  upon  the  neglect  was  insufficient  in  this 
emergency. 

Gen.  Knox,  a  citizen  of  Boston,  highly  esteemed  by  all 
who  knew  him,  and  the  confidant  of  Washington,  was 
sent  as  his  personal  representative  to  the  Governors, 
to  lay  before  them  the  exact  condition  of  the  Army 
and  present  a  circular  letter  in  which  the  General  said: 
"The  aggravated  calamities  and  distresses  that  have 
resulted  from  the  total  want  of  pay  for  nearly  twelve 
months,  the  want  of  clothing  at  a  very  severe  season,  and 
not  unfrequently  the  want  of  provisions,  are  beyond 
description,"  and  urged  them  to  immediate  action.1 
Gen.  Knox  wrote  to  his  chief  on  February  7th.  He  stated 

1  Stuart's  Trumbull,  p.  518.  Col.  John  Trumbull,  a  careful  observer, 
notes  that  at  this  time  the  credit  of  the  United  States  in  Europe  was  much 
impaired  "by  the  mismanagement  of  her  affairs  in  that  department." 
Ibid. 


204    Washington  and  the  French  Officers 

that  he  had  visited  all  the  New  England  States,  and 
found  the  people  "well  principled  in  the  contest,  and  fully 
determined  to  make  every  sacrifice  of  property  and  per 
sonal  ease  to  insure  the  happy  termination  of  the  war. 
The  universal  sentiment  was  that  the  army  ought  to  be 
supported  and  should  be  supported  at  every  reasonable 
expense."1 

The  legislatures  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  were 
not  in  session.  He  had  a  long  conversation  with  Gov. 
Trumbull  of  Connecticut,  who  with  his  Council  had  been 
clothed  with  full  legislative  powers  during  the  recess  of  the 
General  Assembly.  He  fully  concurred  in  the  opinions 
expressed  by  Gen.  Knox  and  thought  a  special  session 
of  the  Assembly  unnecessary,  as  he  promised  to  call  to 
gether  his  Council  immediately.  He  also  thought  the 
proposed  "Gratuity  of  three  half  Johannes"  was  prefer 
able  to 

any  pay  in  paper  money  as  a  matter  that  would  be  more 
efficacious  to  quiet  the  minds  of  the  troops  and  render  them 
happy ;  and  also  as  a  measure  which  the  New  England  States 
could  execute  with  as  much  ease,  under  present  circumstances, 
as  the  three  months'  real  pay  in  paper  money.2 

He  was  clearly  of  opinion,  that  to  obtain  both  the  gratuity 
and  the  three  months'  pay  would  be  to  attempt  more  than 
could  be  performed  consistently  with  their  present  exertions 
in  order  to  put  their  finances  on  a  tolerable  footing.3 

Gen.  Knox  met  on  the  following  day  with  the  Governor 
and  his  Council.  He  explained  in  detail  the  objects  of  his 
mission;  and  the  Council  immediately  resolved  upon  the 
sale  of  confiscated  Tory  estates  to  obtain  the  necessary 

1  Stuart's  Trumbull,  p.  519. 

2  The  "Johannes"  was  a  Portuguese  gold  coin  of  the  value  of  eight  dollars 
in  our  present  currency. 

3  Stuart's  Trumbull,  p.  519. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  205 

specie  for  the  Connecticut  troops.  Col.  Chapion  was 
assigned  twenty-four  pounds  of  Connecticut  currency  for 
the  purchase  of  cattle.  Mr.  Ralph  Pomeroy  was  made 
deputy  Quartermaster  General  for  the  State,  and  it  was 
resolved  that  all  supplies  procurable  should  be  at  once 
forwarded  to  the  cantonments  of  the  Army  on  the  Hudson. 
Acting  on  the  advice  of  his  Council  the  Governor  issued 
his  proclamation  for  a  special  session  of  the  General 
Assembly. 

Following  on  the  heels  of  Gen.  Knox  came  Humphreys. 
If  Knox  was  sent  to  arrange  for  money,  Humphreys,  as 
appears  from  the  following  report  to  Washington,  was 
sent  on  the  equally  important  mission  of  ascertaining 
how  to  obtain  men.  His  report  is  full  of  wise  suggestions 
and  shows  how  keen  an  observer  he  was  and  the  minute 
attention  he  paid  to  details. 

HARTFORD,  February  2ist,  1781. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL, 

I  received  at  Lebanon  your  favour  of  the  I5th  and  shall 
yield  implicit  obedience  to  the  contents,  but  having  been 
obliged  to  produce  a  Horse  near  N.  Haven  in  the  room  of  one 
of  mine  which  I  had  lamed,  I  shall  be  under  the  necessity  of 
sending  thither  &  my  return  will  be  delayed  a  week  or  ten 
days;  unless  I  should  be  honoured  with  your  further  Com 
mands  which  will  find  me  at  this  place.  I  enclose  a  Hartford 
Paper,  containing  some  favourable  advices  from  the  West 
Indies.  I  have  spoken  to  the  Qr.  Mas1  &  Printer  to  have  this 
Paper  regularly  paid  for,  &  forwarded  to  Head  Quarters. 
The  Assembly  meets  here  this  day  on  the  Subject  of  furnish 
ing  money  and  supplies  for  the  Army.  Should  anything  of 
moment  occur  I  shall  inform  you  of  it.  I  have  taken  particu 
lar  pains  to  ascertain  the  proportion  of  Recruits,  in  the  several 
Towns  thro'  which  I  have  passed,  and  believe  more  than  half 
of  the  whole  number  are  already  obtained  principally  for  three 
years,  tho'  there  are  some  in  every  Town  for  the  War.  Most 


206    Washington  and  the  French  Officers 

of  the  Recruits  are  said  to  be  exceedingly  good  men,  but  some 
who  from  age  or  other  circumstances  are  not  fit  for  the  service 
have  been  mustered  &  turned  over  to  the  Recruiting  Officers. 
By  the  law  of  the  State  the  Recruiting  Officer  is  compelled  to 
receive  them,  after  they  are  mustered  by  the  Colonel  of  the 
Reg.  of  Militia  to  which  they  belonged  and  I  see  no  way  to  get 
free  of  these  men,  but  by  a  careful  inspection  on  their  joining 
the  Army.  In  consequence  of  which  and  a  proper  representa 
tion,  it  is  possible  we  may  have  the  deficiency  made  good — 
at  least  we  shall  not  be  encumbered  with  the  dead  weight  nor 
our  provisions  consumed  with  useless  Mouths.  Would  it 
not  be  expedient  to  have  an  order  issued  cautioning  circum 
spection  in  receiving  Recruits,  and  pointing  out  the  mode  of 
rejecting  those  who  are  not  capable  of  the  service,  by  having 
duplicate  Certificates  made  out,  specifying  the  reasons  of 
rejection,  signed  by  the  Inspector,  and  countersigned  by  the 
Commanding  Officer  of  the  Brigade — the  one  to  be  transmitted 
to  the  Select  Men  of  the  Town  where  such  Recruits  belonged 
to  show  that  he  is  not  in  service,  &  cannot  be  considered  or 
provided  for  as  part  of  the  quota  of  Town — the  other  to  be 
forwarded  to  the  Governor,  together  with  a  Return  of  all  the 
men  accepted  as  Recruits,  with  the  Towns  &  Classes  by  which 
they  were  furnished,  and  a  requisition  to  have  them  replaced 
by  effective  able-bodied  Men. — Brigadier  Gen.  Huntington  had 
given  Orders  to  the  Recruiting  Officers  in  the  Eastern  part  of 
this  State,  to  have  the  men  collected  &  forwarded  immediately 
under  Officers  returning  from  furlough  to  Camp.  This  will 
not  only  save  expense,  but  prevent  many  excesses  &  frequent 
Desertions  which  will  take  place,  if  the  Recruits  continue  long 
in  the  State.  Might  it  not  be  advisable  to  extend  this  regula 
tion  universally  to  the  N.  England  States.  The  Dep.  Qr. 
Master  for  the  State,  with  the  aid  he  has  received  from  the 
Government  would,  be  able,  I  believe  to  forward  on  consider 
able  quantities  of  salted  provisions  to  the  North  River,  if  the 
Quarter  Master  General  would  make  the  necessary  arrange 
ments  with  him.  Would  this  not  be  an  eligible  measure  in 
every  point  of  consideration,  and  the  more  so,  as  there  is  great 
danger  the  supply  of  Beef  Cattle,  from  this  time  to  grass, 


Humphreys  to  Wads  worth  207 

will  be  very  irregular  &  precarious — And  indeed  I  can  foresee 
no  means  of  obtaining  any,  but  by  assessment,  as  the  Public 
has  neither  money  or  credit. — A  little  attention  paid  to  this 
matter  in  season  by  that  Department,  may  save  an  infinity 
of  trouble  &  embarrassment,  and  cannot  be  attended  with  any 
disagreeable  consequences. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be 

With  the  most  perfect  respect  & 

Attachment,  Your  Excellency's  faithful  Aide  &  Humble 
Servant, 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

His  Excellency, 

GEN.  WASHINGTON.1 

Another  note,  to  Wads  worth,  summarizes  the  situation : 

HEAD  QUARTERS  NEW  WINDSOR 
March  29th,  1781 

DEAR  WADSWORTH 

I  write  you,  by  the  chain  of  Expresses,  as  there  is  an  oppor 
tunity — just  to  inform  you,  that  we  have  not  a  single  word  of 
News — The  last  account  from  the  Marquis  is  of  the  I5th 
Inst.  dated  at  York  in  Virginia,  neither  fleet  has  made  an 
appearance — the  detachment  of  light  Infantry  was  at  An 
napolis,  prevented  going  down  the  Bay,  by  a  British  Frigate. 
The  Baron  Steuben  has  assembled  a  large  body  of  Militia  & 
invested  Arnold  by  Land.  It  is  a  period  of  the  most  anxious 
expectation — We  are  astonished  at  not  hearing  from  the 
Southward  since  the  I5th  because  if  either  Fleet  had  arrived 
by  the  2Oth,  we  might  have  received  the  intelligence  before 
this  time. 

The  General  is  mounting  his  horse  and  I  must  finish  to  ride 
with  him.  Col.  Harrison  is  appointed  Chief  Justice  of  the 
State  of  Maryland,  and  has  taken  his  final  leave  of  our  family, 

'United  States  Archives,  Washington  MSS.,  State  Department, 
Washington. 


2o8    Washington  and  the  French  Officers 

leaving  an  injunction  with  me,  to  present  his  affectionate  re 
gards  to  you.  Col.  Tilghman  joins  me  in  Complts  to  yourself 
and  the  good  family. 

I  am  Sincerely  Yours, 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

P.  S.  If  we  have  any  good  news,  you  shall  have  it  by  the 
first  conveyance. 

Following  Humphreys'  representations  the  Connecticut 
Assembly  promptly  and  willingly  voted  to  levy  a  tax  of 
two  pence  half  penny  in  the  pound  upon  the  Grand  List 
of  the  State  to  be  collected  in  gold  and  silver.  These 
measures  gave  comparative  comfort  to  the  Connecti 
cut  officers  and  men,  some  of  whom  were  preparing  to 
accompany  the  Marquis  de  La  Fayette,  who  was  about 
to  march  to  Virginia  in  aid  of  Baron  Steuben  and  the 
local  militia  with  a  select  corps  of  twelve  hundred  men,  and 
the  specific  purpose  of  destroying  the  British  army  under 
Gen.  Arnold  and  capturing  the  traitor.  While  the  young 
French  General  was  showing  himself  an  apt  pupil  of 
Washington  in  military  science,  dispatches  were  received 
from  the  French  Admiral  and  Rochambeau  at  Newport 
concerning  the  plan  for  co-operation  of  the  French  fleet 
with  the  land  forces  of  the  Virginia  army.  To  perfect  the 
details  of  the  future  operations  against  Arnold  and  Corn- 
wallis,  Washington  went  to  Newport  early  in  March. 
He  was  accompanied  by  his  aides  and  Major-General 
Robert  Howe.  Great  apprehension  was  felt  at  this  time 
for  his  personal  safety.  La  Fayette,  through  his  secret 
channels  of  information,  had  learned  that  a  band  of  three 
hundred  horsemen  had  set  out  to  traverse  Long  Island, 
and  that  boats  had  been  sent  up  the  Sound.  It  was 
thought  that  the  object  of  the  expedition  was  to  cross  over 
into  Connecticut  near  New  London  and  seize  Gen.  Wash 
ington  on  his  journey  as  his  escort  was  small.  It  was 


Washington  Visits  Hartford  209 

suggested  by  La  Fayette  that  the  Due  de  Lauzun  with  his 
cavalry  should  protect  the  General.  Washington  was 
not  only  safely  guarded  by  the  gaily  uniformed  French 
hussars  but  also  by  several  battalions  of  Connecticut 
militia  through  the  State. 

While  there  was  not  the  same  military  display  as  when 
Washington  came  to  Hartford  in  the  previous  September, 
there  was  as  much  cordial  greeting  and  reverent  respect. 
In  Hartford  on  March  4th,  he  met  Gov.  Trumbull  and  pro 
ceeded  on  his  journey  after  a  long  interview  with  that 
distinguished  man.  His  arrival  in  Newport  was  the  sig 
nal  for  salutes  and  illuminations  and  many  marks  of  the 
affection  borne  to  him  by  the  people.  His  visit  was  pro 
longed  for  nearly  two  weeks  in  which  all  the  possibilities 
of  the  Virginia  campaign  were  discussed  and  details 
settled.  He  had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  the  French 
fleet  sail  out  of  the  harbour  on  March  8th,  under  M.  Des- 
touchers,  for  the  Chesapeake.  He  followed  its  progress 
with  both  interest  and  anxiety.  The  very  nearly  equal 
strength  of  the  French  and  British  fleets  made  the  issue 
of  a  battle  between  them  doubtful.  "The  attempt, 
however,"  says  Washington,  "made  by  our  allies  to  dis 
lodge  the  enemy  in  Virginia  is  a  bold  one  and  should  it 
fail,  will  nevertheless  entitle  them  to  the  thanks  of  the 
public."1 

Washington  left  Newport  before  the  result  of  the  en 
counter  could  be  known.  He  was  in  Hartford  on  Friday, 
March  I7th,  where  he  rested  until  Sunday  morning  when 
he  resumed  his  journey,  reaching  New  Windsor  on  Monday. 
The  Commander-in-Chief  did  not  contemplate  any  new 
enterprise  until  the  success  or  failure  of  the  demonstration 
in  Virginia  should  be  known.  It  was  a  bitter  disappoint 
ment  that  the  battle  between  the  fleets  off  Chesapeake 
Bay  on  March  i6th  should  have  resulted  in  the  partial 

1  Quoted,  living's  Washington,  iv.,  p.  284. 
TOL.  1—14 


210    Washington  and  the  French  Officers 

crippling  of  the  French  fleet  and  the  consequent  entrance 
into  Chesapeake  Bay  of  the  English  ships.  The  action 
was  brilliant  and  well  fought.  Each  side  claimed  the 
victory.  This  made  necessary  a  change  of  plans,  as  with 
the  fleet  in  the  bay  the  union  between  Arnold  and  Gen. 
Phillips  with  two  thousand  troops  was  certain  and  the 
united  strength  would  be  too  great  for  La  Fayette  to  think 
of  making  an  attack.  It  was  then  thought  best  that  La 
Fayette  should  proceed  farther  South,  and  join  Gen. 
Greene.  This  decision  was  kept  private  when  first  made. 
Col.  Humphreys  in  this  letter  to  his  friend,  Col.  Wads- 
worth,  thus  mentions  this  determination: 

HEAD-QUARTERS, 

NEW  WINDSOR, 

April  Qth,  1781. 

DEAR  WADSWORTH  : 

Captain  Dexter  who  will  put  this  into  your  hands  will  be 
able  to  tell  you  the  little  news  of  the  Army.  We  have  no 
intelligence  worth  communicating  on  paper. 

I  have  only  to  tell  you  in  confidence,  for  it  is  not  yet  known 
in  the  Army  that  the  Marquis  de  La  Fayette  is  ordered  with 
the  Detachment  under  his  Command  to  re-inforce  the  South 
ern  Army  under  Major  Gen.  Greene.  This  was  not  intended 
at  the  time  the  Detachment  marched  from  Camp  as  it  was  a 
body  of  troops,  hastily  made  up  and  indifferently  equipped 
for  so  remote  a  service.  But  the  exigencies  of  the  times  re 
quired  it  and  smaller  inconvenience  must  always  give  way  to 
greater.  These  Troops  (who  are  very  fine  men)  together  with 
a  Corps  of  Pennsylvania  which  have  marched,  will  I  hope,  give 
a  decided  superiority  to  our  Army  in  that  quarter.  The 
Recruits  come  in  very  slowly  from  the  Eastern  States.  A 
strange  lethargy  seems  to  have  seized  all  ranks  and  orders  of 
Men,  unless  great  exertions  are  made  our  Regts.  will  be  very 
weak  this  Campaign.  And  as  to  supplies  I  fear  our  prospects 
are  not  very  flattering.  I  pray  you  to  forward  the  enclosed  by 


Humphreys  to  Wadsworth  211 

a  safe  hand  to  Mr.  Hubbard : — it  contains  money  for  the  pur 
pose  of  a  Hat,  etc. — I  have  also  put  him  in  mind  that  there  is 
not  an  officer  from  the  state  of  Connecticut,  but  has  received 
ten  times  the  value  of  supplies  that  I  have. — If  the  agents  for 
the  State  should  still  be  unable  or  unwilling  to  furnish  me  with 
a  number  of  articles  which  I  shall  have  occasion  for  at  the 
opening  of  the  Campaign;  I  shall  be  under  the  necessity  of 
putting  your  friendship  to  a  new  trial  by  giving  you  another 
Commission  to  execute. 

I  am  yours, 
D.  HUMPHREYS 

COL.  WADSWORTH. 

P.  S.  If  Mr.  Hubbard  should  send  you  any  articles  for  me 
will  you  forward  them  by  the  chain  of  expresses  or  some  other 
conveyance. 

The  depressing  effect  of  this  failure  of  the  Virginia 
expedition  was  somewhat  alleviated  by  the  cheering  news 
from  Gen.  Greene,  who  with  the  aid  of  several  partisan 
corps,  notably  that  of  Gen.  Daniel  Morgan,  had  driven 
Lord  Cornwallis  out  of  North  Carolina. 

Gen.  Arnold  and  Gen.  Phillips  still  ravaged  Virginia 
although  "the  boy,"  as  Lord  Cornwallis  called  La  Fayette, 
and  Baron  Steuben  often  came  to  the  rescue  of  the 
distressed  inhabitants.  Urgent  appeals  were  sent  by  Gov 
ernor  Jefferson,  Richard  Henry  Lee  and  others  for  Wash 
ington  to  bring  the  main  body  of  the  Continental  army 
to  the  defence  of  his  native  State.  He  had  already  sent 
forward  all  the  troops  that  he  thought  could  be  spared 
from  the  defence  of  the  Hudson,  the  last  detachment  being 
the  Pennsylvania  Line  under  Gen.  Wayne.  As  had  been 
agreed  with  the  French,  the  long  contemplated  attack 
upon  New  York  was  possible  when  the  French  fleet  then 
at  Newport  was  reinforced  by  the  larger  fleet  cruising 
in  the  West  Indies  and  the  success  of  the  mission  of  Col. 
Laurens  was  fully  known. 


212    Washington  and  the  French  Officers 

While  there  was  still  anxiety  for  the  South  there  was  a 
rumour  of  threatened  danger  from  the  North  by  way  of 
Canada.  Washington  was  still  calm  and  unruffled.  His 
plans  had  been  well-considered.  He  thought  that  the 
capture  of  New  York  would  be  such  a  disaster  as  would 
compel  the  British  to  cease  from  aggressive  warfare. 
The  accomplishment  of  this  design  was  the  chief  object 
of  all  his  disposition  of  the  Continental  troops.  He 
could  safely  leave  the  rescue  of  the  South  to  his  lieuten 
ants  there  who  knew  and  followed  his  methods  of  warfare. 

Early  in  May  a  French  frigate  brought  to  Boston  the 
new  commander  of  the  French  fleet  in  American  waters, 
Comte  de  Barras.  He  brought  important  dispatches  from 
the  French  Court  and  the  cheering  intelligence  that  a  large 
fleet  under  the  Comte  de  Grasse  would  soon  sail  for  the 
West  Indies,  of  which  twelve  vessels  would  be  available 
for  co-operation  with  the  American  land  forces. 

It  was  evident  that  another  interview  with  the  French 
commanders  was  essential  to  perfect  the  plan  for  the 
summer  campaign.  It  was  agreed  that  the  meeting 
should  take  place  in  Wethersfield,  four  miles  below  Hart 
ford  on  the  Connecticut  River.  Accompanied  by  Gen. 
Knox,  Gen.  du  Portail  of  the  Engineers,  and  probably  his 
aides  Gen.  Washington  left  New  Windsor  on  May  i8th. 
He  dined  with  Col.  Vandenburg  in  Poughquag  in  the  town 
of  Beekman,  and  toward  evening  reached  Morgan's 
tavern,  forty-three  miles  from  Fishkill  Landing.  He  was 
on  his  way  early  in  the  morning,  and  took  breakfast  at 
Litchfield,  dinner  at  Farmington,  and  toward  night  ar 
rived  at  Wethersfield.  He  was  entertained  by  Mr. 
Joseph  Webb,  one  of  the  prominent  men  of  the  town. 
During  his  progress  across  the  State  he  received  the  most 
enthusiastic  greetings  as  at  other  times.  The  State  pro 
vided  liberally  for  the  entertainment  of  Washington  and 
his  party,  also  for  the  French  officers  while  in  the  State. 


Conference  with  the  French  Officers     213 

The  conference  was  held  in  the  house  of  Mr.  Webb. 
It  took  a  catechetical  form,  questions  being  propounded 
by  Rochambeau,  and  answered  by  Washington.  The 
probabilities  were  fully  discussed,  and  the  expediency  of  an 
attack  upon  New  York  or  turning  southward  was  then 
determined.  Both  Washington  and  Rochambeau  were 
agreed  that  the  two  armies  should  now  be  united,  and  at 
least  an  attempt  be  made  to  capture  the  British  outposts 
in  West  Chester  and  in  the  upper  part  of  Manhattan 
Island.  The  obstacles  to  a  southern  campaign  were  many, 
a  chief  one  being  the  blockade  of  the  French  fleet  in 
Newport  harbour.  The  troops  would  have  to  march  by 
land,  which  was  fatiguing,  expensive  and  dangerous  to 
health  during  the  summer  heat.  It  was  finally  concluded 
that  a  new  encampment  of  both  armies  should  be  made  on 
the  Hudson  nearer  New  York  City. 

A  circular  letter  to  the  Governors  of  the  New  England 
States  "to  complete  their  battalions,  and  provide  means 
of  transportation  and  full  and  prompt  supplies"  was  then 
issued  by  Washington.  He  asked  further  from  Connec 
ticut  and  Massachusetts  "for  a  fresh  loan  of  powder." 
He  left  Wethersfield  on  May  24th  and  arrived  at  New 
Windsor  at  sunset  on  May  25th.  He  immediately  gave  the 
necessary  orders  for  breaking  up  the  encampment.  The 
site  chosen  for  the  summer  camp  was  near  Dobbs  Ferry. 
The  lines  of  the  American  army  extended  from  the  Hudson 
eastward  to  the  Neparan  or  Sawmill  River.  Beyond  it 
"on  the  hills  further  East  reaching  to  the  Bronx"  were 
the  French.  Washington  Irving,  who  knew  the  region 
perfectly,  says: 

The  beautiful  valley  of  the  Neparan  intervened  between  the 
encampments.  It  was  a  lovely  country  for  a  Summer  encamp 
ment,  breezy  hills  commanding  wide  prospects,  umbrageous 
valleys  watered  by  bright  pastoral  streams,  the  Bronx,  the 


214    Washington  and  the  French  Officers 

Spraine  and  the  Neparan,  and  abounding  with  never  failing 
springs.  The  French  encampment  made  a  gallant  display 
along  the  Greenburgh  Hills. I 

It  was  now  July  and  no  opportunity  had  occurred  for 
any  effective  action.  A  plan  for  the  surprise  of  the  out 
posts  had  been  devised,  and  put  into  execution  on  the 
first  and  second  days  of  the  month,  but  a  reconnaissance 
had  showed  that  the  northern  part  of  the  island  had  been 
reinforced  and  a  ship  of  war  stationed  in  the  river. 

After  this  discovery  Gen.  Lincoln  with  eight  hundred 
troops  landed  above  Spuyten  Duyvil  Creek  and  occupied 
the  high  ground  in  front  of  King's  Bridge.  Washington 
with  the  main  army  came  from  Peekskill  on  the  second 
and  reached  Valentine's  hill  at  sunrise  the  following  day. 
The  discovery  of  Gen.  Lincoln  and  his  troops  by  a  foraging 
party  led  to  a  skirmish  in  which  a  few  were  killed  and 
wounded.  The  legion  of  Comte  de  Lauzun,  which  reached 
East  Chester  on  its  march  from  Connecticut,  hastened  to 
his  aid  on  hearing  the  firing,  as  did  Washington.  The 
British  perceiving  the  superior  force  retired  to  their  boats 
and  crossed  over  the  Harlem  to  Manhattan.  Later  in  the 
summer  a  careful  reconnaissance  was  made  by  Washing 
ton  and  Comte  Rochambeau  accompanied  by  several 
engineers  from  the  French  army.  They  took  with  them 
their  staffs  and  spent  two  days  in  viewing  the  enemy's 
works  from  every  possible  position.  Five  thousand  troops 
under  the  Marquis  de  Chastellux  and  Gen.  Lincoln  pro 
tected  them  while  engaged  in  this  perilous  duty,  and  broke 
up  effectually  the  refugee  works  in  that  part  of  West 
Chester,  and  cleared  it  of  marauders.  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
was  alarmed  and  sent  word  to  Lord  Cornwallis  to  send 
him  three  regiments  from  Carolina  and  such  other  troops 
as  he  could  spare  from  his  own  force. 

1  living's  Washington,  iv.,  p.  304. 


Comte  de  Grasse  215 

After  this  successful  enterprise  the  armies  resumed  the 
daily  routine  of  military  life.  Local  tradition  tells  of  the 
gallantry  of  the  French  officers  and  men;  of  the  informal 
dances  to  which  the  fair  maidens  of  the  neighbourhood 
proudly  came;  of  impromptu  banquets  where  the  paucity 
of  delicacies  was  more  than  compensated  by  the  courteous 
grace  and  witty  sayings  of  the  cultivated  men  who  thus 
welcomed  and  relieved  from  care  for  a  few  hours  the 
Commander-in-Chief  for  whom  they  had  an  affectionate 
reverence.  The  summer  heat  was  tempered  by  breezes 
from  the  hills,  and  the  monotony  of  camp  life  was  often 
broken  by  merry  songs  and  stories.  Washington  was 
daily  expecting  to  learn  that  the  Comte  de  Grasse  had 
left  the  West  Indies  for  the  American  coast.  It  was  then 
his  intention  to  move  the  united  army  down  to  New  York, 
effect  a  junction  with  the  French  fleet  augmented  by  the 
West  India  squadron,  dispose  the  troops  brought  by  it 
to  the  best  advantage,  and  with  this  large  force  by  land 
and  sea  make  an  assault  upon  the  city  that  could  not  be 
resisted. 

Should  circumstances  not  allow  this,  he  had  a  clear  out 
line  in  his  mind  of  a  campaign  in  Virginia:  To  push 
southward  with  the  combined  American  and  French 
forces  under  his  command,  unite  them  with  those  already 
assailing  Lord  Cornwallis,  and  either  compel  him  to 
retreat  to  New  York  or  surrender,  relying  on  the  co-oper 
ation  of  the  French  fleet.  While  he  was  thus  awaiting 
the  proper  hour  to  strike  an  effective  blow,  the  Congress 
sitting  at  Philadelphia  in  a  feebly  forcible  manner  at 
tempted  to  grapple  with  the  problems  of  financial  strin 
gency  and  the  maintenance  of  the  army.  A  curtailment 
of  expenses,  a  reduction  of  the  army,  and  the  completion 
of  the  war  by  some  brilliant  and  decisive  stroke,  were  the 
expedients  proposed  to  him  by  a  special  commission 
which  visited  him  at  his  headquarters  at  the  Vanbrugh 


216    Washington  and  the  French  Officers 

Livingston  house  near  Dobbs  Ferry  in  August.  These  two 
commissioners  were  the  recently  appointed  superintend 
ents  of  finance,  often  called  in  the  documents  of  the  period, 
the  financier,  or  financier  General,  Mr.  Robert  Morris, 
a  wealthy  Philadelphia  merchant  who  gave  to  the  sus 
taining  of  the  credit  of  the  Congress  thought,  time,  money, 
and  his  own  credit1;  and  the  other  was  Judge  Richard 
Peters,  then  Secretary  of  the  Board  of  War. 

It  is  related  by  several  writers  that  while  they  were  still 
consulting  with  Washington  the  messenger  from  Comte 
de  Barras  arrived  with  the  dispatches  announcing  that 
Comte  de  Grasse  with  his  fleet  had  already  sailed  for  the 
Chesapeake  and  not  for  New  York  as  had  been  planned. 
Immediate  action  was  necessary  as  the  Comte  would  not 
promise  to  remain  upon  the  coast  later  than  the  middle  of 
October.  The  campaign  in  Virginia  must  be  sustained 
and  the  army  at  once  transported  to  the  vicinity  of  La 
Fayette.  Turning  to  Judge  Peters,  Washington  said: 
' '  What  can  you  do  for  me  ? "  ' '  With  money  everything ; 
without  it  nothing,"  was  his  brief  reply,  at  the  same  time 
turning  an  anxious  look  toward  Morris.  "Let  me  know 
the  sum  you  desire,"  said  the  patriotic  financier,  com 
prehending  the  expression  of  his  eye. a 

An  estimate  was  quickly  made  by  Washington,  and 
twenty  thousand  dollars  in  "hard  money"  borrowed  from 
the  Comte  de  Rochambeau  to  enable  the  Commander-in- 
Chief  to  present  a  small  gift  to  the  men  who  had  long 
been  without  pay,  and  many  of  whom,  dreading  the 
Southern  climate,  were  not  willing  to  continue  with  the 
army.  Active  preparations  were  now  made  for  the  march 

1  An  excellent  sketch  of  Robert  Morris,  written  from  a  modern  point  of 
view,  is  found  in  "  The  Makers  of  America"  series, published  by  Dodd,Mead 
&  Co.  in  1 892.  The  author  is  the  well-known  economist,  Professor  William 
Sumner,  of  Yale  University. 

•Benson  J.  Lossing's  Field  Book  of  the  Revolution,  ii.,  p.  509,  note. 


Humphreys  to  Lincoln  217 

but  without  any  public  announcement  of  the  destination 
of  the  army.  This  was  a  matter  of  absolute  necessity  as 
information  of  events  in  the  American  camp  was  almost 
simultaneously  given  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton.  An  extensive 
plot  of  ground  in  New  Jersey  was  chosen  for  a  camp  and 
ostentatiously  measured;  ovens  were  built.  Sir  Henry 
was  entirely  unaware  that  the  army  was  to  do  more  than 
slightly  alter  its  position  so  as  to  be  nearer  to  the  British 
encampment  on  Staten  Island.  Pioneers  were  sent  to 
see  that  the  roads  to  King's  Bridge  were  free  from  any 
obstruction,  and  on  August  iQth,  the  whole  army  was 
paraded  in  that  direction,  and  faced  about  for  the  King's 
Ferry.  With  his  personal  staff  Washington  crossed  the 
Hudson  on  the  evening  of  August  20 th.  Temporary 
headquarters  were  made  at  the  house  of  Col.  Hay,  better 
known  as  the  White  House.  A  portion  of  the  troops  had 
crossed  earlier  in  the  day.  The  French  marched  to  the 
Ferry  by  way  of  White  Plains,  North  Castle,  Pine's 
Bridge  and  Compond.  With  their  commander  they 
crossed  on  the  second.  While  superintending  the  passage 
of  the  various  bodies  of  troops,  stores,  ammunition  and 
baggage  which  occupied  several  days,  Washington  enter 
tained  Comte  Rochambeau  and  with  him  visited  West 
Point.  From  the  White  House  he  sent  dispatches  to  La 
Fayette  announcing  his  purpose  of  joining  him  and  to  the 
Comte  de  Grasse  requesting  him  to  send  transports  to  the 
Head  of  Elk  in  Maryland  to  convey  his  troops  to  Vir 
ginia.  He  desired  the  transports  to  be  there  not  later 
than  September  8th.  One  of  the  last  detachments  to  cross 
was  that  of  Gen.  Lincoln.  The  original  order  to  him  in 
the  handwriting  of  Col.  Humphreys  is  still  preserved: 

HEAD  QUARTERS,  Aug.  24th,  1781. 
SIR, 

His  Excellency  the  Commander-in-Chief  directs  me  to  in 
form  you,  it  is  his  request  that  the  whole  of  the  Troops  under 


218    Washington  and  the  French  Officers 

your  command  should  be  held  in  the  most  perfect  readiness  to 
march  at  four  o'clock  tomorrow  morning. 

For  this  purpose,  he  has  ordered  all  the  Men  of  the  Detach 
ment  now  employed  at  the  Ferry  to  be  relieved  by  the  Troops 
under  the  Command  of  Major-General  Heath;  as  soon  as  this 
is  done,  the  General  also  desires,  that  you  will  give  the  most 
pointed  directions  to  the  Commanding  officers  of  Corps  to  see 
that  every  man  is  present  and  everything  prepared  to  move  at 
the  appointed  time. 

His  Excellency  has  considered  that  the  proceedings  of  the 
Court  of  Enquiry  on  John  Lewis  of  Colonel  Olney's  Regt., 
approves  of  their  opinion,  desires  you  will  publish  whatever 
is  necessary  on  the  subject  in  your  orders  and  direct  Lewis  to 
be  liberated  immediately. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  Sir, 

Your  Most  Obedt.  Servant, 

D.  HUMPHREYS,  Aide-de-Camp.1 

MAJOR-GEN.  LINCOLN. 

When  the  allied  armies  were  marching  through  New 
Jersey  the  troops  did  not  know  the  service  for  which  they 
were  intended.  Dr.  James  Thatcher,  whose  Military 
Journal  is  an  authority  upon  the  incidents  of  camp  life, 
says: 

Our  situation  reminds  us  of  some  theatrical  exhibition  where 
the  interest  and  expectation  of  the  spectators  are  continually 
increasing,  and  where  curiosity  is  wrought  to  the  highest  point. 
Our  destination  has  been  for  some  time  a  matter  of  perplexing 
doubt  and  uncertainty;  bets  have  run  high,  on  the  one  side 
that  we  were  to  occupy  the  ground  marked  out  on  the  Jersey 
shore,  to  aid  in  the  siege  of  New  York;  on  the  other,  that  we 
were  stealing  a  march  upon  the  enemy,  and  are  actually  de 
stined  to  Virginia,  in  pursuit  of  the  Army  under  Cornwallis.2 

1  From  the  Fogg  Collection  of    Autographs,    Boston,    Mass.     Other 
letters  relating  to  this  period  will  be  found  in  the  Appendix. 

2  Thatcher's  Military  Journal,  p.  323. 


Washington  at  Philadelphia  219 

It  was  not  until  the  Delaware  had  been  crossed  and 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  realized  that  he  had  been  outgeneralled 
that  the  army  was  informed  of  the  important  duty  it  had 
to  perform.  The  soldiers  were  aware  of  the  gravity  of  the 
situation  and  with  very  little  discontent  prepared  for  the 
work  before  them.  On  September  2d,  the  allied  forces 
passed  through  Philadelphia.  The  people  of  that  city 
showed  their  enthusiasm  by  cheers,  waving  of  handker 
chiefs,  displaying  of  flags,  and  welcoming  salutes.  The 
line  of  American  troops  with  the  artillery,  commissary, 
and  baggage  wagons  extended  for  two  miles.  In  this 
long  procession  were  a  few  soldiers'  children  and  wives, 
and  some  camp  followers.  The  worn  uniforms  and  im 
perfect  equipment  of  many  of  the  soldiers  showed  the  lack 
of  any  careful  system  of  providing  for  the  army.  It  was 
in  sharp  contrast  with  the  neat  and  attractive  white  and 
green  uniforms  of  the  French  troops  and  the  brilliantly 
dazzling  costumes  and  decorations  of  the  French  officers. 
While  at  Philadelphia,  Washington  and  Rochambeau 
were  the  guests  of  Mr.  Morris.  For  the  officers  of  the 
army  after  a  grand  review  of  the  French  regiments,  the 
French  Minister,  the  Chevalier  de  Luzern,  gave  a  banquet, 
to  which  were  invited  the  President  and  members  of  the 
Congress  and  the  chief  people  of  the  city.  It  was  during 
this  banquet  that  an  express  arrived  with  dispatches 
announcing  that  de  Grasse  had  arrived  in  the  Chesapeake, 
and  that  three  thousand  troops  under  the  Marquis  de 
St.  Simon  had  already  landed.  This  cheering  news  was 
loudly  applauded,  and  the  luxuries  provided  were  more 
fully  enjoyed  by  the  guests.  It  was  about  this  time  that 
the  arrival  of  Col.  Laurens  at  Boston  on  August  25th,  with 
two  millions  and  a  half  livres  in  cash  of  the  six  millions 
promised  by  King  Louis  XVI.  was  known.  This  smoothed 
greatly  the  path  of  the  commanding  general  and  "the 
Financier."  The  entry  of  Washington  into  the  city  is 


220    Washington  and  the  French  Officers 

only  briefly  noted  in  the  contemporary  newspapers.     It 
is  thus  chronicled  in  The  Pennsylvania  Gazette: 

PHILADELPHIA,  September  5. 

On  Thursday  last  arrived  in  this  city  their  excellencies,  Gen 
eral  Washington  and  Count  Rochambeau  with  their  respective 
suites.  They  were  met  and  accompanied  to  town  by  his 
excellency,  the  President  of  the  State,  the  Financier  General, 
and  many  other  gentlemen  of  distinction  together  with  the 
Philadelphia  troop  of  horse.  Every  class  of  citizens  seemed 
to  vie  with  each  other  in  showing  marks  of  respect  to  this 
illustrious  pair  of  Defenders  of  the  rights  of  mankind. x 

Gen.  Washington  soon  followed  his  army  to  the  head  of 
Elk,  which  he  reached  on  September  6.  The  greater 
portion  of  the  troops  and  military  stores  had  arrived  and 
the  embarkation  began.  A  letter  to  the  French  Admiral 
was  written  there  by  Washington;  after  congratulations 
upon  his  safe  arrival,  mentioning  the  embarkation  and 
asking  his  co-operation  in  blocking  up  the  York  River,  he 
says: 

As  it  will  be  of  the  greatest  importance  to  prevent  the  escape 
of  his  lordship  from  his  present  position  I  am  pursuaded  that 
every  measure  which  prudence  can  dictate  will  be  adopted  for 
that  purpose  until  the  arrival  of  our  complete  force,  when  I 
hope  his  lordship  will  be  compelled  to  yield  his  ground  to  the 
superior  power  of  our  combined  forces.2 

With  his  suite  Washington  and  Rochambeau  proceeded 
to  Baltimore  where  they  were  received  on  September  8 
with  cordial  formality  and  an  address  presented  to  the 

1  The  Pennsylvania  Gazette  and  Weekly  Advertiser,  Number  2673.  Wednes 
day,  September  5,  1781. 

a  Gen.  Washington  to  Comte  de  Grasse,  as  quoted  in  living's  Washing 
ton,  iv.,  p.  347. 


French  Officers  Visit  Mt.  Vernon       221 

Commander-in-Chief  to  which  he  gave  a  brief  response. 
In  his  honour  the  city  was  illuminated  in  the  evening  and 
he  received  many  of  its  citizens.  Accompanied  by  Col. 
Humphreys  only,  for  whom  his  friendship  was  ripening 
into  affection,  Washington  left  Baltimore  early  on  the 
morning  of  September  Qth,  as  he  wished  to  reach  his  home 
that  evening.  For  six  years  he  had  given  himself  to  the 
service  of  his  country,  and  not  once  returned  to  his  be 
loved  Mount  Vernon.  The  discomforts  of  the  camp,  the 
burden  of  responsibility,  the  planning  of  campaigns,  the 
serious  disappointment  of  his  cherished  hopes  had  been  his 
lot.  He  had  never  complained  or  shrunk  from  the  duty 
laid  upon  him.  The  Virginia  country  gentleman,  the 
obscure  colonel,  was  now  the  defender  of  liberty,  and  had 
proved  himself  worthy  to  rank  with  the  great  commanders 
of  the  world. 

Little  time  did  he  have  for  quiet  contemplation  of  the 
joys  of  domestic  happiness  alone  with  his  family.  The 
other  members  of  his  suite  arrived  on  the  following  day, 
as  did  also  Comte  de  Rochambeau  and  Marquis  de  Chastel- 
lux  with  their  suites.  Gen.  Washington  and  Lady  Wash 
ington  had  the  delight  of  entertaining  them  at  Mount 
Vernon  with  that  courtesy  and  bounteous  hospitality  for 
which  Mount  Vernon  was  famed.  Upon  the  green  banks 
sloping  down  to  the  Potomac,  under  the  avenues  of  trees, 
or  wandering  over  the  extensive  fields  of  the  large  domain, 
the  war-worn  warriors  enjoyed  a  brief  season  of  idyllic 
repose  before  engaging  in  a  deadly  struggle  for  securing 
the  freedom  of  the  United  States.  Upon  the  fourteenth 
of  September,  Washington  arrived  at  Williamsburg,  where 
he  learned  of  the  naval  battle  of  the  fifth  between  the 
French  and  English  fleets,  in  which  several  vessels  were 
severely  damaged.  Comte  de  Grasse  immediately  put 
to  sea  with  twenty-four  ships,  intending  to  protect  from 
molestation  the  squadron  under  Comte  de  B arras,  which 


222    Washington  and  the  French  Officers 

had  on  August  25,  sailed  from  Newport  convoying  a  fleet 
of  transports  with  troops  under  M.  Choisy,  artillery  and 
military  stores.  On  September  18  there  was  a  conference 
between  Washington  and  Comte  de  Grasse  on  his  flag 
ship,  the  Ville  de  Paris.  The  visit  was  one  of  ceremony 
as  well  as  conference,  and  Washington  was  attended  by  his 
suite  together  with  Gen.  Knox  and  Gen.  du  Port  ail.  De 
Rochambeau  with  his  suite  was  also  present.  The  plan 
of  co-operation  was  then  fully  detailed  and  nearly  every 
point  of  it  mentioned  by  Washington  assented  to  by  the 
French  Admiral.  After  this  important  negotiation  dinner 
was  served  with  the  dainty  elegance  of  the  old  regime  as 
far  as  the  confined  space  of  a  ship's  cabin  would  permit. 

The  return  to  Williamsburg  in  a  small  craft  in  which 
they  had  gone  to  Lynn  Haven  was  slow  on  account  of 
storms  and  contrary  winds.  In  the  meantime  news  that 
the  squadron  of  six  vessels  under  Admiral  Digby  to 
reinforce  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Graves  had  entered  New 
York  harbour  reached  the  French  Admiral  and  made  him 
very  cautious.  He  then  proposed  to  sail  in  pursuit  of  the 
English  fleet,  leaving  two  vessels  at  the  mouth  of  York 
River  and  a  few  frigates  in  the  James.  This  would 
evidently  enable  Cornwallis  to  escape,  as  the  naval  force 
would  be  inferior  to  that  which  the  British  could  station 
in  the  bay.  It  required  much  meditation,  tact,  and  all 
Washington's  patience  and  perseverance  to  change  this 
purpose  of  Comte  de  Grasse.  Finally  a  letter  from  Wash 
ington,  of  which  La  Fayette  was  the  bearer,  the  entreaties 
and  arguments  of  which  he  was  to  second  by  mouth,  pre 
vailed.  From  this  time  the  investment  of  Yorktown 
began.  A  battery  was  erected  by  the  allied  armies  on 
Point  Comfort,  for  the  protection  of  the  fleet.  Several 
vessels  were  now  detailed  to  pass  up  and  down  the  James. 
Toward  the  end  of  September  the  allied  armies  were  en 
camped  near  Williamsburg,  and  active  operations  com- 


Yorktown  223 

menced.  The  situation  of  Yorktown  on  a  peninsula 
near  the  mouths  of  the  James  and  York  rivers  made  it 
important.  Whoever  held  it  controlled  the  navigation  of 
those  rivers  by  which  the  richer  portions  of  Virginia  were 
reached.  The  town  had  been  skilfully  fortified  by  Corn- 
wallis  with  seven  redoubts  and  six  batteries  upon  the  land 
ward  side.  They  were  connected  by  entrenchments. 
A  line  of  batteries  stretched  along  the  river.  The  ravines 
and  the  creeks  which  emptied  into  the  York  River  were 
utilized  for  outworks  with  several  redoubts  strengthened 
by  abattis.  Gloucester  Point  on  the  north  side  of  the 
York  had  been  also  fortified  and  placed  under  the  com 
mand  of  Lieut. -Col.  Dundas.  The  British  army  was  then 
encamped  "  about  Yorktown  within  range  of  the  outer 
redoubt  and  field  works."  " Washington  and  his  staff," 
says  Irving,  "bivouacked  that  night  on  the  ground  in  the 
open  air.  He  slept  under  a  mulberry  tree,  the  root  serving 
for  his  pillow. ' ' J 

The  allied  armies  faced  each  other  the  next  morning 
on  each  side  of  Beaver  Dam  Creek,  the  Americans  taking 
the  east  and  the  French  the  west  side  of  the  creek.  On 
that  very  night  Cornwallis  withdrew  his  men  within  the 
inner  works,  leaving  the  outer  works  to  be  occupied  by  the 
investing  army  which  it  was  not  slow  to  do.  Detach 
ments  of  American  light  infantry  and  a  body  of  French 
troops  were  sent  to  seize  them  early  on  the  morning  of 
September  27,  and  thus  cover  the  troops  throwing  up 
breastworks.  A  brave  and  gallant  officer,  who  had  been 
temporarily  with  Washington's  military  family,  and  was 
then  Colonel  of  the  First  New  Hampshire  Regiment  which 
formed  part  of  Gen.  Hamilton's  brigade,  Alexander 
Scammel,  a  native  of  Meriden  (now  Milford,  Massa 
chusetts)  ,  was  in  pursuance  of  his  duty  reconnoitring  the 
ground.  He  was  surprised  near  the  Fusileers  redoubt, 

1  Irving's  Washington,  iv.,  pp.  356, 357. 


224   Washington  and  the  French  Officers 

situated  near  the  river  bank  at  the  mouth  of  a  little  stream, 
by  two  or  three  Hessians.  He  endeavoured  to  escape  but 
finally  surrendered,  when  he  was  cruelly  shot  and  left 
for  dead.  He  was  carried  into  Yorktown  by  some  English 
soldiers  and  tenderly  cared  for.  Washington,  who  had  a 
high  regard  for  him,  requested  of  Lord  Cornwallis  that  he 
might  be  removed  to  Williamsburg,  which  was  politely 
and  cheerfully  granted.  He  died  mourned  by  the  whole 
army,  on  October  6. 

His  friend  Col.  Humphreys  composed  this  epitaph: 

AN 
EPITAPH 

ALEXANDER   SCAMMEL 

Adjutant-General  of  the  American  Armies, 

and 
Colonel  of  the  first  regiment  of  New  Hampshire, 

while 

he  commanded 
a  chosen  corps  of  light  infantry, 

at  the 
successful  siege  of  York-Town,  in  Virginia, 

was, 
in  the  gallant  performance  of  his  duty, 

as  field  officer  of  the  day, 

unfortunately  captured  and 

afterward  insidiously  wounded; 

of  which  wound  he  expired  at  Williamsburg,  October  1781. 

Anno  aetatis  .    .    . 

Though  no  kind  angel  glanc'd  aside  the  ball, 
Nor  fed'ral  arms  pour'd  vengeance  for  his  fall : 
Brave  Scammel's  fame,  to  distant  regions  known, 
Shall  last  beyond  this  monumental  stone, 
Which  conqu'ring  armies  (from  their  toils  return'd) 
Rear'd  to  his  glory,  while  his  fate  they  mourn'd. 


Alexander  Scammel  225 

In  his  address  to  the  armies  our  poet  refers  to  his  death 
in  these  vigorous  lines : 

Nor  less,  brave  Scammel,  frown'd  thine  angry  fate, 
(May  deathless  shame  that  British  deed  await !) 
On  York's  fam'd  field,  amid  the  first  alarms, 
Ere  yet  fair  vict'ry  crown'd  the  allied  arms, 
Fell  chance  betray'd  thee  to  the  hostile  band, 
The  hapless  victim  of  th'  assassin  hand: 
Lo!  while  I  tell  the  execrable  deed, 
Fresh  in  his  side  the  dark  wound  seems  to  bleed ; 
That  small  red  current  still  for  vengeance  cries, 
And  asks,  "Why  sleeps  the  thunder  in  the  skies?" 
On  him,  ye  heav'ns,  let  all  your  vengeance  fall, 
On  the  curst  wretch  who  wing'd  th'  insidious  ball 
But  thou,  blest  shade,  be  sooth'd!  be  this  thy  praise, 
Ripe  were  thy  virtues,  though  too  few  thy  days! 
Be  this  thy  fame,  through  life  of  all  approv'd, 
To  die  lamented,  honour'd,  and  belov'd. 

The  main  body  of  the  allied  armies  commenced  the 
march  from  Williamsburg,  twelve  miles  distant,  on  Sep 
tember  28,  and  by  October  I,  were  encamped  in  a  semi 
circle  about  two  miles  from  the  British  works  "each  end 
resting  on  the  river,  so  that  the  investment  by  land  was 
complete."1 

The  fleet  of  Comte  de  Grasse  effectually  secured  the 
entrance  to  the  rivers,  so  that  the  British  General  and  his 
troops  were  completely  shut  in.  Redoubts  were  at  once 
made  by  the  Americans  during  the  night.  When  dis 
covered  in  the  morning  they  were  fired  upon,  three  being 
killed  and  several  wounded.  An  expedition  sally,  made 
by  the  garrison  at  Gloucester  Point  for  forage  in  which 
it  was  supported  by  Col.  Tarleton's  legion,  which  went 
across  the  river  for  that  purpose,  resulted  in  a  skirmish 

1  Irving's  Washington,  iv.f  p.  359. 

VOL.    I IS 


226    Washington  and  the  French  Officers 

with  the  hussars  of  the  Duke  de  Lauzun,  who  was  with 
Gen.  Weedon's  militia  watching  that  port ;  in  which  each 
side  fought  gallantly,  but  neither  gained  a  positive  advan 
tage,  and  retreated  with  a  British  loss  of  one  officer  and 
eleven  men,  and  a  French  loss  of  two  officers  and  fourteen 
hussars. 

During  the  night  of  October  6  the  first  parallel  was  com 
menced  at  six  hundred  yards  from  the  British  works. 
It  was  completed  on  the  ninth  with  several  batteries  and 
redoubts.  The  men  who  were  engaged  in  making  it  were 
subject  to  a  continuous  fire  from  the  enemy,  but  there 
was  only  a  slight  loss  as  much  of  the  work  was  done  by 
night.  When  it  was  finished  a  heavy  fire  was  immediately 
commenced  upon  the  enemy's  works  with  excellent  effect. 
"Many  of  their  guns, "  says  Judge  Marshall,  "were  dis 
mounted  and  silenced,  and  their  works  were  in  different 
places  demolished.  The  next  day  new  batteries  were 
opened  and  the  fire  became  so  heavy  that  the  besieged 
withdrew  their  cannon  from  their  embrasures  and  scarcely 
returned  a  shot."1 

With  that  calmness  which  he  always  displayed  in  the 
midst  of  stirring  events  Washington  directed  the  details 
of  the  siege.  He  watched  carefully  every  movement,  was 
frequently  in  the  trenches  and  batteries,  examining  the 
redoubts,  and  then  gave  his  orders  for  any  alterations 
that  seemed  expedient.  He  showed  here  as  in  Boston 
his  perfect  knowledge  of  the  proper  method  of  conducting 
a  siege.  A  generous  rivalry  between  the  French  and 
Americans  as  to  the  completion  of  their  part  in  the  invest 
ing  works  sprang  up.  Both  armies  looked  up  to  their 
commander  with  mingled  respect  and  affection. 

A  second  parallel  within  three  hundred  yards  of  the 
works  was  commenced  by  Baron  Steuben's  division  on 
October  n,  and  when  daylight  disclosed  the  work  to  the 

1  Marshall's  Washington,  iv.,  pp.  483,  484. 


Assault  on  Yorktown  227 

enemy  the  men  subject  to  a  most  distressing  discharge 
from  the  guns  of  the  two  redoubts,  advanced  three  hundred 
yards  from  the  main  works  and  on  a  line  with  the  parallel 
at  either  end.  It  was  seen  that  those  redoubts  must  be 
taken  by  assault.  The  night  of  the  fourteenth  was  chosen 
for  the  attempt. 

The  redoubt  nearest  the  river  was  to  be  stormed  by 
American  troops  under  command  of  La  Fayette,  and  the 
other  by  French  troops  under  Baron  de  Viomenil.  In  the 
detachment  for  the  river  redoubt  was  Col.  Hamilton  who 
led  the  van  and  with  such  eagerness  that  he  did  not  stop 
to  allow  the  sappers  to  remove  the  abattis  but  "scrambled 
over  like  rough  bush  fighters."  Hamilton  was  the  first 
in  the  works,  a  soldier  who  knelt  on  one  knee  giving  him 
the  support  of  his  shoulder  upon  which  to  rest  his  foot 
while  he  surmounted  the  parapet.  The  assault  was  suc 
cessfully  made,  and  the  redoubt  was  carried  at  the  point 
of  the  bayonet.  It  was  manned  principally  by  Hessians, 
and  there  was  a  desire  by  some  to  avenge  the  death  of 
Col.  Scammel  upon  some  of  the  officers.  The  spirit  of 
bravery  that  animated  the  stormers  is  seen  in  the  messages 
that  passed  through  Col.  Benby,  La  Fayette's  aide,  from 
that  officer  to  Baron  de  Viomenil :  "He  was  in  his  redoubt, 
where  was  the  Baron?"  "Tell  the  Marquis,"  was  the 
reply,  "that  I  am  not  in  mine  but  will  be  in  it  in  five 
minutes." 

Washington  from  the  grand  battery  watched  the  assault 
in  company  with  his  staff  and  Gen.  Lincoln  and  Gen. 
Knox  and  their  staffs.  When  the  assault  was  complete 
he  turned  to  Gen.  Knox  and  said,  "It  is  done,  and  well 
done,"  and  to  his  favourite  servant,  "William,  bring  me 
my  horse." 

So  completely  shattered  were  the  works  and  many  of 
the  houses  in  Yorktown  that  Cornwallis  saw  further 
resistance  was  useless. 


228    Washington  and  the  French  Officers 

He  hoped  to  save  the  disgrace  of  a  surrender  and  formed 
a  plan  of  escape  by  way  of  Gloucester,  attacking  Gen. 
Choisy's  camp,  mounting  his  infantry  on  the  horses  he 
expected  to  capture,  then  riding  rapidly  for  the  upper 
country  until  he  reached  the  fords  of  the  great  rivers  and 
then  turning  northward  fight  his  way  to  New  York.  The 
dispersal  by  a  wild  storm  of  the  boats  he  had  collected  for 
crossing  the  York,  after  one  detachment  had  been  safely 
landed,  put  an  end  to  this  adventurous  scheme.  On 
October  17,  the  same  day  that  Burgoyne  had  surrendered 
four  years  before,  Cornwallis  proposed,  after  the  batteries 
of  the  second  parallel  had  poured  a  destructive  fire  into 
the  town,  a  cessation  of  hostilities  for  twenty-four  hours 
and  a  meeting  of  commissioners  at  the  house  of  Mrs. 
Moore  in  the  rear  of  the  first  parallel ;  to  which  Washing 
ton  consented.  The  American  commissioners  were  Vis- 
comte  de  Noailles  and  Col.  Laurens  and  the  British  Col. 
Dundas  and  Col.  Ross.  They  met  on  the  i8th  but  were 
unable  to  come  to  a  perfect  understanding.  Finally 
Washington  prepared  a  rough  draft  of  the  terms  he  would 
accept,  which  were  similar  to  those  granted  by  Cornwallis 
to  Gen.  Lincoln  at  the  surrender  of  Charleston  the  year 
before.  A  fair  copy  was  made  of  them  and  after  some 
remonstrance  at  their  harshness  by  Col.  Ross  they  were 
agreed  to  by  the  British  commissioners  and  signed  by 
Cornwallis,  Capt.  Symonds,  British  commander  on  the 
York  River,  Washington,  Rochambeau,  de  Barras,  and 
de  Grasse.1 

1  A  facsimile  from  the  original  then  (1852)  in  the  collection  of  Peter 
Force  of  Washington,  D.  C.,is  given  of  the  xiv.  articles  with  the  signatures 
of  Cornwallis  and  Capt.  Symonds  on  p.  923  of  Lossing's  Field  Book  of  the 
American  Revolution,  ii. 


CHAPTER  XII 
THe  Surrender  of  Gornwallis 

Formal  Surrender  of  British  Army  —  Site  of  the  Surrender  —  Washingtoa's 
General  Orders  —  Surrender  Announced  to  Congress  —  Its  Action  — 
Signal  Honour  Conferred  on  Humphreys  to  Convey  Captured  Stand 
ards  and  Official  Report  of  Surrender  to  Congress  —  Humphreys, 
Allusions  to  it  in  his  Poems  —  Resolutions  of  Congress  —  Humphreys 
Returns  to  Washington  —  Washington's  Plans  for  Further  Cam 
paigns  —  Troops  Sent  back  to  the  Hudson  —  Washington's  Visit  to 
Philadelphia  —  Humphreys  Sent  to  the  Hudson  —  His  Report  to  Wash 
ington  —  Selects  Headquarters  for  Washington  at  Newburgh  —  Wash 
ington's  Reply  —  The  Suspension  of  Hostilities  —  Humphreys  Visits  his 
Native  State  —  Is  Entrusted  by  Yale  with  the  Diploma  for  Washing 
ton's  Doctorate  —  Leaves  for  Philadelphia  —  Accompanies  Washington 
to  Newburgh  —  The  Life  at  Newburgh  —  Venality  of  Army  Contrac 
tors  —  Letter  to  Humphreys  —  Arrival  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton  at  New 
York  —  Peace  Negotiations  Resumed  —  Skirmishing  in  the  South  — 
Hanging  of  Capt.  Huddy  —  Reprisal  by  Gen.  Washington  —  Appoint 
ment  of  Peace  Commissioners  —  Preliminary  Treaty  of  Peace  Signed 
—  Act  of  Parliament  Passed  Consenting  to  Independence  of  the 
Colonies. 


^HE  formal  surrender  of  the  British  army  was  soon 
arranged  for.  As  the  news  of  the  defeat  of  the 
British  spread,  crowds  came  in  from  the  neighbouring 
country  to  witness  the  humiliation  of  the  "sarpints"  as 
they  were  called.  Naturally  it  was  a  great  day  for  the 
Virginians  for  not  only  had  the  enemy  been  defeated  on 
their  soil  but  the  defeat  had  been  brought  about  by  their 
own  chieftain,  George  Washington.  The  actual  cere- 

229 


230  The  Surrender  of  Cornwallis 

mony  of  the  surrender  was  brief  and  simple.  According 
to  tradition  it  took  place  in  a  field  "not  more  than  half  a 
mile  southward  of  the  British  intrenchments,"  but  tradi 
tion  errs  sometimes,  and  does  certainly  in  this  case,  as  the 
well  known  picture  by  Trumbull,  who  in  1791  visited 
Yorktown,  shows  the  house  of  Governor  Nelson,  which  is 
not  visible  from  the  traditional  site  on  the  east  side  of 
Hampton  road.  The  site  painted  by  Trumbull  is  "a 
large  field  on  the  west  side  of  Hampton  road,  sloping  in 
the  direction  of  the  Pigeon  Quarter,  and  about  a  mile  from 
the  British  lines "  (the  distance  mentioned  in  history), 
from  which  that  house  can  be  seen. x 

At  twelve  o'clock  on  October  19,  the  allied  armies  were 
drawn  up  in  two  lines  which  extended  nearly  a  mile,  the 
Americans  on  the  right  and  the  French  on  the  left  of  the 
road. 

Washington,  nobly  mounted,  with  his  star!,  was  in  front 
of  the  Continentals,  and  near  him  were  some  of  his  favour 
ite  officers.  The  French  troops  came  upon  the  field  with 
colours  flying  and  a  band  playing  merrily.  They  were 
commanded  by  Rochambeau  and  grouped  around  him 
were  several  other  distinguished  Frenchmen,  La  Fayette, 
Chastellux,  Choisy,  Lauzun,  and  others.  In  both  armies 
the  national  standards  and  regimental  colours  were  liber 
ally  displayed. 

About  two  o'clock  the  British  garrison  left  their  battered 
works  and  marched  to  the  place  appointed  for  the  capitu 
lation.  They  presented  an  almost  festive  appearance  in 
new  uniforms  and  with  well  polished  arms.  They  ap 
proached  with  colours  cased  and  the  drums  playing  that 
lugubrious  tune,  "The  world's  turned  upside  down." 

Earl  Cornwallis  did  not  appear,  as  the  mortification 
of  the  surrender  had  made  him  ill.  When  the  troops 
approached  the  American  lines  all  saluted  and  Gen. 

1  Lossing's  Field  Book  of  the  Revolution,  ii.,  p.  530. 


British  Surrender  231 

O'Hara  riding  up  to  Gen.  Washington  tendered  the 
apologies  of  the  commander  and  offered  the  Earl's  sword 
to  him.  The  General  indicated  Gen.  Lincoln  who  was 
near  him  as  the  one  to  receive  it.  Gen.  Lincoln  also  in 
dicated  the  proper  place  in  the  field  to  stack  arms.  It  is 
said  by  Dr.  Thatcher  that  in  passing  through  the  lines 
formed  by  the  allied  army  the  march  of  the  British  troops 
was  careless  and  irregular  and  their  aspect  sullen.  The 
order  to  ' '  ground  arms  was  given  by  their  platoon  officer, 
and  with  a  tone  of  deep  chagrin,  and  many  of  the  soldiers 
threw  down  their  muskets  with  a  violence  sufficient  to 
break  them.  "* 

It  had  been  arranged  by  Col.  Hamilton,  the  officer  of  the 
day,  that  the  British  and  German  regimental  standards 
should  be  received  by  twenty-eight  American  sergeants 
who  were  drawn  up  in  line  for  that  purpose,  under  the 
command  of  Ensign  Robert  Wilson  of  Gen.  Clinton's 
brigade,  the  youngest  commissioned  officer  in  the  army, 
he  then  being  only  eighteen  years  old.  When  the  order 
was  given  to  the  twenty-eight  captains  carrying  the 
cased  colours  to  advance  two  paces  to  give,  and  the  ser 
geants  to  advance  two  paces  to  receive  the  standards, 
there  was  hesitation.  Hamilton  riding  up  enquired  the 
reason  and  found  they  were  unwilling  to  surrender  their 
colours  to  non-commissioned  officers.  He  was  willing  to 
spare  their  feelings  and  ordered  Ensign  Wilson  to  receive 
the  standards  and  give  them  to  the  sergeants.  With 
this  significant  act,  and  the  taking  off  of  the  accoutre 
ments,  the  formalities  of  the  surrender  were  over. 

In  his  general  orders  the  next  day  Washington  congratu 
lated  the  united  army  upon  the  result.  He  praises  the 
patient  bravery  of  the  soldiers  and  mentions  with  com 
mendation  many  of  the  officers.  He  announces  that 
Divine  Service  would  be  held  throughout  the  camp  on  the 

'  Dr.  Thatcher's  Military  Journal,  p.  346. 


232  The  Surrender  of  Cornwallis 

next  day  at  which  devout  thanksgiving  for  the  result 
would  be  offered.  Soon  after  the  surrender,  Washington 
sent  his  senior  aide,  Col.  Tilghman,  with  dispatches  to 
Congress  announcing  the  capitulation.  He  rode  rapidly, 
and  reached  Philadelphia  at  midnight  on  Tuesday, 
October  23.  He  made  his  way  upon  a  gallop  to  the  house 
of  the  Hon.  Thomas  McLean,  the  President  of  Congress, 
who  lived  in  High  Street,  near  Second. 

The  watchman  of  the  city  thought  him  a  suspicious 
character  and  was  about  to  arrest  him.  One  honest  old 
German  watchman  to  whom  he  explained  the  reason  of  his 
haste,  called  upon  his  beat  the  next  hour  in  this  fashion : 
"Drei  o'clock,  and  Gornwallis  is  daken. "  Repeated  by 
other  watchmen  the  whole  city  was  soon  awakened  by  the 
joyful  news,  and  salutes  were  fired,  flags  displayed,  and  the 
old  liberty  bell  rung.  On  the  following  day  the  dispatches 
were  read  with  exultation  in  Congress,  and  it  was  at  once 
resolved  to  go  at  once  in  solemn  procession  that  afternoon 
"to  the  Dutch  church  and  return  thanks  to  Almighty 
God  for  crowning  the  allied  army  of  the  United  States 
and  France  with  success  by  the  surrender  of  the  whole 
British  army  under  the  command  of  the  Earl  Cornwallis. "  * 

So  great  was  the  joy  of  the  Continental  Congress  at  the 
surrender  of  Cornwallis  that  a  special  committee,  Mr. 
Witherspoon,  Mr.  Varnum,  and  Mr.  Sherman,  reported  on 
Friday,  October  26,  1781,  the  draft  of  a  proclamation 
recommending  that  December  13  be  kept  a  day  of  thanks 
giving  throughout  the  United  States  for  this  glorious 
victory.  The  draft  was  unanimously  adopted.2 

1  Journals  of  Congress  and  of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  for 
the  year  1781,  published  by  order  of  Congress,  Volume  vi.,  p.  208.  Phil 
adelphia,  Printed  by  David  C.  Claypoole,  MDCCXXXI.  12  mo.,  p.  522, 
Journals  of  the  American  Congress  from  1774  to  1788,  in  four  volumes,  Vol- 
iii.,  from  August  I,  1778,  to  March  31,  1782.  Washington:  Printed  and 
published  by  Way  and  Gideon,  1823. 

'Journal,  1781,  pp.  210-212.     Reprint  pp.  680,  681. 


Surrender  Formally  Announced        233 

On  Monday,  October  29,  the  committee  upon  the  letter 
from  Washington,  Mr.  Randolph,  Mr.  Boudinot,  Mr. 
Varnum,  and  Mr.  Carroll,  reported  a  series  of  resolutions  in 
which  thanks  were  given  to  General  Washington,  Comte 
de  Grasse,  his  Christian  Majesty  the  King  of  France, 
Comte  de  Rochambeau,  to  the  commanding  officers  and 
others  of  the  Corps  of  Artillery. 

It  was  also  determined  to  erect  upon  the  site  of  the  sur 
render  a  marble  column  "to  be  ornamented  with  the 
emblems  of  the  alliance  between  the  United  States  and  his 
most  Christian  majesty,  and  inscribed  with  a  succinct 
narrative  of  the  surrender  of  Earl  Cornwallis."1 

Col.  Tilghman  was  to  be  presented  by  the  Board  of  War 
"in  the  name  of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled, 
a  horse  properly  caparisoned  and  an  elegant  sword  in 
testimony  of  their  high  opinion  of  his  merit  and  ability."8 

As  Gen.  Washington  had  in  the  past  singled  out  David 
Humphreys  for  posts  of  danger  or  for  missions  requiring 
the  greatest  tact,  so  he  now  fittingly  singled  out  that 
officer  for  the  highest  honour  within  his  gift. 

Humphreys  had  been  entrusted  with  the  difficult  and 
perilous  task  of  capturing  the  commander  of  the  enemy, 
he  had  been  sent  on  a  mission  of  reconnaissance  through 
the  New  England  States,  he  had  alone  been  selected  to 
accompany  Washington  on  that  intimate  journey  of  the 
Virginian  gentleman  to  his  dearly  loved  home  at  Mount 
Vernon  and  now  he  was  chosen  out  of  all  the  officers  of  the 
Continental  army  to  represent  that  army  and  its  great 
General  officially  before  the  Representatives  of  the  new 
born  Nation. 

Col.  Tilghman  had  been  sent  as  a  messenger  to  convey 
the  hurried  news,  but  such  an  epoch-making  victory  had 
to  be  announced  to  Congress  with  a  formality  that  befitted 
the  august  occasion.  If  Gen.  Washington  was  deliberate 

1  Journal,  1781,  p.  213.  •  Journal,  1781,  p.  215. 


234  The  Surrender  of  Cornwallis 

in  war  he  was  equally  so  in  official  matters.  He  took  ten 
days  in  compiling  his  report,  and  when  all  was  ready  he 
sent  for  Col.  David  Humphreys  and  formally  entrusted 
to  him  his  official  report  to  Congress,  and  delivered  into 
his  hands  the  standards  of  the  British  and  German  troops 
which  were  to  be  presented  to  Congress  as  the  outward 
tokens  of  the  victory  of  the  allied  forces. 

As  Humphreys  bowed  to  receive  these  trophies  at  the 
hands  of  his  General  and  friend  he  felt  repaid  for  all  that 
he  had  done  for  him  and  his  country.  In  such  supreme 
moments  as  these  all  past  toil  and  danger  are  forgotten. 
To  few  indeed  are  given  such  signal  moments  of  honourable 
exultation.  Careless  as  succeeding  generations  have  been 
of  the  memory  of  this  great  man,  yet  his  contemporaries 
saw  with  a  keener  eye,  and  with  a  justice  that  was  well 
deserved,  no  envy  was  felt  by  his  brother  officers  at  this  re 
markable  honour,  for  all  felt  that  into  no  better  hands  could 
the  emblems  of  their  victory  have  been  confided  than  into 
those  of  him  who  was  the  "well  belov'd  of  Washington." 

Leaving  the  headquarters  near  Yorktown  with  a  small 
escort  and  a  few  servants,  Humphreys  rode  with  great 
expedition  to  Philadelphia.  He  was  hailed  on  his  journey 
with  acclamation,  as  all  knew  that  he  was  the  special 
messenger  bearing  trophies  of  success,  and  was  received 
everywhere  with  special  regard  as  the  representative  of 
the  Commander-in-Chief  and  the  victorious  armies. 

He  reached  Philadelphia  on  Saturday,  November  3. 
He  was  "met  on  the  commons  by  the  City  troop  of  horse, 
and  by  them  paraded  through  two  or  three  streets  of  the 
city,  preceded  by  the  colours  of  the  United  States  and 
France  to  the  State  House,  where  he  laid  the  standards  at 
the  feet  of  Congress  to  the  great  joy  of  a  numerous  con 
course  of  spectators."1 

1  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  2682,  Wednesday,  November  7,  1781.  Ibid. 
Also  Sparks's  Washington,  viii.,  p  .193. 


Humphreys  Delivers  the  Standards      235 

In  his  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress  Washington 
said:  "My  present  dispatches  being  important  I  have 
committed  them  to  the  care  of  Colonel  Humphreys,  one 
of  my  aide-de-camps,  whom  for  his  fidelity,  and  good  ser 
vices  I  beg  leave  to  recommend  to  Congress  and  your 
Excellency." 

The  official  return  brought  by  Col.  Humphreys  is 
printed  in  full  in  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette  from  which  we 
learn  that  the  standards  were  those  of  the  Forty-third, 
Seventy-sixth,  and  Eightieth  British  regiments,  consisting 
of  two  sets  each,  and  eighteen  were  those  of  the  German 
regiments.  These  were  all  that  were  brought  to  Phil 
adelphia,  although  four  "British  union  flags  and  forty- 
one  British  and  thirty-two  German  camp  colours"  were 
also  delivered  to  Washington  on  the  field  of  surrender. 
The  scene  in  the  old  State  House  was  memorable  and 
deeply  impressed  all  present. 

It  is  a  detail  of  the  surrender  which  is  omitted  in  the 
standard  histories  of  the  Revolution  and  the  lives  of 
Washington,  although  at  the  time  it  was  hailed  with  ap 
plause  and  made  the  name  of  Col.  Humphreys  justly 
famous  throughout  the  whole  country. 

The  presentation  of  the  standards  was  made  the  sub 
ject  of  a  picture  by  a  Spanish  or  Danish  artist,  which  is 
said  to  have  been  painted  while  the  Colonel  was  in  Europe 
in  1784.  The  presentation  was  one  of  the  proposed  sub 
jects  of  ten  historical  paintings  by  his  friend  Col.  Trum- 
bull  as  is  ascertained  from  a  paragraph  in  a  letter  by  Col. 
Humphreys  to  his  brother  John  written  from  Mount 
Vernon,  August  4,  1786: 

There  is  an  eminent  painter  in  Philadelphia  who  is  engaged  in 
giving  some  historical  paintings  of  the  remarkable  events 
during  the  war,  and  who  has  requested  me  to  sit  for  him  (on 
my  return  from  the  South) ,  as  he  has  occasion  to  introduce  my 


236  The  Surrender  of  Cornwallis 

figure  into  two  scenes  he  has  now  on  hand,  viz;  the  first  the 
presentation  of  the  standards  taken  at  Yorktown  to  Congress 
by  your  humble  servant,  the  other  the  resignation  of  General 
Washington. x 

In  this  painting,  known  as  ' '  The  Delivery  of  the  Stand 
ards, "  Col.  Humphreys  is  depicted  with  a  furled  British 
standard  in  hand  standing  near  the  entrance  to  the  Hall 
of  Congress.  At  his  left  is  a  mounted  cannon,  and  in  the 
background  an  orderly  holding  his  horse,  with  the  military 
escort  grouped  near  by,  and  beyond  are  the  houses  and 
trees  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  It  is  a  spirited  picture 
in  which  the  figure  of  the  Colonel  stands  in  bold  relief. 
There  are  two  traditions  of  the  date  when  it  was  painted. 
Mr.  Dunlap  asserts  that:  ''this  memorable  event,  his 
presenting  the  standards,  was  painted  by  a  Danish  artist 
when  the  poet  and  soldier  was  in  Europe  between  1784 
and  1786,  as  Secretary  of  Legation  to  Mr.  Jefferson."1 

Mr.  Orcutt  in  the  History  of  Derby,  relying  upon  the 
information  furnished  to  him  by  members  of  the  family 
twenty-five  years  ago,  says  that  "the  picture  was  painted 
in  Spain  by  a  Spanish  artist  under  the  direction  of  Col. 
Humphreys."3 

This  painting  was  presented  to  Yale  by  the  Colonel's 
widow,  but  we  regret  to  have  to  chronicle  that  Yale  Uni 
versity  has  proved  an  unfaithful  trustee  in  this  matter. 
The  painting  was  for  many  years  in  the  old  Library,  and 
then  when  the  new  Art  Building  was  erected  it  claimed  all 
the  pictures  scattered  throughout  the  various  buildings; 
that  is  as  it  should  be,  but  unfortunately  the  persons  in 
charge  of  the  Art  Building  had  curious  canons  of  their 
own  as  to  what  constituted  value.  It  was  considered  that 

Johnston's  Yale,  p.  155. 

2  Dunlap's  History  of  the  American  Theatre,  p.  89. 

3  History  of  Derby,  p.  199. 


•8  I 


I.! 

6    2 


•• 


• 


Presentation  of  the  Standards  237 

the  painting  was  not  of  especial  value  from  an  artistic 
point  of  view  and  it  was  relegated  to  some  obscure  corner 
in  the  attic  or  cellar.  When  search  was  made  for  it  in 
the  summer  of  1902,  no  trace  of  it  could  be  found  any 
where.  When  the  visitor  to  the  Art  Gallery  at  Yale 
sees  the  many  paintings  of  inferior  merit,  even  from  an 
art  point  of  view,  he  wonders  why  about  the  only  painting 
Yale  ever  possessed  that  was  of  permanent  historical  value 
should  have  been  cast  aside. 

The  value  of  a  painting  does  not  always  consist  in  its 
artistic  value,  there  is  such  a  thing  as  historic  value,  there 
is  such  a  thing  as  patriotism,  and  there  is  such  a  thing  as 
moral  value. 

A  painting  representing  one  of  the  greatest  historic 
events  of  this  nation,  and  done  in  the  lifetime  of  the  princi 
pal  personage  in  that  event,  has  a  value,  or  ought  to  have, 
far  above  that  accorded  to  a  painting  representing  an 
unknown  personage  or  a  landscape  of  no  place  or  note.  A 
painting  which  an  institution  accepts  becomes  a  trust 
and  should  either  be  kept  on  view  or  else  returned  to  the 
heirs  of  the  person  who  created  the  trust. 

Many  old  persons  at  New  Haven,  with  whom  Col. 
Humphreys  is  still  a  memory  to  conjure  by,  have  ex 
pressed  their  regret  and  mortification  that  a  painting 
so  intimately  associated  with  the  history  of  the  United 
States  and  depicting  an  incident  so  remarkable  in 
the  life  of  one  of  the  most  distinguished  alumni  of 
Yale  should  have  disappeared  in  so  questionable  a 
manner. I 

In  his  Poems,  Col.  Humphreys  alludes  to  this  distin 
guished  event  in  his  life.  In  his  '  'Address  to  the  Armies, " 
he  says : 

1  This  painting  has  recently  come  into  possession  of  the  author  through 
private  sale,  from  a  New  York  dealer  in  antiques,  who  refused  to  divulge 
how  it  came  into  his  hands. 


238  The  Surrender  of  Cornwallis 

Or  see  on  fair  Virginia's  strand  arise 

The  column  pointing  to  the  fav'ring  skies ; 

Inscribed  with  deeds  the  fed 'rate  arms  have  done, 

And  grav'd  with  trophies  from  Britannia  won: 

Here  stand  the  conqu'ring  bands;  the  vanquish'd  throng 

Through  the  long  lines  in  silence  move  along : 

The  stars  and  lillies,  here  in  laurels  drest, 

And  there,  dark  shrouds  the  banner'd  pride  invest ; 

These  twice  twelve  banners  once  in  pomp  unfurl'd, 

Spread  death  and  terror  round  the  southern  world : 

In  various  colours  from  the  staff  unroll 'd, 

The  lion  frown'd,  the  eagle  flam'd  in  gold; 

Hibernia's  harp,  reluctant,  here  was  hung, 

And  Scotia's  thistle  there  spontaneous  sprung : 

These  twice  twelve  flags  no  more  shall  be  display'd, 

Save  in  the  dome  where  warlike  spoils  are  laid : 

Since,  where  the  fathers  in  high  council  meet, 

This  hand  has  placed  them  prostrate  at  their  feet.  x 

In  that  on  "The  Death  of  General  Washington,"  he 
says: 

What  eagle  flight  can  trace  through  regions  far, 
Th'  immortal  march  of  Washington  in  war1 
Who  sing  his  conq'ring  arms  o'er  York  that  shone, 
And  deeds  surviving  monumental  stone 
How  cloud-hid  batt'ries  rain'd  red  bullets  dire, 
Volcanic  mortars  belch 'd  infernal  fire 
While  baleful  bombs  that  buoy'd  in  ether  rode, 
Emblaze  the  skies,  and,  fill'd  with  fate,  explode ! 
Till  great  Cornwallis,  hopeless  of  relief, 
Resign'd  whole  armies  to  a  greater  chief? 
Then  solemn  thanks  by  blest  Columbia  giv'n, 
With  songs  of  gratitude,  rose  sweet  to  heav'n. 
What  though  my  lips  no  common  fervour  warm'd 
To  sing  th'  achievements  that  his  arm  perform'd; 

1  Miscellaneous  Works,  edition  of  1804,  p.  18. 


Yale's  Negligence  239 

Though  strong  as  when  I  follow'd  where  he  led, 
Toil'd  in  his  sight,  or  with  his  mandates  sped, 
Or  bore  his  trophies  to  our  pow'r  supreme, 
I  sink  beneath  th'  immensity  of  theme.1 

The  Congress  referred  the  letter  of  October  27  of  the 
Commander-in-Chief  to  a  special  committee,  Mr.  Ran 
dolph,  Mr.  Boudinot,  Mr.  Varnum,  and  Mr.  Carroll, 
which  on  November  7  made  this  report:2 

The  Committee  to  whom  the  letter  of  the  27th  from  General 
Washington  with  its  inclosures  was  referred  report  the  follow 
ing  resolutions; 

RESOLVED  that  an  elegant  sword  be  presented  in  the  name 
of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  to  Col.  Humphreys, 
aide-de-camp  to  General  Washington  to  whose  care  the  stand 
ards,  taken  under  the  capitulation  of  York,  were  consigned,  as 
a  testimony  of  their  opinion  of  his  fidelity  and  ability,  and 
that  the  Board  of  War  take  order  therein.3 

After  the  Colonel's  death  his  widow  removed  to  Paris 
and  took  with  her  such  effects  of  her  late  husband  as  she 
valued,  among  those  his  sword  presented  by  Congress. 
As  she  died  in  very  reduced  circumstances  and  without 
any  immediate  heirs  these  things  became  scattered,  and 
it  is  now  impossible  to  state  where  this  sword  is;  most 
probably  in  the  collection  of  some  French  gentleman. 

A  bust  of  Humphreys,  which  was  given  to  Yale  at  the 
same  time  as  the  painting  representing  the  delivery  of  the 
standards,  was  found  in  the  summer  of  1902,  hidden  behind 
the  furnace  in  the  basement  of  Yale  Library.  The  excuse 
given  at  the  time,  for  its  being  in  such  a  place,  was  that 
it  was  a  poor  likeness  of  General  Washington.  Even  if 

1  Miscellaneous  Works,  edition  of  1804,  p.  176. 

a  Journal,  1781,  Reprint,  pp.  685,  686. 

*  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Department,  Washington. 


240  The  Surrender  of  Cornwallis 

that  had  been  true,  the  bust  would  in  that  case  have  had 
the  greatest  possible  historical  interest  because  while 
executed  either  in  Washington's  day  or  shortly  after  his 
death,  it  represented  him  in  a  uniform  with  epaulettes,  a 
uniform  which  no  other  representation  of  Washington 
ever  gave  him.  The  truth  of  the  matter  is  that  the  bust 
portrays  Humphreys  as  he  is  represented  in  the  picture 
showing  his  delivery  of  the  standards.  Thus  the  excuse 
renders  matters  even  worse  and  not  better.  The  bust 
since  its  discovery  in  the  cellar,  has,  we  are  glad  to  say, 
been  transferred  upstairs  and  put  in  a  place  of  honour. 

Col.  Humphreys  was  formally  notified  of  the  Act  of 
Congress  in  the  following  manner: 

COLONEL  HUMPHREYS,  AID-DE-CAMP,  GEN.  WASHINGTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  loth  Nov.  1781. 

SIR: 

I  have  the  pleasure  of  transmitting  to  you  a  copy  of  the  Act 
of  Congress  of  the  yth  instant,  expressive  of  the  high  opinion 
they  entertain  of  your  ability  and  integrity,  and  am,  with  great 
respect  and  esteem, 

Sir 

Your  Sr, 

J.  H.  Presid.1 

After  receiving  many  attentions  from  members  of 
Congress  and  the  people  of  Philadelphia,  Col.  Humphreys 
returned  to  his  General.  It  had  been  the  desire  of  Wash 
ington  to  complete  the  Southern  campaign  by  driving  the 
British  from  the  Carolinas  and  Georgia,  which  could  have 
been  done  with  comparative  ease  with  the  forces  then  at 
his  command.  He  formally  proposed  the  plan  to  Comte 
de  Grasse  and  requested  him  to  transport  the  army  to 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Department,  Washington.  John  Hanson  was 
"  President  of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  "in  1781  and  1782. 
He  died  in  November,  1783. 


Death  of  Custis  241 

Charleston.  But  the  Admiral  was  impatient  to  be  again 
in  the  West  Indies  to  resist  the  strong  fleet  England  was 
sending  in  that  direction.  The  troops  under  St.  Simon 
were  a  part  of  the  garrison  of  the  French  West  Indies  and 
could  no  longer  be  spared;  there  was  danger  of  dispersion 
of  the  fleet  by  storms  off  Cape  Hat t eras.  The  operations 
against  Savannah  and  Charleston  might  take  a  longer  time 
than  anticipated.  These  were  among  the  reasons  given 
for  his  refusal  to  remain  any  longer  on  the  coast  than  would 
be  required  to  convoy  the  transports  with  the  American 
troops  to  the  Head  of  Elk.  The  comprehensive  plan  for  a 
final  blow  had  to  be  abandoned,  and  Washington  sent  to 
the  relief  of  Gen.  Greene  two  thousand  troops  under  Gen. 
St.  Clair.  The  main  body  of  the  Americans  was  sent 
back  to  the  Hudson  under  the  charge  of  Gen.  Lincoln. 
The  French  soldiers  were  to  spend  the  winter  at  Williams- 
burg.  Washington  himself  hastened  to  the  death-bed 
of  Mrs.  Washington's  son,  John  Parke  Custis,  at  the  plan 
tation  of  Col.  Baker  at  Eltham,  after  having  seen  that 
the  troops  were  embarked.  Mr.  Custis  had  served  hon 
ourably  as  aide  to  his  step-father  at  Yorktown,  and  en 
deared  himself  to  all  who  knew  him.  It  is  probable  that 
the  General  was  attended  by  his  aides,  who  after  the 
funeral  went  with  the  General  to  Mount  Vernon. 

The  Congress  was  desirous  to  follow  up  the  advantage 
gained  at  Yorktown,  and  wished  to  consult  Washington 
upon  the  future  conduct  of  the  war.  Its  request  took  him 
and  Lady  Washington  from  the  seclusion  of  their  home, 
the  contemplation  of  their  loss,  and  the  indulgence  of  their 
grief  to  the  gay  capital  of  the  Confederation. 

The  journey  to  Philadelphia  was  marked  by  the  most 
spontaneous  and  enthusiastic  greeting  from  the  people  of 
every  place  through  which  they  passed.  In  some  towns 
formal  receptions  were  held  and  addresses  presented.  The 
sober  dulness  of  the  newspapers  was  succeeded  tempo- 

VOL.    I — 16 


242  The  Surrender  of  Cornwallis 

rarily  by  brilliancy  and  extravagance  of  expression.  In 
its  issue  for  November  28,  the  Pennsylvania  Journal 
makes  this  announcement: 

"  Arrived  in  this  city  his  Excellency  General  Washington, 
our  victorious  and  illustrious  Commander-in-Chief,  with 
his  Lady.  All  panegyrick  is  vain  and  language  too  feeble 
to  express  our  idea  of  his  greatness.  "x 

General  Washington  took  for  the  winter  the  house  of 
Mr.  Benjamin  Chew  on  Third  Street  between  Walnut 
and  Spruce.  It  was  convenient  and  comfortable  and  had 
a  well  laid  out  garden  extending  toward  the  street.  Illumi 
nations,  receptions,  dinners,  and  theatrical  performances 
were  given  in  his  honour. 

Col.  Humphreys  saw  his  chief  domiciled  in  Philadelphia 
and  then  proceeded  to  the  Hudson.  His  first  duty  was  to 
provide  a  suitable  house  for  headquarters  near  the  camp. 
His  efforts  are  detailed  and  his  military  ardour  shown  in 
this  letter: 

PEEKSKILL,  Nov.  22d,  1781. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL, 

Upon  my  arrival  at  this  place,  I  applied  to  Colonel  Hughs 
respecting  Quarters  for  your  Excellency — As  it  was  imagined 
the  Governors  house  would  be  far  more  convenient  than  any 
other,  and  the  Quarter  Master  having  suggested,  that  Mr. 
Bedlow's  family  (being  very  small)  might  be  accommodated  in 
Cases  House  the  whole  of  which  he  would  obtain  for  the  pur 
pose, — the  proposal  was  made  by  him — but  some  little  ob 
stacles  occurring,  Hosbrooks  House  was  directed  to  be  occupied, 
as  being  the  next  eligible  in  point  of  situation  &  accomodation ; 
altho  this  was  not  without  its  difficulties  &  objections — but 
everything  is  now  put  in  a  fair  train,  I  have  given  a  written 
Requisition  to  the  Quarter-Master  for  Forage,  Fuel,  &  other 
necessaries,  andbegyou  willbepursuaded,  your  Accomodations 
for  the  Winter  will  be  as  agreeable  as  possible. 

1  Quoted  in  Miss  Wharton's  Martha  Washington,  p.  140. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  243 

As  I  shall  have  a  safe  conveyance  for  this  Letter,  by  Captain 
Sergeant,  I  will  take  the  liberty  of  mentioning  to  your  Excel 
lency  some  thoughts  which  have  occurred  within  a  few  days, 
relative  to  an  Enterprise  against  the  Enemy  on  the  North 
End  of  York  Island,  at  the  return  of  the  Troops  from  the 
Southward.  It  appears  to  me,  that  the  season,  and  the  cir 
cumstances  of  our  Army,  as  well  as  the  situation  of  the  Enemy 
will  be  extremely  favourable  to  the  execution  of  the  Plan 
you  have  formerly  had  in  view,  because  all  the  necessary 
preparations  of  Boats  &c.  may  be  made  under  pretences  of 
having  them  ready  to  transport  the  Troops  Ordnance  &  stores 
returning  from  the  Southward — while  a  sufficient  force  to 
carry  the  Enterprise  into  execution  by  Water,  as  was  proposed 
at  the  commencement  of  the  Campaign  may  be  detached  from 
this  Army  for  the  ostensible  purpose  of  foraging,  relieving  the 
outposts,  or  being  employed  on  some  other  service  which  can 
not  give  any  suspicion  of  the  real  object — at  the  same  time, 
the  march  of  the  Troops  from  the  Southward  may  be  so  con 
certed  as  that  they  will  reach  Fort  Lee  at  any  given  time,  for 
instance,  the  morning  succeeding  the  night  fixed  upon,  for  the 
attack — Waterbury  Sheldon's  &  the  other  Troops  on  the 
Lines  might  also  move  towards  Kingsbridge  at  the  same  time 
to  co-operate  in  that  Quarter. 

I  do  not  presume  to  enter  into  the  particulars  of  the  Plan, 
as  I  am  fully  sensible,  from  the  long  period  it  has  been  in  con 
templation,  the  minutest  circumstance  cannot  have  escaped 
your  observation — I  would  wish  only  to  observe,  that  the 
Enemy  have  made  it  an  invariable  practice  to  withdraw  all  their 
Guard  Ships  before  Christmas,  and  that  in  this  case  there  can 
be  no  hazard  of  making  a  safe  retreat  should  any  unforeseen 
accident  prevent  the  success  of  the  expedition — that  the  at 
tempt  will  be  unexpected,  if  the  affair  is  conducted  with  that 
secrecy  &  discretion,  which  may  be  reasonably  expected,  from 
our  force  which  may  be  employed  on  the  occasion,  compared 
with  that  of  the  Enemy,  altho  a  compleat  surprize  should  not 
take  place — but  that  a  total  surprise  would  undoubtedly  be 
attended  with  very  important  consequences. 

On  the  other  hand,  I  am  equally  sensible  that  the  adversity 


244  The  Surrender  of  Cornwallis 

of  Wind,  Weather,  &  other  Contingencies  may  frustrate  the 
attempt,  or  render  it  abortive  in  the  execution — Whether 
upon  a  consideration,  of  the  risque  the  chance  of  success,  & 
prospect  of  advantage  with  all  the  attendant  circumstances, 
it  may  be  expedient  I  pretend  not  to  determine — Should  it 
be  judged  inexpedient  I  shall  be  sorry  for  having  given  this 
trouble — Should  the  enterprise  be  esteemed  practicable,  I 
shall  be  happy  in  contributing  any  services  in  my  power 
towards  the  Arrangement  or  Execution. 

I  shall  not  mention  the  matter  to  any  person  living, 
unless  I  shall  hear  from  your  Excellency  tomorrow  I  shall 
get  out  for  Connecticut — Any  Commands  for  me,  directed 
to  be  left  at  the  Post  Office  in  New  Haven  will  reach  me  ex- 
peditiously,  or  Gen.  Heath  could  probably  be  able  to  find  a 
speedier  conveyance.  If  the  attempt  should  be  concluded 
upon,  I  should  not  suppose  it  could  be  matured  for  execution 
before  the  night  of  Christmas,  or  perhaps  New  Year. — I  will 
endeavour  to  be  here  by  the  2Oth  of  Dec'r.  or,  as  much  earlier 
as  might  be  necessary,  in  the  mean  time  I  shall  obtain  (via 
Horse  neck  &  the  Island)  the  best  intelligence  possible  of  the 
Enemy's  Situation,  of  which  I  have  already  had  pretty  good 
information. 

With  every  sentiment  of  attachment  &  affection  I  have  the 
honor  to  be  your  obedient 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

His  Excellency 
GEN.  WASHINGTON.  (Endorsement) 

PEEKSKILL  22  November  1781 
from 

COL°.  HUMPHREYS— 
Ans  ii.  Decent 

The  house  chosen  was  in  the  southern  part  of  the  village 
of  Newburgh  upon  a  hill.  From  its  "stoop"  to  the  east 
were  to  be  seen  Fishkill  and  the  rich  farming  country  be 
yond  it.  Here  the  river  begins  to  narrow  for  the  High 
lands,  and  wooded  heights  and  towering  mountains  are 


Washington  to  Humphreys  245 

seen  to  the  north;  New  Windsor,  Plumb  Point,  Pollopel's 
Island,  and  other  historic  landmarks  can  be  clearly  dis 
tinguished,  and  in  the  far  distance  West  Point  can  be  dis 
cerned.  This  substantial  stone  house  had  been  built  in 
sections,  its  northern  portion,  including  the  famous  dining 
room  with  its  seven  doors,  in  1750;  its  southern  portion  of 
the  same  dimensions  in  1770,  and  a  kitchen  at  a  later  date. 
Gen.  Washington's  good  judgment  is  shown  in  his  an 
swer  to  his  aide : 

To  LIEUT.  COLO.  DAVID  HUMPHREYS,  A.  D.  C., 

PHILADELPHIA,  nth  December,  1781. 
DEAR  SIR, 

I  have  received  yours  of  the  226.  of  November  by  Captain 
Sargent,  and  am  obliged  by  the  trouble  which  you  took  in 
securing  Quarters  for  me.  It  is  very  uncertain  when  I  shall 
have  occasion  to  use  them,  as  I  am  detailed  here  at  the  request 
of  Congress,  to  assist  in  the  arrangments  which  are  making  for 
the  next  Campaign.  As  to  the  Plan  which  you  propose  I  will 
only  say  just  now,  that  there  are  not  the  same  motives  for 
carrying  it  into  execution  or  running  risks  that  there  were 
last  Summer.  Then  we  could  have  maintained  our  advantage 
if  successful,  or  could  by  a  diversion,  have  favoured  the  retreat 
of  our  Troops  if  otherwise. 

The  severity  of  the  season  and  uncertainty  of  the  Weather 
are  other  reasons  which  operate  against  an  Enterprise  which 
would  take  more  than  one  Night  to  execute. 

Should  you  not  find  me  upon  the  North  River  when  you 
arrive  there  you  will  come  on  to  this  place, 

I  am  with  great  esteem,  dear  Sir, 
Your  mo.  obedt.  Serv* 

G.  WASHINGTON.1 

Washington  was  besieged  by  applications  for  positions 
in  the  army  or  even  for  any  post  of  consequence.  To  these 
he  was  obliged  to  turn  a  deaf  ear,  and  even  when  Col. 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Department,  Washington,  D.  C. 


246  The  Surrender  of  Cornwallis 

Willet,1  who  had  distinguished  himself  by  his  bravery, 
applied  for  a  position  he  was  obliged  to  refuse  him. 

PHILADELPHIA,  January  22,  1782. 
DEAR  SIR, 

I  yesterday  received  your  letter  dated  the  4th  Inst.  The 
information  you  had  received  respecting  an  alteration  in  the 
Establishment  of  the  Army  is  without  foundation.  No  door 
is  open,  therefore,  to  gratify  the  wishes  of  those  not  in  actual 
service,  however  meritorious  they  may  be — of  the  zeal, 
attachment,  and  ability  you  have  always  displayed  in  the 
service  of  your  Country,  especially  in  the  last  Campaign,  no 
one  can  be  more  perfectly  convinced  than,  Dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  Servant, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 
COLONEL  WILLET.  2 

The  interviews  and  plans  for  the  future  occupied  the 
Congress  and  Washington  until  March,  1782.  During 
this  time  he  with  his  wife  and  aides  entered  into  some  of 
the  gaieties  of  the  city. 

The  opinion  of  Earl  Cornwallis  that  his  surrender  meant 
the  end  of  the  war  was  shared  by  many  English  statesmen. 

Preliminary  action  looking  to  a  treaty  of  peace  was 
taken  by  the  British  Parliament  in  February,  1782.  With 
the  exception  of  slight  skirmishes  in  South  Carolina  and 
the  continued  occupation  of  Charleston  and  Savannah 
by  the  British  there  was  a  practical  suspension  of  hos 
tilities.  Washington  was  however  unwilling  to  rely  upon 
its  continuance,  and  thought  it  necessary  to  take  measures 
for  at  least  a  defensive  campaign. 

In  December,  Col.  Humphreys  enjoyed  a  brief  vacation 
in  his  native  State,  spending  his  time  principally  in  New 
Haven  and  Hartford.  President  Stiles  records  in  his 

1  Col.  Willet  afterwards  became  Mayor  of  New  York. 

2  In  the  possession  of  the  author.     It  is  written  throughout  by  Col. 
Humphreys  and  signed  by  Washington. 


Humphreys  at  New  Haven  247 

Diary  that  he  spent  with  the  Colonel  the  evening  of 
December  5,  and  that  "he  gave  an  account  of  the  siege 
and  capture  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  he  having  been  present 
through  the  whole.  He  corrected  my  plan."1 

Three  days  later  Col.  Humphreys  set  out  for  Phila 
delphia.  Dr.  Stiles  says  that  he  ' '  committed  to  the  care 
of  Colonel  Humphreys  General  Washington's  Diploma 
in  a  tin  case  to  be  delivered  to  his  Excellency.  "a 

It  was  accompanied  by  a  letter  in  which  the  victorious 
General  was  styled  "the  Deliverer  of  your  Country,  the 
Defender  of  Liberty  and  Rights  of  Humanity,  and  the 
Maecenas  of  Science  and  Literature."3 

It  was  to  the  troops  who  had  spent  the  months  of  the 
winter  in  routine  of  camp-life  a  day  of  rejoicing  when  the 
Commander-in-Chief  arrived  at  Newburgh  on  March  31, 
1782,  and  occupied  the  Hasbrouck  House.  Lady  Wash 
ington  at  once  began  to  beautify  the  grounds,  and  have 
flower  beds  bordered  with  brick  prepared  in  which  she 
herself  planted  many  brilliantly  hued  flowers.  The  doors 
of  the  house  were  open  to  many  guests,  some  of  whom, 
notably  the  Marquis  de  Chastellux,  have  left  descriptions 
of  the  Headquarters  and  accounts  of  their  visits. 

Upon  one  occasion,  the  Marquis  relates,  he  arrived  at 
"Newburgh"  at  six  o'clock  and  "found  M.  and  Madame 
Washington,  Colonel  Tilghman,  Colonel  Humphreys  and 
Major  Walker  assembled."  He  says  that  "this  house, 
which  is  built  like  a  Dutch  cabin,  is  neither  vast  nor  com 
modious. "  Supper  was  served  at  nine  o'clock,  and  the 
guest  chamber  he  recognized  as  "the  parlour,  in  which  a 
camp  bed  had  been  placed."  This  was  removed  in  the 

1  Pres.  Stiles,  Diary,  ii.,  p.  570.     The  plan  of  Col.  Humphreys  is  repro 
duced  on  this  page. 

2  President  Stiles,  Diary,  ii.,  p.  571. 

*  The  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws  had  been  conferred  upon  General  Wash 
ington  by  the  Corporation  of  Yale  College  on  April  26,  1781.  See  Presi 
dent  Stiles's  Diary,  vii.,  p.  534. 


248  The  Surrender  of  Cornwallis 

morning,  and  the  room  again  ' '  became  the  reception  room 
for  the  afternoon.  "J 

Here  as  at  Morristown  and  New  Windsor,  there  was 
brightness  and  gaiety. 

Many  pleasant  sociable  hours  [says  a  recent  writer]  were 
spent  in  this  quaint  apartment,2  when  Steuben,  La  Fayette, 
Knox  and  the  young  staff  officers  joined  the  circle  round  the 
great  fire-place,  and  Mrs.  Washington  and  her  guests,  at 
tracted  by  the  merriment  in  the  dining  room,  would  come  in 
from  the  parlcur  to  enjoy  La  Fayette's  spirited  description  of 
his  difficulties  in  finding  the  way  to  Knox's  quarters  to  call 
upon  his  wife,  or  when  his  brother  officers  chaff  Baron  Steuben 
upon  his  "Hudson  whale,"  which  proved  to  be  an  eel  of  rather 
large  dimensions.3 

A  great  deal  of  serious  business  was  also  transacted  there 
by  Washington  and  his  aides.  There  had  to  be  a  constant 
inspection  and  supervision  of  the  commissary  department 
for  with  an  empty  Continental  treasury  it  was  at  times 
difficult  to  find  food  for  the  men.  The  contractors  for 
clothing  and  shoes  were  also  inclined  then  as  now  to  send 
inferior  articles,  practically  useless.  An  instance  is 
shown  in  this  official  letter  to  Colonel  Humphreys : 

NEW  BURGH,  August  22d,  1782. 
SIR, 

A  paragraph  in  the  last  Inspection  Report,  pronouncing 
the  shoes  that  have  been  issued  to  the  army  on  account  of  the 
current  year  to  be  of  an  ' '  infamous ' '  quality  (without  a  single 
exception),  having  greatly  alarmed  the  Clothier  General,  he 
has  directed  me  to  request  the  shoes  now  in  this  Magazine, 
may  be  submitted  to  the  inspection  of  proper  judges,  as  well 

1  See  a  full  account  of  this  visit,  Voyages  de  M.  le  Marquis  de  Chastellux 
vol.  ii.f  Paris,  1786,  pp.  234,  235. 

3  The  great  dining  and  reception  room  with  seven  doors  and  one  window, 
a  picture  of  which  is  given  in  Lossing's  Field  Book,  vol.  ii.,  p.  100. 

*  Miss  Wharton's  Martha  Washington,  p.  145. 


Troubles  with  Contractors  249 

to  convince  the  Secretary  at  War  &  Financier,  that  there  has 
been  proper  pains  taken  to  provide  the  Army  with  good  shoes, 
as  to  wipe  off  the  assertions  which,  we  conceive,  we  very  un 
deservedly  labour  under  and  which  we  apprehend  may  have 
proceeded  from  misinformation  and  confining  the  enquiry  to 
particular  cases  instead  of  averaging  the  consumption  of  shoes 
throughout  the  Army  at  large  and  comparing  it  with  the 
nature  of  their  duty  and  the  ground  they  are  encamped  on. 

I  therefore  request  that  a  Committee  of  Officers,  who  may 
be  reckoned  judges  in  this  matter  may  be  directed  to  inspect 
the  shoes  in  the  Magazine  and  make  a  report  of  their  Quality; 
— or  that  two  or  more  workmen  of  character  from  the  Country, 
who  have  not  contracted  for  furnishing  shoes,  may  be  ap 
pointed  for  that  purpose  &  let  them  deliver  in  upon  honour  or 
upon  oath,  their  report,  that  all  may  have  a  chance  to  clear 
our  selves  of  the  odium  that  the  charge  reflects  upon  us — and 
which  is  the  more  severely  felt,  as  we  have  been  at  uncommon 
pains  to  procure  good  shoes  for  the  use  of  the  Army,  both  with 
respect  to  size  &  quality 

I  am  Sir,  with  great  respect, 

Your  most  obedt.  Servant, 

D.  BROOKS, 
Asst.  C.  Gen. 

COL.  HUMPHREY, 
Aid-de-Camp.1 

Orders  for  the  issuing  of  supplies  had  sometimes  to  be 
revised  and  presented  some  curious  anomalies. 

NEWBURGH,  May  4th,  1782. 
SIR; 

1  have  spoken  with  the  contractors  on  the  subject  of  issuing 
Provisions  to  the  Workmen  employed  in  making  clothing  for 
the  Army ;  their  answer  was  to  the  following  purpose — ' '  that 
by  the  late  arrangement  they  rescind2  all  former  Orders  for 

XU.  S.  Archives,  State  Department,  Washington,  D.  C. 

2  The  word  "rescind"  has  been  inserted,  although  the  word  in  the  MS. 
looks  like  receive;  at  first  "receive"  was  substituted,  then  as  it  did  not 
make  sense,  "rescind"  was  suggested. 


250  The  Surrender  of  Cornwallis 

issuing  Provisions  to  each — and  of  course  that  of  General 
Heath  for  supplying  our  Workmen,  that  as  his  Excellency  has 
resumed  the  command  of  the  Army,  they  conceive  no  other 
order  a  sufficient  voucher  to  pass  their  accounts. " 

We  must  therefore  either  obtain  an  order  from  his  Excel 
lency,  specifying  that  the  Contractors  shall  continue  to  issue 
Rations  to  the  Workmen  employed  by  us  in  making  the 
clothing  for  the  Army; — or  let  the  work  stand  still  and  the 
hands  disperse,  until  we  can  obtain  an  order  from  the  Secre 
tary  at  War — while  considering  the  Distance  &  other  con 
tingencies  I  should  think  myself  fortunate  if  the  order  reached 
me  in  less  than  twelve  or  fifteen  days.  Had  I  received  previous 
Notice  of  this  matter  time  enough  to  have  procured  the  order 
from  the  Secretary  at  War,  I  would  by  no  means  have  troubled 
his  Excellency  with  it, — but  until  yesterday  unadvised  any 
such  thing  was  necessary,  as  the  order  from  General  Heath 
was  neither  disputed  by  the  contractors,  nor  by  the  super 
intendent  of  Finance,  upon  settlement  of  their  accounts. 
You  may  be  assured  I  shall  never  \  rouble  Head-Quarters  with 
the  details  of  our  Business,  nor  with  anything  that  can  be 
transacted  through  its  proper  channels,  without  being  de 
layed  so  as  to  injure  the  Army,  and  I  conceive  the  present 
Instance  to  be  of  this  kind. 

I  observed  to  you  yesterday  that  the  workmen's  receiving 
rations  is  no  additional  expense  to  the  public  as  the  :ull  amount 
is  deducted  from  the  price; — but  is  so  much  advanced  to  them, 
and  enables  them  to  go  on  with  their  work. 

In  order  to  prevent  the  workmen  from  doing  their  own  work 
while  they  eat  the  public  provision,  we  calculate  the  number  of 
suits  or  garments  they  make.  I  subjoin  the  form  of  an  order 
that  I  judge  written  proper  on  the  Occasion. 

I  am,  Sir,  with  much  respect  &  esteem, 
Your  most  Obedt.  Servt. 

D.  BROOKS, 
Asst.  C. 

Co.  HUMPHRY 
Aid  D.  Camp.1 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Department,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Overtures  for  Peace  251 

With  the  arrival  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton  in  May,  1782,  as 
commander-in-chief  of  the  British  forces  in  succession  to 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  there  was  a  revival  of  the  communica 
tions  concerning  peace.  He  with  Admiral  Digby  had 
been  empowered  to  state  that  a  bill  "had  been  introduced 
on  the  part  of  the  administration  authorizing  his  Majesty 
to  conclude  a  peace  or  truce  with  those  who  were  still 
denominated  the  revolted  colonies  of  North  America."1 

But  the  powers  with  which  they  were  clothed  were  not 
sufficiently  definite  or  full  to  enable  the  American  army 
and  the  American  people  to  do  more  than  courteously 
treat  these  proffers  of  partial  conciliation.  The  Congress 
also  could  not  consider  proposals  which  were  only  vague 
generalities. 

In  a  letter  written  by  Washington  at  this  period  he  says : 

From  the  former  infatuation,  duplicity,  and  perverse  system 
of  British  policy  I  confess  I  am  induced  to  doubt  everything, 
to  suspect  everything.  .  .  .  Jealousy  and  precaution  at 
least  can  do  no  harm.  Too  much  confidence  and  supineness 
may  be  pernicious  in  the  extreme. 2 

During  all  these  months  of  life  in  huts  or  tents,  with  a 
growing  feeling  that  the  army  was  not  an  object  of  con 
sideration  with  the  Congress,  many  officers  and  soldiers 
were  both  impatient  and  angry  at  the  treatment  received 
by  them.  They  realized  the  impoverishment  of  the 
country,  they  knew  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  the  practical 
total  loss  of  purchasing  value  in  the  Continental  currency. 
They  chafed  under  the  restrictions  of  their  present  exist 
ence.  It  required  all  the  tact  and  ability  of  the  Com 
mander  to  keep  them  in  good  humour  and  prevent  many 
from  deserting.  In  the  meantime  hostilities  had  ceased 
in  the  South.  Gen.  Wayne  crossing  into  Georgia  and  pro- 

1  Marshall's  Washington,  iv.,  p.  569. 

3  Quoted  in  living's  Washington,  iv.,  p.  403. 


252  The  Surrender  of  Cornwallis 

ceeding  to  attack  small  outposts  found  the  garrisons 
already  on  the  march  for  Savannah.  It  was  the  plan  of 
the  British  Ministry  that  the  frontier  posts  and  those  on 
the  Atlantic  should  be  held  but  all  offensive  campaigning 
should  cease.  Even  the  Indian  allies  were  not  allowed  to 
go  forth  on  their  sanguinary  expeditions.  Reprisals  and 
acts  of  retaliation  were  still  made  in  various  parts  of  the 
country.  One  that  excited  great  indignation  and  aroused 
all  Americans  was  the  hanging  on  April  12,  1782,  of  Capt. 
Joseph  Huddy,  who  lived  at  Colt's  Neck,  near  Freehold, 
New  Jersey,  by  a  band  of  twelve  refugees  under  Capt. 
Lippincott.  He  was  falsely  accused  of  being  concerned 
in  the  death  of  Philip  White,  a  well-known  Tory,  violent 
and  vindictive.  At  the  foot  of  the  Navesink  Hills  on  a 
gallows  made  of  mere  rails  he  was  cruelly  treated  and  then 
hanged.  This  legend  was  affixed  to  his  breast,  "Up  goes 
Huddy  for  Philip  White. " 

When  the  matter  was  brought,  as  it  speedily  was,  to  the 
attention  of  Washington  he  wrote  at  once  to  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  demanding  that  Capt.  Lippincott  should  be  given 
up  to  the  Americans.  This  request  was  refused  but  it  was 
promised  that  an  investigation  should  be  made  into  the 
cause  of  the  death  of  Capt.  Huddy.  Washington  then, 
on  May  3,  1782,  wrote  to  Brig. -Gen.  Hazen,  who  com 
manded  the  post  at  Lancaster,  Pa.,  where  the  British 
prisoners  were  confined,  to  choose  by  lot  a  British  officer 
of  equal  rank  and  send  him  under  close  guard  to  the 
American  camp  to  suffer  for  murder  of  Capt.  Huddy.  It 
fell  upon  a  Captain  of  the  Guard,  Charles  Asgill,  a  young 
man  of  great  promise,  only  nineteen  years  old.  He  was 
committed  to  the  custody  of  Col.  Elias  Dayton  of  the 
Second  New  Jersey,  then  stationed  near  Chatham,  New 
Jersey.  He  was  ordered  to  treat  the  prisoner  with  kind 
ness  but  to  keep  a  strict  guard  over  him.  With  great 
forbearance  Washington  delayed  his  execution  and  al- 


The  Asgill  Case  253 

lowed  him  every  privilege  possible.  A  wave  of  sympathy 
for  him  went  over  the  country  and  England.  His  mother's 
efforts  were  unceasing  to  effect  the  release  of  her  son. 
Congress,  the  French  Minister  of  State,  Comte  de  Ver- 
gennes,  and  influential  persons  both  in  America  and 
Europe  were  appealed  to.  Finally  in  November  Congress 
ordered  Washington  to  release  him,  which  that  humane 
man  did  with  great  cheerfulness,  writing  to  him  a  courte 
ous  and  fatherly  note.  In  after  years  Washington's  action 
was  denounced  as  harsh  and  cruel.  It  was  said  that  even 
Capt.  Asgill  joined  in  the  abuse  of  the  General. 

While  the  British  and  American  commanders  were 
exchanging  letters  of  courtesy  but  each  acting  on  the 
defensive,  active  negotiations  for  a  treaty  of  peace  were  in 
progress  in  Paris.  The  fall  of  Lord  North's  Ministry  and 
the  succession  of  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham  in  March, 
1782,  brought  about  a  declaration  for  peace  in  the  British 
Parliament  and  the  sending  of  Richard  Oswald  to  consult 
with  Comte  de  Vergennes  concerning  the  terms  which 
would  be  acceptable.  Commissioners  were  appointed  by 
Congress  to  act  on  behalf  of  the  United  States.  Four  of 
them,  Dr.  Benjamin  Franklin,  John  Adams,  John  Jay  and 
Henry  Laurens,  were  already  in  Europe,  the  fifth  Com 
missioner,  Thomas  Jefferson,  did  not  serve.  It  is  largely 
due  to  the  keenness  of  John  Jay,  and  the  punctiliousness 
of  John  Adams  for  the  rights  under  the  New  England 
Charters  in  the  north-west  that  the  boundary  line  included 
all  the  territory  to  the  Mississippi  and  that  bordering  on 
the  Great  Lakes  to  the  eastern  line  of  Louisiana.  Dr. 
Franklin's  long  residence  in  France  and  intimate  ac 
quaintance  with  the  ministers  of  Louis  led  him  to  trust 
them  implicitly,  while  the  more  judicial  mind  of  John  Jay 
and  the  naturally  suspicious  caution  of  Adams  caused 
them  to  weigh  carefully  every  proposition  and  accept 
only  that  which  would  be  for  the  benefit  of  the  United 


254  The  Surrender  of  Cornwallis 

States.  To  their  views  Franklin  finally  came,  but  without 
giving  up  his  faith  in  the  integrity  of  Comte  de  Vergennes. 
The  negotiations  were  long  and  deliberate  and  it  was  not 
until  November  30,  1782,  that  the  preliminary  treaty  of 
peace  with  the  United  States  was  signed  by  the  four 
American  Commissioners  and  Mr.  Oswald.  As  the  treaty 
was  made  without  the  knowledge  or  consent  of  the  French 
Minister  he  complained  of  bad  faith  on  the  part  of  the 
American  Commissioners  but  did  not  make  any  formal  or 
diplomatic  complaint.  All  efforts  by  Mr.  Jay,  who  was 
the  special  commissioner  for  that  purpose,  to  treat  either 
at  Madrid  or  with  the  Spanish  Minister  at  Paris,  Count 
d'Arada,  for  a  treaty  defining  the  rights  of  the  United 
States  in  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  and  adjusting 
the  boundary  between  the  new  nation  and  the  Spanish 
possessions  were  unavailing.  The  passage  of  a  bill  by  the 
British  Parliament  on  July  25,  1782,  to  enable  the  King 
to  consent  to  the  independence  of  the  Colonies  cleared  the 
way  for  an  actual  and  formal  cessation  of  hostilities. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

THe  Summer  of  1782 

American  and  French  Encampments  in  the  Summer  of  1782 — Plan  for 
Fresh  Campaign  Drawn  up  by  Humphreys — New  Edition  of  his 
Address  to  the  Armies — His  Report  on  the  Condition  of  the  Army — 
Discontent  of  the  Army  owing  to  Arrears  of  Pay — Washington's 
General  Orders  on  the  Subject — Meeting  of  the  Officers  Called  by 
Washington — His  Address — Reply  of  the  Officers — Humphreys'  Ac 
count  of  the  Meeting  in  Letter  to  Gen.  Lincoln — Final  Action  of  Con 
gress — Settlement  of  the  Pay  of  the  Army — Treaty  of  Peace  Signed 
between  Great  Britain,  France  and  Spain — Proclamation  of  Peace  by 
Washington. 

DURING  the  summer  of  1782  the  French  and  American 
armies  were  once  more  encamped  near  each  other. 
The  French  were  at  Crompond  about  ten  miles  east  of 
West  Point.  It  was  the  last  time  they  would  be  together 
as  it  was  the  intention  of  Rochambeau  to  conduct  his 
troops  to  the  seat  of  war  in  the  Fall.  There  were  many 
exchanges  of  visits  and  dinners  between  the  officers,  but 
unfortunately  the  commissary  department  could  not 
command  any  large  supply  or  variety  of  provisions,  and 
it  was,  writes  Washington  to  Gen.  Lincoln,  then  Secretary 
of  the  Board  of  War,  mortifying  that  even  the  general 
officers  ' '  cannot  invite  a  French  officer,  or  a  visiting  friend, 
or  a  travelling  acquaintance,  to  a  better  repast  than 
whiskey  hot  from  the  still,  and  not  always  that,  and  a  bit 
of  beef  without  vegetables  will  afford  them."1 

1  Quoted  in  Irving's  Washington,  vol.  iv.,  p.  404. 

255 


256  The  Summer  of  1782 

In  addition  to  his  routine  duties,  Col.  Humphreys  found 
time  to  formulate  a  well  considered  plan  of  campaign  for 
1782,  while  the  army  was  encamped  near  Newburgh. 
Like  his  chief  he  was  still  distrustful  of  the  sincerity  of 
the  British  Cabinet  and  voiced  the  universal  conviction 
at  that  time  of  the  necessity  "in  the  present  state  of  our 
affairs,  as  well  as  those  of  the  enemy  to  prosecute  the 
war  offensively."  His  plan  was  completed  on  April  7, 
but  was  not  submitted  to  Washington  until  June,  1782. 
Some  of  the  suggestions  made  in  it  were  then  inapplicable 
as  he  states  in  a  note,  since  the  French  had  taken  Dem- 
erara  and  Essequibo  in  Guiana,  and  the  Islands  of  St. 
Eustathius,  St.  Christopher,  Nevis,  Montserrat,  and  the 
Bahamas. 

The  paper  deserves  to  be  better  known,  as  not  only  will 
it  enhance  the  military  reputation  of  Humphreys,  but  it 
clearly  shows  that  the  entourage  of  Gen.  Washington  were 
not  certain  that  the  British  would  ratify  the  peace  negotia 
tions.  Washington,  as  we  have  seen,  shared  that  view, 
although  now  that  he  was  in  Philadelphia  and  in  touch 
with  the  political  leaders  of  the  country  he  was  better 
able  to  form  a  sound  judgment  on  the  prospects  of  peace 
than  his  aide,  who  was  away  on  the  Hudson  River.  The 
plans  formulated  by  Humphreys  were  all  wise,  and  there 
is  little  doubt  that  if  the  British  had  elected  to  continue 
the  war  that  an  attack  on  Canada  would  certainly  have 
been  the  next  point  in  the  American  campaign. 

MEMORANDUM   FOR   HIS   EXCELLENCY 
THE  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.      April  7th,  1782. 

In  consequence  of  the  frequent  encouragement  your  Excel 
lency  has  given  me  to  suggest  freely  whatever  might  occur 
which  appeared  beneficial  to  the  public  Interest,  I  have  the 
honour  to  submit  the  following  observations  respecting  the 


Humphreys'  Campaign  Plan  257 

Object  of  the  Campaign  for  your  consideration  &  further 
decision. 

In  the  first  place,  I  believe  we  may  venture  to  assert  as  the 
governing  principle  for  the  conduct  of  our  operations,  that  it 
is  universally  expected,  and,  will  be  absolutely  necessary,  in 
the  present  state  of  our  affairs,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Enemy 
to  prosecute  the  War  Offensively  on  our  part  'the  ensuing  Cam 
paign.  This  being  conceded,  these  things  are  essentially  re 
quisite  to  be  known  before  a  definite  plan  of  operation  can  be 
fixed  upon,  viz;  first,  whether  we  may  calculate  upon  being 
aided  by  the  naval  force  of  our  Ally?  and  secondly,  whether  the 
Enemy  will  hold  their  present  Posts  or  concentrate  all  their 
Troops  at  one  place. 

Before  these  points  are  fully  ascertained,  it  may  be  useful 
however,  to  speculate  upon  the  various  contingencies  which 
can  happen  so  as  to  be  prepared  to  decide  and  act,  on  the 
moment,  as  circumstances  shall  require. 

Should  the  Enemy  draw  their  whole  force  to  a  single  point, 
there  can  be  no  difficulty  as  to  the  object — the  only  question 
will  in  that  case  be,  whether  with  all  our  combined  land  and 
naval  force  (granting  the  French  fleet  to  have  arrived),  we 
shall  be  able  to  make  the  attack  with  a  probability  of  success. 
And  here  I  suppose  nothing  would  be  left  to  our  choice  but  to 
call  forth  the  utmost  resources  of  the  Country  make  one  great 
effort,  &  trust  the  issue  to  Providence.  But  upon  the  sup 
position  the  Enemy  should  determine  to  hold  their  Garrisons 
as  at  present,  and  supposing  we  might  be  assured  that  a  fleet 
of  our  Allies  would  be  on  the  Coast  &  secure  the  command  of 
the  Water  for  a  definite  time;  if  then  our  land  Forces  in  con 
junction  with  the  French  troops  should  be  deemed  competent 
to  the  reduction  of  the  place  in  the  given  place  of  time,  New 
York  would  undoubtedly  be  the  Object,  as  being  vastly  the 
most  important  in  every  point  of  view — but  if  on  the  other 
hand  our  force  should  be  too  weak,  or  the  continuance  of  the 
fleet  too  short  to  afford  a  tolerable  prospect  of  the  capture  of 
New  York,  there  would  be  no  alternative  left,  but  to  make  an 
attempt  against  the  Garrison  of  Charles  Town  the  reduction  of 
which  tho'  inferior  in  its  consequence  to  the  former,  would  be 

VOL.   I — 17 


258  The  Summer  of  1782 

a  propitious  event  &  extremely  interesting  to  the  common 
cause. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  each  of  the  foregoing  conclusions 
are  founded  upon  the  hypothesis  of  a  Naval  Co-operation — 
There  are  three  other  cases  respecting  the  Enemy  in  this 
Department,  which  present  th3mselves  to  our  view  upon  the 
supposition  that  no  Squadron  of  our  friends  may  be  expected 
on  the  Coast,  Viz ; 

"Is  there  a  prospect  of  succeeding  in  a  Seige  against  New 
York  without  the  assistance  of  a  Naval  force?"  2^ — "Can 
any  enterprize  or  coup  de  main  against  that  garrison  upon  a 
great  scale,  promise  success  without  the  aid  of  a  fleet?  "  &  3^1 
— "Can  the  Enemy  by  a  land  force  only  be  so  streightened 
in  their  quarters  as  to  be  compelled  to  evacuate  the  Town, 
before  we  should  be  forced  by  the  season  to  give  over  the 
Blockade. " — Without  presuming  to  determine  positively  on 
the  event  of  either  projects,  I  will  beg  leave  to  say  that  the 
success  appears  to  me,  to  be  too  precarious  for  practice,  &  the 
consequence  of  failure  too  disastrous;  if  any  other  plan  of 
activity  (even  upon  a  smaller  scale)  can  be  devised  which 
promises  a  more  prosperous  issue, — I  do  not  here  take  into 
consideration  an  operation  by  land  against  Charles  Town, 
because  I  conceive  the  transportation  of  heavy  Cannon,  etc. 
would  alone  render  it  abortive. 

Let  us  now  inquire  whether  anything  can  be  done  elsewhere, 
without  Naval  assistance;  to  prevent  our  wasting  this  Cam 
paign  in  inactivity,  &  incurring  a  considerable  expense  without 
attaining  any  important  end, — thereby  discouraging  our 
Countrymen  with  the  accumulating  burdens  of  the  War, 
exhausting  imperceptibly  the  Resources  of  the  Country,  excit 
ing  perpetual  murmurs  against  Forces  which  are  never  paid, 
opening  a  door  to  the  insidious  arts  of  the  Enemy,  and  suffer 
ing  the  Contest  to  be  still  protracted  (after  the  repeated 
blows  the  Enemy  have  received),  without  being  able  to  com 
pel  them  to  acknowledge  our  Independence. 

If  our  finances  would  possibly  admit  of  it,  there  is  a  Quarter 
to  which  the  Armies  of  America  might  be  turned,  under  cir 
cumstances  the  most  propitious  to  produce  the  wished  for 


Humphreys'  Campaign  Plan  259 

success ;  I  need  not  mention  this  is  an  Expedition  to  Canada — 
as  I  am  pursuaded  (tho'  I  never  have  seen  or  heard  a  word 
written  or  spoken  on  the  subject)  that  it  has  not  escaped  your 
contemplation.  The  present  state  of  affairs  seems  particularly 
to  invite  to  this  operation  the  weakness  of  the  Enemy's 
Garrisons  (calculating  upon  the  Troops  left  there  in  77  & 
those  which  may  have  gone  since)  the  widely  distant  Posts 
they  occupy  in  so  extensive  a  Country,  the  favourable  dis 
position  of  the  Inhabitants,  by  all  the  reports  of  spies  £  other 
accounts — the  decidedly  superior  force  we  should  be  able  to 
carry  into  that  Country,  even  supposing  the  french  Troops 
should  not  be  at  liberty  to  act  there,  because  we  could  in  that 
case  make  use  of  almost  the  whole  of  our  Army  on  that  service, 
leaving  our  allies  to  oppose  the  Enemy  here  and  the  formidable 
apparatus  we  could  carry  with  us  if  our  finances  would  furnish 
the  Means  of  transportation. — 

While  all  the  great  preparations  might  be  made  under  the 
idea  of  the  Seige  of  New  York;  nor  need  any  circumstances 
indicate  the  real  design  until  the  project  is  ripe  for  execution. 
Nothing  could  contribute  more  to  the  happy  issue  of  the 
attempt  than  the  unprepared  situation  of  the  Enemy  for  an 
invasion,  the  perfect  secrecy  with  which  it  might  be  con 
certed,  &  the  almost  total  surprise  by  which  it  might  be  carried 
into  effect. 

If  this  plan  should  be  adopted  or  measures  taken  with  an 
eventual  reference  to  it;  the  information  from  Gen'l  Bayley, 
Betti's  the  Spy,  &  other  quarters,  that  an  expedition  from 
Canada  is  meditated  against  our  frontiers  might  be  made  use 
of  as  a  pretext  for  drawing  our  force  to  &  laying  up  Magazines 
in  the  Northern  Department.  And  indeed  everything  might 
be  so  calculated  as  to  favour  the  object;  in  case  there  should  be 
but  a  remote  prospect  of  making  an  autumnal  or  Winter 
Campaign  in  that  Country  after  it  becomes  certain  the  whole 
territory  is  left  to  its  own  fate,  by  being  preclud3d  from  rein 
forcement  or  succour  of  any  kind  untill  the  disolution  of  the 
snows  &  opening  of  the  River. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  dwell  upon  the  glory  that  would  result 
from  the  success  of  this  expedition,  the  unspeakable  blow  it 


260  The  Summer  of  1782 

would  give  to  the  Enemy's  affairs,  or  the  importance  of  the 
acquisition  to  us;  considering  it  in  the  light  of  producing  a 
pacification.  We  should  then  have  such  an  equivalent  to 
offer  in  lieu  of  any  possessions  the  British  might  hold  in  the 
United  States  at  the  commencement  of  the  negotiation,  as 
must  remove  the  innumerable  obstacles,  which  would  other 
wise  produce  great  embarrassment  and  trouble  in  the  course 
of  that  business. 

Without  some  such  counterbalance  what  shall  we  have  to 
oppose  to  their  pleas  of  uti  possitetis  or  how  shall  we  get  over 
the  difficulties  which  will  be  raised  respecting  the  property 
of  their  adherents,  that  has  been  confiscated  &  sold  by  the 
States?  In  fine  it  is  uncertain  whether  the  capture  of  New 
York  itself  would  operate  more  speedily  &  efficaciously  to 
produce  the  acknowledgement  of  our  Independence  &  a  satis 
factory  Peace,  than  the  reduction  of  the  Enemy's  power  in 
Canada — If  then  the  objects  should  appear  equally  interesting 
&  decisive  that  which  has  the  most  facility  &  certainty  in  its 
execution  (all  circumstances  considered) ,  is  undoubtedly  to  be 
preferred  to  the  others.  In  the  prosecution  of  this,  on  which 
I  am  speaking,  partial  success,  it  is  almost  demonstrable,  must 
attend  us,  whether  that  is  sufficient  to  outweigh  the  chance  of 
failure  in  the  main  point,  or  whether  we  may  not  with  propriety 
extend  our  ideas  to  the  universal  reduction  of  the  whole 
Province  is  humbly  submitted.  I  will  only  add,  if  our  finances 
could  not  be  enabled  to  furnish  ample  means,  on  so  great  an 
occasion ;  Military  coertion  might  then  be  used  &  would  prob 
ably  be  borne  with  cheerfulness — and  perhaps  the  slumber 
ing  Genius  of  the  Nation  might  be  roused  to  those  astonishing 
efforts,  which  after  a  period  of  languor,  have  frequ3ntly  char 
acterized  the  States,  in  the  progress  of  this  War.— 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

P.  S.  The  foregoing  observations  were  thrown  together  at 
the  time  of  the  date — perhaps  some  of  the  observations  may 
now  be  inapplicable  as  the  disaster  in  the  West  Indies  &c. 

was  not  then  known J 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Department,  Washington. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  261 

To  assign  in  vigorous  verse  their  true  places  to  his 
fellow  "Columbians"  who  had  fought  and  suffered  for 
their  country,  and  thus  encourage  them  to  endure  to  the 
end  of  the  war,  was  the  original  intention  of  Col.  Hum 
phreys  when  he  wrote,  five  years  before,  the  original 
draft  of  his  "Address  to  the  Armies  of  the  United  States. " 
He  now,  in  his  few  leisure  hours,  undertook  a  thorough 
revision  of  the  first  edition  of  the  poem  and  put  it  away 
for  future  publication.  It  is  possible  that  the  General  and 
other  members  of  his  household  may  have  been  favoured 
with  readings  from  it. 

A  visit  by  Col.  Humphreys  to  the  upper  posts  while 
the  army  was  near  Peekskill  brought  forth  this  letter  in 
which  some  of  the  causes  of  discontent  with  camp  life 
and  the  preference  for  an  active  campaign  are  hinted  at. 

NEWBURGH,  July  isth,  1782. 
MY  DEAR  GENERAL, 

I  forward  to  your  excellency  the  Report  of  the  Dep'y  Qr. 
Master,  the  Forage  &  Waggon  Master  Genl  on  the  subject  of 
Forage,  together  with  their  estimate  of  the  Quantity  neces 
sary,  and  Plan  for  obtaining  it;  in  hopes  that  chese  papers  may 
come  to  your  hands  before  you  shall  have  left  Philadelphia, 
that  the  opinion  of  the  Financier  may  be  taken,  and  definite 
arrangements  be  made  on  the  spot.  The  Estimate  of  Wood 
required  for  the  use  of  the  Garrison  of  West  Point  and  its 
Dependencies  is  also  enclosed.  I  shall  only  beg  leave  to 
observe  on  the  mode  which  has  formerly  been  adopted  for 
obtaining  a  supply,  that  it  was  always  pernicious  to  the  ser 
vice,  &  that  it  will  in  the  present  instance  be  vastly  more  irk 
some  &  detrimental  than  ever  it  has  been.  I  have  mix  id  in 
company  with  officers  very  much,  within  the  four  days  &  find 
them  exceedingly  distressed  at  the  daily  diminution  of  their 
Regiments  in  consequence  of  the  increasing  calls  for  Artificers, 
fatigue,  &  men  for  other  contingent  purposes;  and  I  am  ex 
tremely  apprehensive  after  all  the  inevitable  deductions  which 
have  been  &  must  be  made,  that  the  number  of  men  engaged 


262  The  Summer  of  1782 

for  the  Campaign  only  will  be  totally  inadequate  to  the  task 
which  is  to  be  imposed  on  them. — Unless  a  Contract  or  some 
new  mode  for  obtaining  Wood  should  be  devised  the  Alterna 
tive  will  therefore  be,  that  the  Garrisons  must  remain  unsup- 
plied  with  fuel,  or  a  large  Draft  a  considerable  time  in  cutting, 
hauling,  &  transporting  it,  services  quite  foreign  to  the  spirit 
of  their  profession;  &  in  the  practice  of  which,  the  loss  of  disci 
pline  will  certainly  succeed,  &  a  train  of  Evils  will  be  induced, 
which  I  forbear  to  enumerate,  because  I  know  they  will  but 
too  readily  occur  to  your  Excellency.  No  Dispatches  have 
arrived  from  New  York — four  Deserters  came  in  yesterday, 
three  German  &  one  British,  but  could  give  no  intelligence 
worthy  of  communication — 

With  purest  sentiments  of  veneration  &  attachment  I  have 
the  honor  to  be  Your  Excellency's 

Most  devoted  humble  Servant, 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 
His  Excellency 

GEN.  WASHINGTON. 

The  Colonel  had  now  been  for  two  years  a  member  of 
the  General's  staff  and  been  honoured  by  that  great  man 
in  various  ways.  His  title  of  Colonel  was  only  by  courtesy 
for  he  had  never  been  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Lieutenant- 
Colonel,  to  which  his  position  entitled  him.  An  applica 
tion  on  the  subject  was  referred  to  the  Secretary  at  War, 
who  made  on  July  5,  1782,  this  report : 

WAR  OFFICE,  July  5,  1782. 
SIR: 

By  the  resolves  of  Congress  on  the  fifth  of  June  1776  the 
rank  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  was  given  to  the  aides-de-Camp 
to  the  Commander-in-Chief — and  on  the  24  of  March  1777 
their  pay  was  established  agreeably  to  their  rank — since 
which  no  resolves  have  passed  relative  to  the  pay  and  rank 
of  the  Aides  to  the  Commander-in-Chief. 

Lieut.  Col.  Humphreys  was  appointed  Aid-de-Camp  to  the 
Commander  in  Chief  on  the  23rd  of  June  1780  and  having 


Humphreys  Made  Lieutenant  Colonel  263 

never  received   a   commission   as   Lieutenant   Colonel,   now 
applies  for  it. 

As  all  appointments  under  the  grade  of  General  Officers  are 
with  the  several  States — and  as  commissions  have  been  issued 
only  on  their  certificates  I  do  not  conceive  myself  authorized, 
without  an  express  order  of  Congress  to  issue  the  commission 
requested  by  Colonel  Humphreys  although  I  have  a  very  high 
sense  of  his  merit  and  of  the  importance  of  his  service. 
I  beg  the  directions  of  Congress  in  this  matter. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  profound  respect, 

Your  Excellency's  most  Obedient  Servant, 

B.  LINCOLN. 
His  Excellency 

THE  PRESIDENT  OF  CONGRESS.* 

With  several  other  matters  relating  to  the  service  this 
report  was  referred  to  a  committee  on  reducing  expendi 
tures,  Mr.  Osgood,  Mr.  Bland,  and  Mr.  Duane.  The 
committee  made  on  October  28  a  report  in  which  it  was 
recommended  "That  a  commission  of  Lieutenant  Col. 
issue  to  Humphreys,  one  of  the  Aide-de-Camp  of  the 
Commander-in- Chief  to  bear  date  from  the  23d.  of  June 
1780.  "2 

To  officers  and  men  the  Winter  with  its  lack  of  occupa 
tion  excepting  the  usual  routine  inspection  and  drill,  and 
no  prospect  of  any  active  hostilities,  while  it  brought  a 
certain  exultation  that  the  war  was  nearing  its  close,  yet 
revived  strongly  the  many  difficulties  they  had  encoun 
tered  and  anxiety  as  to  the  large  amount  due  to  them  for 
back  pay. 

In  the  hours  of  idleness  many  schemes  were  devised  to 
obtain  a  promise  that  this  should  be  received.  But  they 
knew  the  treasury  of  the  Confederation  was  almost  empty; 
they  knew  that  it  would  be  very  hard  to  obtain  the  money 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Department,  Washington. 

2  Ibid.     (Blank  in  the  original.) 


264  The  Summer  of  1782 

required  for  this  purpose  in  any  undepreciated  form. 
Finally,  a  meeting  was  held,  in  December,  of  the  officers 
in  the  cantonments  upon  the  subject  of  the  commutation 
of  the  half  pay  promised  to  them,  present  pay,  back  pay, 
settlement  of  accounts  for  deficiencies  in  clothing  and 
rations  and  compensation.  A  committee  of  three  influ 
ential  officers,  General  McDougall,  Col.  Ogden,  and  Col. 
Brooks,  was  chosen  to  present  and  explain  the  Memorial 
adopted  by  the  meeting,  to  Congress.  That  body  received 
it  graciously,  listened  to  it  respectfully  and  referred  the 
Memorial  to  a  committee  of  one  from  each  State  to 
consider  and  report.  On  January  26,  1783,  a  report  was 
made  and  a  series  of  resolutions  adopted  directing  the 
financier  to  make  such  payment  and  in  such  measure  as 
he  shall  think  proper  "whenever  the  state  of  the  treasury 
would  allow. ' '  The  several  States  were  to  be  called  upon 
"to  complete  without  delay  the  settlements  with  their 
respective  lines  of  the  army  up  to  the  first  day  of  August, 

1783." 

Congress  also  declared  its  intention  to  obtain  from  the 
States  "substantial  funds  adequate  to  funding  the  whole 
debt  of  the  United  States."  This  action  was  vague  and 
unsatisfactory  to  those  who  were  needing  at  once  their 
just  dues.  To  those  who  had  risked  their  lives  and  for 
tunes  for  the  liberty  of  their  country  these  measures 
seemed  to  be  both  inadequate  and  evasive.  The  murmur 
of  discontent  was  still  louder  and  found  expression  in  a 
strong,  anonymous  address,  which  was  circulated  among 
the  officers.  It  dwelt  upon  the  writer's  own  conception 
of  patriotism  and  his  ardent  feeling  of  love  and  devotion, 
the  assurance  he  had  that  a  grateful  country  would  not 
allow  those  who  had  spent  nearly  eight  years  in  arduous 
service  both  in  battle  and  garrison,  who  had  been  scantily 
fed  and  clothed  to  spend  their  old  age  in  distress  and 
poverty.  He  had  thought  their  plea  for  justice  would  be 


Grievances  of  the  Army  265 

met  with  something  more  substantial  than  ambiguous 
phrases.  He  suggested  that  a  last  remonstrance  to  Con 
gress  be  drawn  up.  "Let  it  be  represented  in  language 
that  will  neither  dishonour  you  by  its  rudeness,  nor  betray 
you  by  its  fears,  what  has  been  promised  by  Congress  and 
what  has  been  performed. "  He  proceeds  to  say: 

that  the  slightest  mark  of  indignity  from  Congress  now  must 
operate  like  the  grave  and  part  you  for  ever :  that  in  any  po 
litical  event  the  Army  has  its  alternative.  If  peace  that 
nothing  shall  separate  you  from  your  arms  but  death ;  if  war, 
that  courting  the  auspices,  and  inviting  the  directions  of  your 
illustrious  leader,  you  will  retire  to  some  unsettled  country, 
smile  in  your  turn,  [and]  mock  when  your  fear  cometh :  But 
let  it  represent  also  that  should  they  comply  with  the  request 
of  your  late  memorial  it  would  make  you  more  happy  and 
them  more  respectable. 

Such  an  address  would  only  inflame  and  irritate  men 
already  impatient  and  often  impecunious,  and  lead  to  some 
course  of  action  which  might  menace  the  new  and  dearly 
bought  freedom.  On  the  same  day,  March  10,  an  anony 
mous  circular  summoned  the  officers  of  the  Army  to 
assemble  in  the  "new  building"  known  as  the  Temple, 
"to  consider  the  late  letter  from  their  representatives  in 
Philadelphia,  and  what  measures  (if  any),  should  be 
adopted  to  obtain  that  redress  of  grievances  which  they 
seem  to  have  solicited  in  vain." 

To  Washington  this  outburst  of  indignation  and  un- 
military  method  of  obtaining  just  rights  was  not  unex 
pected,  for  he  had  in  October,  1782,  predicted  it  in  a  letter 
to  Gen.  Lincoln,  Secretary  at  War.  He  sympathized 
with  the  distress,  he  knew  the  jealousy  and  fear  of  the 
army  which  animated  a  portion  of  Congress,  but  he  also 
knew  that  to  keep  the  army  in  peace  and  quietness  during 
these  months  of  waiting  required  firmness  and  decision; 


266  The  Summer  of  1782 

any  disturbance  then  would  only  aggravate  the  prevailing 
dread,  among  the  people,  of  a  standing  army. 

In  his  "General  Orders"  for  March  II,  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  characterized  the  call  and  address  as  "irregular 
and  disorderly,"  his  own  duty  as  well  as  the  reputation  and 
true  interest  of  the  army  required  his  "disapprobation" 
of  them.  He  requested  "the  general  and  field  officers 
with  one  officer  from  each  company  and  a  proper  repre 
sentation  from  the  staff  of  the  army,  to  assemble  at 
twelve  on  Saturday,  the  I5th,  at  the  new  building  to  hear 
the  report  of  the  Committee  deputed  by  the  Army  to 
Congress."1 

This  course  recalled  those  who  had  been  led  away  from 
the  subordination  so  necessary  in  the  army  to  their 
loyalty  to  the  unwritten  military  law.  It  made  harmless 
the  eloquent  and  desperate  words  of  the  anonymous  up 
holder  of  the  claims  of  the  Continental  officers.  He 
issued  a  brief  triumphal  address  on  March  12,  in  which  he 
claimed  the  Commander-in-Chief  s  approval  of  the  plan 
proposed  by  him.  By  personal  interviews  with  many 
officers,  Washington  convinced  them  that  the  propositions 
of  the  address  were  both  rash  and  revolutionary,  and  if 
the  officers  should  carry  them  out  there  could  not  be  any 
hope  for  an  enduring  peace  or  real  prosperity  in  the  land. 
At  the  time  appointed  the  room,  which  was  used  also 
for  social  gatherings  on  week  days  and  as  a  church  on 
Sundays,  was  filled.  Everyone  was  expectant  until 
Washington  entered  with  his  staff,  and  took  his  place  upon 
a  small  raised  platform.  By  the  General's  assignment 
Gen.  Gates  as  senior  officer  was  made  chairman  of  the 
meeting.  With  the  dignity  and  solemnity  which  was 
natural  to  him,  but  with  a  countenance  grave,  and  with  a 
look  of  affectionate  regard  for  his  companions  in  arms, 
many  of  whom  had  been  with  him  since  he  took  command 

1  Marshall's  Washington,  iv.,  p.  594. 


Washington's  Address  to  the  Army     267 

of  the  army  under  the  great  elm  at  Cambridge,  Wash 
ington  arose  to  present  his  views  to  the  assembly. 

A  pathetic  interest  was  aroused  when  after  reading  the 
first  paragraph  of  his  address  he  put  on  his  spectacles  with 
the  words:  "You  see,  Gentlemen,  that  I  have  grown  grey 
in  your  service,  and  now  find  myself  going  blind."  An 
eye-witness  says  "there  was  something  so  natural,  so 
unaffected  in  this  appeal  as  rendered  it  superior  to  the 
most  studied  oratory;  it  forced  its  way  to  the  heart,  and 
you  might  see  sensibility  moisten  every  eye."1 

After  deprecating  the  "anonymous  summons"  as 
"unmilitary  "  and  "subversive  to  all  order  and  discipline, " 
he  characterized  the  address  as  an  appeal  "more  to  the 
feelings  and  passions  than  to  the  reason  and  judgment  of 
the  Army."  He  then  goes  on  to  consider  how  it  was 
designed  "to  answer  the  most  insidious  purposes,"  and 
had  been  drawn  with  great  art.  His  own  attitude  to  the 
army  is  alluded  to.  "If  my  own  conduct  heretofore  has 
not  evinced  to  you  that  I  have  been  a  faithful  friend  to  the 
army  my  declaration  of  it  at  this  time  would  be  equally 
unavailing  and  improper."  He  considers  in  detail  the 
propositions  of  the  address,  and  shows  that  they  would  be 
the  ruin  both  of  the  army  and  the  people  by  sowing  dis 
cord  between  them. 

He  declares  that  moderate  measures  will  have  greater 
effect  than  the  threatenings  of  the  writer  of  the  address. 
He  gives  to  the  assembled  officers  his  solemn  assurance 
"that  in  the  attainment  of  complete  justice  for  all  your 
toils  and  dangers,  and  in  the  gratification  of  every  wish  so 
far  as  it  may  be  done  consistently  with  the  great  duty  I 
owe  my  country  and  those  powers  we  are  bound  to  respect, 
you  may  freely  command  my  services  to  the  utmost 
extent  of  my  abilities."  He  entreats  them  to  rely  on 

1  Diary  of  Major-General  Shaw,  quoted  in  Irving 's  Washington,  vol.  v.,  p. 
4I5- 


268  The  Summer  of  1782 

"the  plighted  faith  of  your  country,  and  place  a  full  con 
fidence  in  the  purity  of  the  intentions  of  Congress, "  and 
also  asks  them  "in  the  name  of  our  common  country,  to 
express  your  utmost  horror  and  detestation  of  the  man 
who  wishes  under  any  specious  pretences  to  overturn  the 
liberties  of  our  country,  and  who  wickedly  attempts  to 
open  the  flood  gates  of  civil  discord  and  deluge  our  rising 
empire  in  blood. "  In  thus  acting  they  will  give  another 
proof  of  "unexampled  patriotism  and  patient  virtue," 
and  "by  the  dignity  of  your  conduct  afford  occasion  for 
posterity  to  say  when  speaking  of  the  glorious  example 
you  have  exhibited  to  mankind,  'Had  this  day  been 
wanting  the  world  had  never  seen  the  last  stage  of  per 
fection  to  which  human  nature  is  capable  of  attainment. " ' I 
He  was  heard  with  profound  attention  and  approval. 
When  he  had  finished  the  address  he  read  a  letter  from  the 
Hon.  Joseph  Jones  of  Congress,  in  which  he  showed  the 
difficult  position  of  that  body,  but  was  confident  that 
substantial  justice  would  be  done  to  the  army.  Wash 
ington  then  bowed  with  his  usual  courteous  grace  and 
withdrew,  leaving  the  officers  the  opportunity  freely  to 
express  their  opinions.  A  resolution  was  offered  by  Gen. 
Knox  and  seconded  by  Gen.  Ruf  us  Putnam,  assuring  Wash 
ington  that  "the  officers  reciprocated  his  affectionate 
expressions  with  the  greatest  sincerity  of  which  the  human 
heart  is  capable."  Gen.  Knox,  Col.  Brooks,  and  Capt. 
Howard  were  then  appointed  to  draft  a  series  of  resolu 
tions,  and  report  to  the  meeting  in  half  an  hour.  Upon  its 
report  the  resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted.  They 
declared  in  substance  that  those  gathered  had  engaged  in 
the  service  of  their  country  "out  of  purest  love,  and 

1  The  address  in  full  will  be  found  in  the  Journals  of  Congress,  viii. , 
pp.  180-183;  Marshall's  Washington,  iv.,  pp.  590-604;  Lossing's  Field  Book 
of  the  Revolution,  ii.,  pp.  109-110.  It  is  summarized  on  pp.  412-415, 
Irving 's  Washington,  iv. 


Resolutions  of  the  Army  269 

attachment  to  the  rights  and  liberties  of  human  nature," 
that  the  army  continued  to  have  an  unshaken  confidence 
in  the  justice  of  Congress  and  their  country,  that  "his 
Excellency,  the  Commander-in-Chief  be  requested  to  write 
to  his  Excellency,  the  President  of  Congress,  entreating 
the  most  speedy  decision  of  that  honourable  body  upon 
the  subject  of  our  late  address, "  that : 

the  officers  of  the  American  army  view  with  abhorrence,  and 
reject  with  disdain,  the  infamous  propositions  contained  in  a 
late  anonymous  address  to  the  officers  of  the  Army,  and  resent 
with  indignation  the  secret  attempts  of  some  unknown  persons 
to  collect  the  officers  together  in  a  manner  totally  subversive 
of  all  discipline  and  good  order ;  that  the  thanks  of  the  officers 
of  the  Army  be  given  to  the  Committee  who  presented  to 
Congress  the  late  address  of  the  Army.1 

The  quiet  and  sympathetic  course  of  Washington  had 
allayed  an  irritation  which  might  have  seriously  affected 
the  whole  country,  and  brought  upon  the  army  dislike 
and  odium.  In  his  General  Orders  upon  March  18,  the 
Commander-in-Chief  expressed  his  complete  satisfaction 
with  the  action  of  the  officers.  On  March  19,  he  for 
warded  to  Congress  all  the  documents  concerning  it.  All 
who  were  privileged  to  see  Washington  at  this  crisis  in  his 
career  gained  a  fuller  knowledge  of  his  reserve  force,  his 
statesmanship  and  ability  to  sway  the  minds  of  men.  The 
profound  impression  made  upon  Col.  Humphreys  by  this 
incident  is  shown  in  his  letter  to  Gen.  Lincoln : 

NEWBURGH,  March  igth,  1783. 

DEAR  SIR:— 

I  have  had  the  honour  to  receive  your  favour  of  the  2yth 
of  Feby.  and  am  infinitely  obliged  by  your  attention  to  me. 

1  The  resolutions  in  full  will  be  found  on  pp.  604-606,  Marshall's  Wash 
ington,  iv.;  in  part  in  Lossing's  Field  Book  of  the  Revolution,  ii.,  p.  no; 
and  they  are  summarized  in  living's  Washington,  iv.,  p.  416. 


270  The  Summer  of  1782 

The  Express  who  will  hand  this  to  you,  bears  the  Commander- 
in-Chiefs  dispatches  to  Congress  containing  the  Result  of  the 
Proceedings  on  Saturday  last.  It  was  a  proud  day  for  the 
Army  &  ought  not  to  be  forgotten  in  the  Annals  of  America. 
Matters  have  terminated  completely  to  our  wishes.  Those 
who  have  seen  General  Washington  at  the  head  of  our  Army 
on  the  day  of  Battle  &  in  the  most  awful  &  glorious  attitude 
to  which  a  human  character  can  ever  aspire,  think  he  ap 
peared  unspeakably  greater  on  a  late  occasion  than  ever  he 
did  before.  I  am  well  assured  it  is  the  general  sentiment  that 
the  whole  Proceedings  commenced  with  the  memorial  pre 
sented  to  Congress  by  Genl  McDougal,  Cols  Ogden  &  Brooks 
with  all  the  subsequent  Reports  Resolutions  &c.  ought  to  be 
made  public  to  the  World.  The  whole  transaction  ought  to 
be  known.  It  will  do  honour  to  the  Army,  it  will  do  honour  to 
the  Country,  it  will  do  honour  to  human  Nature. 

With  the  most  perfect  respect  I  have  the  honour  to  be  Dr 
Sir 

Your  most  Obedt  Servt. 
D.  HUMPHREYS. 

GEN.  LINCOLN.1 

The  happy  termination  of  their  appeals  brought  joy 
and  relief  to  the  officers.  It  was  soon  followed  by  a 
general  rejoicing  throughout  the  country,  for  on  March 
24,  1783,  a  vessel  of  Comte  d'  Estaing's  squadron,  the 
Triumph,  which  had  sailed  from  Cadiz,  Spain,  brought 
dispatches  from  La  Fayette  to  the  President  of  Congress 
that  a  preliminary  treaty  of  peace  had  been  signed  at 
Paris  by  the  representatives  of  Great  Britain,  France  and 
Spain  on  January  20,  1783.  This  made  operative  the 
preliminary  treaty  of  peace  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain,  signed  in  November,  1782.  Rumours 
of  the  treaty  had  previously  reached  this  country,  and  on 
March  12,  Capt.  Barney,  in  the  packet  Washington, 

1  Original  in  Vose  Collection  of  Autographs. 


Proclamation  of  Peace  271 

brought  the  news  from  L'Orient  to  Philadelphia.  It  was 
not  until  early  in  April  that  a  copy  of  the  declaration  of 
the  preliminary  articles  of  peace,  attested  by  the  signa 
tures  of  the  American  Commissioners,  was  laid  before 
Congress.  That  body  then  proclaimed  a  cessation  of 
hostilities  and  withdrew  from  the  ocean  its  armed  cruisers. 
The  copy  of  the  proclamation  sent  to  Washington  reached 
headquarters  on  April  17.  He  took  occasion  to  make  the 
announcement  of  the  proclamation  a  time  of  joyful  and 
solemn  thanksgiving.  In  his  General  Orders  for  April  18, 
he  said  that  the  proclamation  of  the  cessation  of  hostilities 
would  be  read  on  the  following  day  at  twelve  o'clock  at 
the  new  building,  and  on  the  evening  of  that  day  the 
proclamation  would  be  read  "at  the  head  of  every  regi 
ment  and  corps  of  the  Army,  after  which  the  chaplains 
with  the  several  brigades  will  render  thanks  to  Almighty 
God  for  all  His  Mercies,  particularly  for  his  overruling 
the  wrath  of  man  to  his  own  glory.  "z 

The  ceremony  at  the  Temple  was  memorable  and 
impressive.  It  was  on  the  eighth  anniversary  of  the 
battle  of  Lexington,  a  fact  which  was  noted  in  the  General 
Orders.  Prayer  was  offered  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Ganno,  one 
of  the  most  popular  chaplains  of  the  army.  Hundreds 
of  manly  voices  sounded  in  singing  an  elaborate  anthem, 
"Independence,"  and  the  hills  echoed  with  the  shouts  of 
the  soldiers  and  the  thunder  of  the  artillery  salutes  when 
the  proclamation  was  read. 

It  was  indeed,  as  the  Commander-in- Chief  wrote  in  his 
General  Orders,  the  opening  of  the  prospect  "to  a  more 
splendid  scene,  and  like  another  morning  star  promises  the 
approach  of  a  brighter  day  than  hath  hitherto  illumined 
the  western  hemisphere. " 2 

1  Marshall's  Washington,  Appendix,  iv.,  p.  13. 
a  Ibid.,  pp.  13-14. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

Peace  and  "Washington's  Fare-well 

Definition  by  Congress  of  the  Term  of  Service — Origin  of  the  Society  of  the 
Cincinnati — Its  Constitution — Its  Emblems — Negotiations  between 
Washington  and  Carleton  for  the  Transfer  of  all  Property — Washing 
ton's  Circular  to  the  Governors  of  the  States — Humphreys'  Duties 
Incident  to  the  Conclusion  of  the  War — Washington's  Trip  through 
the  State  of  New  York — His  Visit  to  Princeton — Mutiny  of  Pennsyl 
vania  Militiamen — Official  Notice  Received  of  the  Signing  of  the 
Treaty  of  Peace — Proclamation  by  Congress — Farewell  General  Ord  - 
ers  of  Washington — Humphreys'  Description — Entry  of  Washington 
into  the  City  of  New  York — His  Farewell  to  his  Officers — At  Fraunces' 
Tavern — Washington  Files  his  Accounts  of  Expenditures  during 
War — Goes  to  Annapolis — Is  Received  by  Congress — Attended  by 
Humphreys — Enters  Senate  Chamber — Resigns  his  Commission — 
His  Farewell  Address — Retires  with  Humphreys  from  Senate  Chamber 
— End  of  the  Military  Career  of  David  Humphreys. 

ON  the  proclamation  of  peace  many  soldiers  became 
desirous  to  return  to  their  homes  and  their  long- 
neglected  secular  occupations.  The  officers  found  in 
creasing  difficulty  in  preserving  the  strict  discipline 
essential  in  an  army.  Under  these  circumstances  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  sought  from  Congress  a  definition  of  i-he 
term  of  service  of  the  men  who  had  enlisted  for  the  war, 
and  also  made  the  suggestion  that  the  soldiers  be  allowed 
to  retain  their  arms.  "It  would  be,"  says  the  General, 
"an  honourable  testimonial  from  Congress  of  the  regard 
they  bear  to  these  distinguished  worthies,  and  the  sense 
they  have  of  their  sufferings,  virtues  and  service.  "z 

1  Irving's  Washington,  iv.,  pp.  421,  422. 

272 


Origin  of  the  Cincinnati  273 

Congress  acted  promptly  and  determined  that  the 
service  of  all  the  soldiers  did  not  end  until  the  definite 
treaty  of  peace  had  been  signed,  but  furloughs  might  be 
granted  to  such  soldiers  as  were  thought  worthy  of  that 
favour. 

Acting  upon  this  permission  many  of  the  troops  solicited 
that  indulgence,  which  was  granted  to  so  large  a  number 
that  soon  the  camp  held  merely  the  skeleton  of  an  army. 
The  furloughs  were  granted  so  judiciously  and  at  such 
intervals  that  at  no  time  was  there  a  large  number  of 
soldiers  on  the  march  through  towns  or  villages,  but  they 
went  singly  or  in  small  groups  of  those  bound  for  the  same 
locality. 

These  brave  men,  showing  the  marks  of  exposure,  and 
often  wounds  which  permanently  disabled  them,  were 
joyously  greeted  and  made  welcome  by  the  farmers  along 
their  way,  and  in  return  for  the  food  served  them  would, 
after  the  manner  of  soldiers,  proudly  show  their  ancient 
flintlocks  and  tell  of  the  battles  they  had  been  engaged 
in. 

It  was  during  those  days  of  their  service  that  the  officers 
of  the  Continental  army,  who  had  lived  in  great  amity, 
felt  the  need  of  some  method  of  perpetuating  the  friend 
ships  they  had  formed,  and  keeping  alive  in  their  own 
families  the  bravery,  glory  and  danger  encountered  in  the 
eight  years  of  strife  which  were  now  ending.  They  wished 
that  in  the  new  nation  there  should  always  be  a  memory 
of  the  brilliancy  as  well  as  the  perils  of  the  Revolution. 
They  desired  that  the  widows  and  orphans  of  their  com 
panions  and  friends  who  had  fallen  in  the  contest  should 
be  aided  by  their  efforts.  While  the  wish  seems  to  have 
been  general  among  the  officers  the  plan  of  a  society  to 
embody  it  is  attributed  to  Gen.  Knox.  Dr.  William  Eustis, 
who  was  then  Assistant  to  Dr.  Thatcher  in  the  military 
hospital  near  New  Windsor,  afterwards  Secretary  of  War 

YOL.1;!— 18 


274      Peace  and  Washington's  Farewell 

and  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  in  a  letter  published  a 
few  months  after  its  organization  attributes  the  first 
formal  suggestion  to  Capt.  Richmond  of  Maryland  who  at 
that  time  was  an  aide-de-camp  to  Gen.  Gates.  Dr. 
Eustis  was  to  formulate  a  constitution  and  together  they 
were  to  consult  upon  the  membership  of  the  society. 
Simultaneously  the  officers  at  West  Point  had  taken  pre 
liminary  steps  for  the  same  purpose,  and  both  Dr.  Eustis 
and  Capt.  Richmond  entered  heartily  into  the  effort  to 
make  the  society  successful. x 

The  meeting  for  the  organization  was  held  on  May  10, 
1783,  at  "the  Cantonment  of  the  American  Army  on 
Hudson  River."  Baron  Steuben,  the  senior  officer 
present,  presided;  a  draft  of  "proposals  "  for  such  a  society 
was  read  and  considered  paragraph  by  paragraph,  to 
which  some  amendments  were  proposed.  It  was  agreed 
that  a  committee  to  revise  the  "proposals"  should  be 
chosen  and  report  to  a  future  meeting. 

Major-Gen.  Knox,  Brig.-Gen.  Hand,  Brig.-Gen.  Hunt- 
ington  and  Capt.  Shaw  were  then  elected.  At  a  meeting 
held  on  May  13,  at  Baron  Steuben's  headquarters  at 
the  Verplanck  House,  Fishkill,  the  amended  "proposals" 
were  adopted  as  the  Constitution  of  "The  Society  of  the 
Cincinnati. "  Its  membership  was  to  include  the  officers 
of  the  American  army,  and  their  male  descendants  in  the 
direct  line,  "and  in  failure  thereof,  the  collateral  branches." 
Its  officers  were  to  be  a  President  General,  a  Secretary 
General  and  a  Treasurer  General.  Each  officer  was  to 
give  a  month's  pay  to  form  the  general  benevolent  fund 
of  the  Society.  State  Societies  with  their  own  officers 
were  to  be  formed  whenever  practicable.  They  were 
at  liberty  to  constitute  County  Societies. 

Col.    L'Enfant  of  the  Engineer  Corps  designed   "an 

1  Memorials  of  the  Massachusetts  Society  of  the  Cincinnati,  edited  by 
James  M.  Bugbee,  Boston,  printed  for  the  Society,  1890,  p.  560. 


Origin  of  the  Cincinnati  275 

order  by  which  the  members  shall  be  known  and  distin 
guished,  which  shall  be  a  medal  of  gold  of  a  proper  size 
to  receive  the  emblems,  and  suspended  by  a  deep  blue 
ribbon  two  inches  wide,  edged  with  white,  descriptive  of 
the  union  of  France  and  America."  The  principal  em 
blem  on  the  medal  was  to  be  Cincinnatus  to  whom  three 
senators  are  presenting  "a  sword  and  the  other  military 
ensigns,"  while  in  the  background  is  a  field  with  "his 
wife  standing  at  the  door  of  their  cottage,  near  it  a  plough 
and  instruments  of  husbandry. "  The  motto  around  the 
rim  is  Omnia  reliquit  servare  rempublicam.  On  the  reverse, 
a  rising  sun,  the  open  gates  of  a  city  and  vessels  entering 
the  harbour.  The  figure  of  Fame  crowning  Cincinnatus 
with  a  wreath  inscribed  Virtutis  Praemium.  Below  are 
hands  joined  supporting  a  heart,  with  the  motto  Esto 
perpetua.  The  legend  around  the  rim  is  Societas  Cincin- 
natorum,  InstitutaA.  D.  1783. 

A  committee  consisting  of  Gen.  Heath,  Gen.  Steuben 
and  Gen.  Knox  was  appointed  "to  wait  on  his  Excellency, 
the  Commander-in- Chief  with  a  copy  of  the  institution, 
and  request  him  to  honour  the  Society  by  placing  his  name 
at  the  head  of  it."  Gen.  Henry  Knox  was  chosen  the 
first  Secretary  General,  and  Gen.  Alexander  McDougal 
the  first  Treasurer  General.  It  has  been  supposed  by 
some  writers  that  Washington  planned  the  order,  and 
prepared  its  constitution.  But  this  is  now  found  to  be  an 
error.  The  draft  from  which  the  constitution  was  pre 
pared  is  in  existence  in  the  handwriting  of  Capt.  Shaw, 
who  was  Secretary  of  the  Committee  on  organization. 
There  is  a  preceding  draft  in  the  handwriting  of  Gen. 
Knox  and  to  him  is  now  given  the  honour  of  shaping  the 
aims  and  scope  of  the  Order.  It  is  a  significant  fact  that 
the  name  of  no  one  of  the  General's  military  family  ap 
pears  on  the  original  roll  of  the  Cincinnati.  It  shows  the 
high  sense  of  delicacy  which  Washington  possessed  that 


276      Peace  and  Washington's  Farewell 

he  refrained  from  advising  or  influencing  the  officers  of  the 
army  upon  this  matter. J 

The  subsequent  attachment  of  the  officers  of  the  staff 
to  the  Society,  known  as  the  Cincinnati,  and  the  acceptance 
by  Washington  of  the  presidency  of  it,  shows  that  he 
approved  its  patriotic  purpose  and  was  willing  to  give  it 
the  sanction  of  his  name  and  influence. 

Negotiations  between  Sir  Guy  Carleton  and  Gen. 
Washington  were  begun  in  May  for  the  transfer  of  all 
places  held  by  the  British  and  the  delivery  of  such  prop 
erty  as  the  treaty  required  to  be  given  up  to  the  Amer 
icans;  a  vSpecial  commission,  Hon.  Egbert  Benson,  Col. 
William  S.  Smith,  and  Daniel  Parker,  was  appointed  to 
take  charge  of  all  matters  connected  with  the  carrying  out 
of  the  seventh  article  of  the  treaty  in  relation  to  "Royal 
ists.  "  A  circular  letter  written  on  June  8,  1783,  to  the 
Governors  of  the  States  expressed  his  satisfaction  that 
"the  great  object  for  .which  he  had  the  honour  to  hold  an 
appointment  in  the  service  of  my  country ' '  had  now  been 
accomplished:  and  that  he  was  "preparing  to  return  to 
that  domestic  retirement  which  it  is  well  known  I  left 

1  The  best  authorities  upon  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati  are: 

Proceedings  of  the  Pennsylvania  Society  of  the  Cincinnati.  To  which  is 
prefixed  the  General  Institution  of  the  Order  as  originally  planned,  and  after 
wards  altered  at  the  General  Meeting  in  May,  1784.  Published  by  Direction 
of  that  State's  Society,  Philadelphia:  Printed  by  John  Steele  in  Second 
Street.  MDCCLXXXV.  VII.  Vols. 

Memorials  of  the  Massachusetts  Society  of  the  Cincinnati,  1890. 

Institution  of  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati  formed  by  the  Officers  of  the 
American  Army  of  the  Revolution,  and  from  the  Transactions  of  the  New 
York  Society,  by  John  Schuyler,  Secretary.  Printed  for  the  Society  by 
Douglas  Taylor,  New  York. 

Publications  of  the  Colonial  Society  of  Massachusetts,  vol.  i.  Transac 
tions,  1892-1894.  Boston,  published  by  the  Society,  1895.  Capt.  Shaw's 
draft  of  amended  "proposals"  is  given  facsimile  from  the  original  in  pos 
session  of  the  Society  between  p.  238  and  239;  also  in  print  Gen.  Knox's 
original  draft,  an  account  of  the  Society,  and  an  address  by  Mr.  Abner 
Goodell,  pp.  238-254. 


Washington's  Farewell  277 

with  the  greatest  reluctance."  He  then  alluded  to  the 
condition  and  prospects  of  the  American  people  with  their 
"absolute  freedom  and  independency, "  and  their  "pos 
session  of  a  vast  tract  of  continent,"  which  produced  all 
"the  necessaries  and  conveniences  of  life."  He  spoke 
gravely  and  clearly  of  this  time  of  their  political  probation, 
and  said  that  at  "the  present  crisis  silence  in  me  would  be 
a  crime."  He  outlined  what  he  considered  the  bulwarks 
of  the  perpetuity  and  prosperity  of  the  United  States 
under  four  heads,  "an  indissoluble  union  of  the  States 
under  one  federal  head, "  "a  sacred  regard  to  public  justice 
in  discharging  debts  and  fulfilling  contracts,"  the  adop 
tion  of  a  "proper  peace  establishment,  in  which  care  should 
be  taken  to  place  the  militia  throughout  the  union  on  a 
regular,  uniform,  and  efficient  footing,"  and  "a  disposi 
tion  among  the  people  of  the  United  States  to  forget  local 
prejudices  and  policies,  to  make  mutual  concessions  and  to 
sacrifice  individual  advantages  to  the  interests  of  the 
community."  Each  of  these  propositions  he  supports 
with  lucid  and  strong  arguments.  An  affectionate,  earnest 
manner  is  his  as  he  bids  ' '  adieu  to  your  Excellency  as  the 
Chief  Magistrate  of  your  State,  at  the  same  time  I  bid 
a  last  farewell  to  the  cares  of  office  and  all  the  employ 
ments  of  public  life. " 

He  closes  with  "my  earnest  prayer  that  God  would 
have  you  and  the  State  over  which  you  preside  in  His  holy 
keeping.  "x 

To  the  routine  duties  of  Col.  Humphreys'  position, 
which  included  inspection  and  report  upon  supplies  of 
various  kinds,  inspection  of  quarters  and  army  posts, 
there  were  now  added  many  details  incident  to  the  official 
conclusion  of  the  war,  and  final  reports  and  accounts  to  be 
rendered  to  Congress.  His  correspondence  shows  that 
various  officials  reported  directly  to  him,  and  that  many  of 

1  See  summary  of  letter  in  Irving's  Washington,  pp.  427-430,  iv. 


278      Peace  and  Washington's  Farewell 

the  exchanges  were  effected  by  him.  His  advice  is  asked 
upon  various  matters  of  military  discipline.  In  July, 
Washington  accompanied  by  Gov.  Clinton  took  an  ex 
tensive  tour  through  the  northern  and  western  sections 
where  the  roads  were  hardly  better  than  Indian  trails. 

The  beauty  of  woods,  mountain  and  valley,  lake  and 
river,  was  the  same  as  now  but  the  whole  region  was  almost 
untouched  by  the  hand  of  man.  It  is  probable  that  Col. 
Humphreys  was  one  of  the  party.  Washington  returned 
to  camp  after  a  journey  of  more  than  seven  hundred  and 
fifty  miles,  principally  on  horseback.  In  a  letter  to  the 
Marquis  de  Chastellux  he  expresses  his  admiration  of  the 
grandeur  of  the  scenery  he  had  viewed,  and  "the  goodness 
of  that  Providence  which  has  dealt  its  favours  to  us  with 
so  profuse  a  hand."  He  determined  not  "to  rest  con 
tented  till  I  have  explored  the  western  country  and  trav 
ersed  those  lines,"  or  a  great  part  of  them,  "which  have 
given  bounds  to  a  new  Empire." 

After  his  return  to  camp  on  August  5,  he  went  to  spend 
some  weeks  at  Princeton  where  the  Congress  was  then 
sitting.  It  had  been  driven  from  Philadelphia  by  a 
mutiny  among  the  new  recruits  of  the  Pennsylvania 
militia,  eighty  of  whom  marched  to  Philadelphia  from 
Lancaster.  They  were  joined  by  two  hundred  men  from 
the  city  barracks  and  then  besieged  the  State  House, 
where  Congress  was  assembled.  Not  only  the  dignity  of 
Congress  but  the  safety  of  its  members  caused  the  change 
in  the  place  of  meeting,  although  the  mutiny  was  soon 
quelled  by  the  State  authorities.  Washington's  presence 
in  Princeton  was  of  great  value  to  the  Congress,  which  was 
engaged  in  considering  a  peace  establishment.  He  made 
his  headquarters  at  Rocky  Hill  on  the  Millstone  River 
four  miles  from  Princeton.  Here  with  Lady  Washington 
and  his  staff  he  spent  two  months.  He  was  in  frequent 
communication  with  Congress  upon  important  matters  of 


Washington's  Address  to  the  Army     279 

public  policy,  especially  the  disposition  of  public  lands, 
the  proper  treatment  of  the  Indians  and  the  settlement  of 
the  West.  His  ideas  were  not  then  fully  appreciated  and 
acted  upon.  '  *  Unluckily  he  was, ' '  says  a  recent  biographer, 
"so  far  ahead,  both  in  knowledge  and  perception,  of  the 
body  with  which  he  dealt  that  he  could  get  little  or  noth 
ing  done."1 

Upon  his  return  to  Newburgh  he  arranged  all  his  papers 
and  accounts  preparatory  to  submitting  them  to  Congress. 
He  maintained  in  the  small  force  then  in  camp  discipline 
and  cheerfulness,  and  patiently  awaited  the  arrival  of  the 
messenger  with  the  tidings  of  the  signing  of  the  definitive 
treaty  of  peace. 

Finally  in  October  the  official  notice  of  the  signing  of 
the  definitive  treaty  of  peace  at  Paris  on  September  3 
was  received  by  Congress.  On  announcement  of  this 
fact  there  was  renewed  rejoicing  everywhere.  Congress 
issued  a  proclamation  on  October  18,  discharging  from 
further  service  all  officers  and  men  who  had  been  fur- 
loughed,  providing  for  the  final  discharge  of  all  who  had 
enlisted  for  the  war  on  November  3,  and  retaining  a  small 
force  of  those  who  had  enlisted  for  a  definite  time  until  a 
peace  establishment  should  be  organized.  In  the  General 
Orders  for  November  2,  the  Commander-in-Chief  recites 
the  terms  of  the  proclamation,  and  says  it  only  remains  for 
him  to  address  himself  "for  the  last  time,  to  the  armies 
of  the  United  States,  however  widely  dispersed  the 
individuals  who  compose  them  may  be,  and  to  bid  them 
an  affectionate  and  long  farewell."  In  his  direct  and 
simple  style  he  proceeds  to  review  the  Revolution,  to 
mention  the  glorious  prospects  before  the  country,  urge 
them  to  attachment  to  the  Union,  to  be  "not  less  virtuous 
and  useful  citizens  than  they  had  been  victorious  as 
soldiers."  He  expresses  his  invariable  attachment  and 

1  Henry  Cabot  Lodge's  Washington,  American  Statesmen  Series,  p.  336. 


280      Peace  and  Washington's  Farewell 

friendship  to  all  members  of  the  army,  and  concludes  with 
the  hope  that  ample  justice  maybe  done  them,  here,  "and 
may  the  choicest  of  Heaven's  favours  both  here  and  there 
attend  those  who  under  the  Divine  auspices  have  secured 
innumerable  blessings  for  others." 

Dr.  Thatcher  describing  the  scene,  when  these  final 
orders  were  read,  says  that  the  advice  of  their  beloved 
commander  and  the  resolve  of  Congress  as  to  back  pay 
kept  the  soldiers  from  discontent  and  tumult  and  "no 
description  would  be  adequate  to  the  painful  circum 
stances  of  the  parting  scene. ' '  x 

Our  poet  soldier  has  given  in  his  "Happiness  of 
America"  this  vivid  picture  of  that  day  of  parting: 


The  song  begins  where  all  our  bliss  began 

What  time  th'  Almighty  check'd  the  wrath  of  man, 

Distill'd,  in  bleeding  wounds,  the  balm  of  peace, 

And  bade  the  rage  of  mortal  discord  cease. 

Then  foes,  grown  friends,  from  toils  of  slaughter  breath'd, 

Then  war-worn  troops  their  blood-stained  weapons  sheath 'd; 

Then  our  great  Chief  to  Vernon's  shades  withdrew, 

And  thus,  to  parting  hosts,  pronounc'd  adieu : 

"Farewell  to  public  care,  to  public  life; 
Now  peace  invites  me  from  the  deathful  strife. 
And  oh  my  country,  may'st  thou  ne'er  forget 
Thy  bands  victorious,  and  thy  honest  debt ! 
If  aught  which  proves  to  me  thy  freedom  dear, 
Gives  me  a  claim  to  speak,  thy  sons  shall  hear : 
On  them  I  call — Compatriots  dear  and  brave, 
Deep  in  your  breasts  these  warning  truths  engrave ; 
To  guard  your  sacred  rights — be  just !  be  wise ! 
Thence  flow  your  blessings,  there  your  glory  lies, 

1  Dr.  Thatcher's  Military  Journal,  p.  421,  as  quoted  on  p.  438  of  Irving'; 
Washington,  iv. 


Washington's  Farewell  281 

Beware  the  feud  whence  civil  war  proceeds; 
Fly  mean  suspicions ;  spurn  inglorious  deeds ; 
Shun  fell  corruption's  pestilential  breath, 
To  states  the  cause,  and  harbinger  of  death. 

"Fly  dissipation,  in  whose  vortex  whirl'd, 
Sink  the  proud  nations  of  the  elder  world. 
Avoid  the  hidden  snares  that  pleasure  spreads, 
To  seize  and  chain  you  in  her  silken  threads ; 
Let  not  the  lust  of  gold  nor  pow'r  enthrall; 
Nor  list  the  wild  ambitions  frantic  call. 
Stop,  stop  your  ears  to  discord's  curst  alarms, 
Which,  rousing,  drive  a  mad'ning  world  to  arms ; 
But  learn  from  others'  woes,  sweet  peace  to  prize, 
To  know  your  bliss,  and  where  your  treasure  lies — 
Within  the  compass  of  your  little  farms, 
Lodg'd  in  your  breasts,  or  folded  in  your  arms; 
Blest  in  your  clime,  beyond  all  nations  blest, 
Whom  oceans  guard,  and  boundless  wilds  invest. 

"Nor  yet  neglect  the  native  force  which  grows, 
Your  shield  from  insult,  and  your  wall  from  foes; 
But  early  train  your  youth,  by  m'mic  fights, 
To  stand  the  guardians  of  their  country's  rights. 

11  By  honour  rul'd,  with  honesty  your  guide, 
Be  that  your  bulwark,  and  be  this  your  pride; 
Increaie  the  fed'ral  ties;  support  the  laws; 
Guard  public  faith ;  revere  religion's  cause. 
Thus  rise  to  greatness — by  experience  find, 
Who  live  the  best,  are  greatest  of  mankind 

"And  ye,  my  faithful  friends,  (for  thus  I  name 

My  fellow  lab'rers  in  the  field  of  fame) 

Ye,  who  for  freedom  nobly  shed  your  blood, 

Dy'd  ev'ry  plain,  and  purpled  ev'ry  flood, 

From  Georgia's  stream  to  walls  of  proud  Quebec; 


282      Peace  and  Washington's  Farewell 

To  these  stern  toils  the  peaceful  scene  succeeds, 
The  eyes  of  nations  watch  your  future  deeds ; 
Go,  act  as  citizens,  in  life's  retreat, 
Your  parts  as  well,  and  make  your  fame  complete : 
'Tis  ours  for  ever,  from  this  hour  to  part, 
Accept  th'  effusions  of  a  grateful  heart! 
Where'er  you  go,  may  milder  fates  pursue, 
Receive  my  warmest  thanks,  my  last  adieu." 

The  HERO  spoke — an  awful  pause  ensu'd; 
Each  eye  was  red,  each  face  with  tears  bedew'd; 
As  if  the  pulse  of  life  suspended  stood, 
An  unknown  horror  chill'd  the  curdling  blood: 
Their  arms  were  lock'd;  their  cheeks  irriguous  met, 
By  thy  soft  trickling  dews,  affection!  wet. 
Words  past  all  utt 'ranee  mock'd  the  idle  tongue, 
While  petrified  in  final  gaze  they  clung. 

The  bands  retiring,  ; ought  their  ancient  farms, 
With  laurels  crown'd — receiv  d  with  open  arms. 
Now  citizens,  they  form'd  no  sep'rate  class, 
But  spread,  commixing,  through  the  gen'ral  mass; 
Congenial  metals,  thus,  by  chymic  flame, 
Dissolve,  assimilate,  and  grow  the  same. 

Swords  turn'd  to  shares,  and  war  to  rural  toil, 
The  men  who  sav'd,  now  cultivate  the  soil. 
In  no  heroic  age,  since  time  began, 
Appear'd  so  great  the  majesty  of  man. J 

All  that  remained  now  to  be  done  before  the  great 
Commander  could  render  up  his  trust  and  sheath  the  sword 
was  the  formal  transfer  of  the  city  of  New  York  to  the 
authorities  of  the  United  States.  There  were  numerous 
delays  of  this  ceremony  as  there  was  a  large  amount  of 
personal  property  to  be  transported  to  the  Provinces,  and 

1  Humphreys'  Miscellaneous  Works,  edition  of  1804,  pp.  27-29. 


Evacuation  of  New  York  283 

many  loyalists  who  intended  there  to  find  new  homes  under 
the  flag  for  which  they  had  dared  and  suffered  so  much  left 
the  city  under  the  protection  of  the  ships  of  Sir  Guy  Carle- 
ton's  squadron.  It  was  not  until  November  21  that  the 
outposts  at  King's  Bridge  and  McGowan's  Pass,  with 
the  posts  at  the  eastern  end  of  Long  Island,  were  given 
up  and  the  troops  of  the  British  army  withdrawn. 

With  his  staff  and  an  escort  Washington  left  his  head 
quarters  at  Newburgh  and  took  up  his  station  in  Harlem, 
in  readiness  to  march  into  the  city  upon  the  day  appointed, 
November  25. 

Gov.  Clinton  and  his  staff,  with  the  members  of  the 
State  Council  of  New  York,  with  whom  he  had  been  in 
conference  at  East  Chester;  Gen.  Knox  with  his  artillery 
corps  from  West  Point;  and  the  remainder  of  the  Con 
tinental  army,  joined  him  there. 

It  was  arranged  that  the  American  authorities  should 
take  possession  at  noon  on  November  25.  Gen.  Knox 
in  command  of  the  troops  remaining  in  the  army  reached 
early  on  that  day,  which  was  clear  and  frosty,  the  Bowery 
Lane,  and  halted  at  the  junction  with  the  present  Third 
Avenue.  At  one  o'clock  the  British  departed  from  posts 
in  that  locality,  and  took  up  their  line  of  march  for  the 
barges  at  Whitehall,  which  were  to  convey  them  to  the 
transports.  Gen.  Knox's  army  was  on  the  march  very 
soon  after,  and  amid  the  cheers  of  the  people,  the  waving 
of  flags  and  handkerchiefs,  it  entered  the  city  from  Bowery 
Lane  by  way  of  Chatham  Street.  A  corps  of  dragoons 
led  the  van,  and  was  followed  by  a  guard  of  light  infantry, 
a  corps  of  artillery,  a  battalion  of  Massachusetts  troops 
and  the  rear  guard.  The  army  reached  across  the  Com 
mons  and  down  Broadway  to  Fort  George,  which  they 
entered  before  three  o'clock.  The  great  British  standard 
was  then  replaced  on  the  flagstaff  by  the  American  flag, 
the  visible  sign  and  token  that  independence  had  been 


284      Peace  and  Washington's  Farewell 

achieved,  and  the  last  stronghold  of  Great  Britain  on  the 
Atlantic  seaboard  was  now  in  possession  of  the  lawful 
authorities  of  the  United  States  of  America,  which  may 
God  long  preserve  and  bless.  Soon  the  stars  and  stripes 
were  seen  floating  from  the  liberty  pole  on  Bowling  Green, 
which  stood  upon  the  site  of  the  statue  of  King  George. 
At  a  later  hour  Gen.  Washington  made  his  triumphal 
entry  into  the  city,  escorted  by  the  West  Chester  Guard 
under  Capt.  Delavan,  and  with  his  suite,  and  was  ac 
companied  by  the  Governor  and  his  staff.  They  were 
followed  by  the  Hon.  Pierre  Van  Cortland  of  Croton,  the 
Lieutenant-Governor,  and  the  members  of  the  Council, 
four  abreast ;  the  speaker  of  the  Assembly  and  citizens  on 
foot,  eight  abreast.  The  enthusiasm  was  great  as  the 
procession  slowly  made  its  way  to  the  tavern  of  Samuel 
Fraunces  on  Broad  Street,  where  apartments  had  been 
prepared  for  the  General  and  his  staff.  In  the  evening 
there  were  salvos  of  artillery,  fireworks,  and  bon-fires 
all  over  the  city.  Gov.  Clinton  gave  to  Washington  and 
his  officers  an  elaborate  dinner  at  Fraunces'  Tavern,  and 
on  the  following  Monday  there  was  another  public  dinner 
in  honour  of  the  French  Ambassador,  the  Chevalier  de 
Luzerne,  which  was  attended  by  Washington,  several 
generals,  officials  of  the  State  of  New  York,  and  more  than 
one  hundred  other  gentlemen. 

A  touching  ceremony  remained  to  be  performed  before 
Washington  could  seek  his  home,  and  in  peace  and  quiet 
resume  the  life  of  a  Virginia  planter  and  gentleman;  and 
that  was  to  take  leave  of  the  officers  of  the  army  before 
they  went  to  their  homes  to  mingle  again  with  their  fellow 
citizens  and  take  up  once  more  the  occupations  of  peace. 
As  Washington  entered  the  room  all  rose;  advancing  to 
the  upper  end  he  stood  by  a  table,  and  filling  for  himself  a 
glass  of  wine,  and  holding  it  up,  in  his  clear  voice  said 
with  deep  emotion:  "With  a  heart  full  of  love  and  grati- 


St 


Washington's  Farewell  285 

tude  I  now  take  leave  of  you,  most  devoutly  wishing  that 
your  latest  days  may  be  as  prosperous  and  happy  as  your 
former  ones  have  been  glorious  and  honourable."  In  a 
sympathetic  silence  the  toast  was  drunk  by  those  present. 
He  then  said:  "I  cannot  come  to  each  of  you  to  take  my 
leave,  but  shall  be  obliged  if  each  will  come  and  take  me 
by  the  hand."  Gen.  Knox,  who  was  standing  close  to 
him,  turned  with  tear-stained  face,  put  out  his  hand  which 
Washington  took  with  his  right  hand,  while  with  the 
other  he  embraced  and  kissed  him.  In  the  same  manner 
he  greeted  each  officer  as  he  approached.  The  affecting 
scene  was  finally  over,  and  in  silence  save  for  the  half 
subdued  sobs,  all  accompanied  him  to  the  barge  in  waiting 
at  the  foot  of  Whitehall  Street.  A  corps  of  light  infantry 
served  as  escort  as  slowly  with  his  staff  and  a  large  throng 
of  people  he  walked  to  the  landing  place  and  entered  the 
barge.  No  cheers  rent  the  air,  but  the  respectful  quiet 
demeanour  of  all  showed  the  gratitude  they  felt  to  him  who 
had  grown  old  and  careworn  in  the  service,  as  he  waved 
with  his  hat  a  farewell  salute  to  which  they  responded. 
His  journey  through  New  Jersey  had  another  aspect,  for 
all  hailed  him  as  the  conquering  hero.  He  was  met  by 
the  local  militia,  martial  music  was  in  the  air,  the  leading 
citizens  in  every  town  escorted  him  through  its  limits, 
banquets  were  prepared  for  him,  and  from  the  Legisla 
tures  of  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland,  from 
the  University  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  American  Philo 
sophical  Society  he  received  formal  addresses  to  which  he 
made  appropriate  replies.  He  remained  in  Philadelphia 
for  a  few  days,  where  he  filed  with  the  Comptroller  his 
account  of  expenditures  during  the  war.  The  total 
amount  was  for  the  modest  sum  of  fourteen  thousand, 
four  hundred  and  seventy-nine  pounds,  eighteen  shillings, 
nine  and  three  quarters  pence,  which  at  the  present  rate 
would  equal  nearly  seventy-five  thousand  dollars.  The 


286      Peace  and  Washington's  Farewell 

principal  items  were  for  secret  intelligence,  reconnoitring 
and  travelling;  the  other  miscellaneous  expenses  were  put 
together  as  "miscellaneous."  It  is  to  be  remembered  in 
these  days  of  desire  to  profit  from  the  Government,  that 
Washington  did  not  accept  any  salary  or  allowance  for 
his  services.  The  accounts  were  made  out  in  his  own 
handwriting,  and  were  accompanied  by  the  vouchers  for 
each  item  of  expenditure.  The  General  and  Lady  Wash 
ington  reached  Annapolis  where  Congress  was  sitting,  on 
December  19.  To  a  message  sent  by  the .  General, 
requesting  to  know  when  it  would  be  the  pleasure  of  Con 
gress  to  receive  him  that  he  might  resign  to  it  his  com 
mission  as  Commander-in- Chief ,  the  answer  was  returned 
appointing  Tuesday,  December  23,  at  noon,  in  the  presence 
of  such  persons  as  were  specially  entitled  to  witness  the 
ceremony.  Congress  was  sitting  in  the  State  House,  a 
handsome  stone  building  erected  eleven  years  before. 
The  room  occupied  was  the  Senate  Chamber,  which  had 
several  large  windows,  and  a  gallery  in  the  rear.  To  this 
gallery  were  admitted  Lady  Washington  and  other  ladies, 
many  of  them  the  wives  and  daughters  of  members  of 
Congress,  or  those  connected  with  the  State  government. 
Upon  the  floor  were  the  members  from  nine  States,  the 
Governor  of  Maryland,  the  Hon.  William  Paca  and  other 
dignitaries  of  Maryland.  The  Congress  was  seated  in 
the  chairs  they  usually  occupied  and  were  covered;  all 
others  stood.  At  a  long  table  was  seated  the  President, 
the  Hon.  Thomas  Mifflin,  sometime  one  of  Washington's 
aides,  and  at  the  opposite  side  of  the  table  was  Mr. 
Thomson,  the  Secretary  of  Congress.  Dressed  simply 
in  his  buff  and  blue  uniform,  and  accompanied  by  the 
same  two  aides  whom  he  had  singled  out  as  we  have  seen 
after  the  siege  of  Yorktown,  for  especial  honour,  Col. 
Humphreys  and  Col.  Tilghman,  Gen.  Washington  entered 
the  Chamber  as  the  bells  of  the  city  struck  noon. 


<U  a  *3 
O  o  w 

•  gee 

«M  d 


A 


:~s 


d     *» 
S     73 


Washington's  Farewell  to  Congress      287 

The  Secretary  announced  that  the  ' '  Commander-in- 
Chief  was  in  attendance  to  make  a  communication  to  the 
United  States  in  Congress  assembled."  Gen.  Mifrlin 
arose  and  said,  "The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled 
was  ready  to  receive  his  communication."  Washington 
then  stepped  forward  from  the  chair  to  which  he  had 
been  escorted  and  behind  which  stood  Col.  Humphreys  and 
Col.  Tilghman,  and  holding  in  his  hand  the  Commission 
he  had  received  at  Philadelphia  in  June,  1775,  delivered  in 
a  low  but  distinct  voice  an  address.  In  conclusion  he  said : 

I  consider  it  an  indispensable  duty  to  close  this  last  act  of  my 
official  life  by  commending  the  interests  of  our  dearest  country 
to  the  protection  of  Almighty  God,  and  those  who  have  the 
superintendence  of  them  in  His  holy  keeping.  Having  now 
finished  the  work  assigned  me,  I  retire  from  the  great  theatre 
of  action  and  bidding  an  affectionate  farewell  to  this  august 
body,  under  whose  orders  I  have  so  long  acted,  I  here  offer  my 
Commission  and  take  my  leave  of  all  the  employments  of 
public  life. 

He  then  placed  the  commission  in  President  Mifflin's 
hands,  and  remained  standing  while  General  Mirrlin  made 
a  graceful  and  grateful  response.  He  referred  to  the 
unselfish  nature  of  the  task  done  by  Washington  when 
called  by  his  country  "to  defend  its  invaded  rights." 
He  acknowledged  the  wisdom  and  fortitude  of  the  Com 
mander  "during  a  perilous  and  doubtful  war."  "After 
having  defended  the  standard  of  liberty  in  this  new  world 
you  retire  from  the  great  theatre  of  action  with  the  bless 
ings  of  your  fellow  citizens ;  but  the  glory  of  your  virtue 
will  not  terminate  with  your  military  command,  it  will 
continue  to  animate  remotest  ages." 

Those  present  were  visibly  affected.  Washington  and 
President  Mifrlin  bowed  profoundly  to  each  other,  and  the 
President  then  resumed  his  chair. 


288      Peace  and  Washington's  Farewell 

General  Washington,  followed  by  his  two  aides,  Hum 
phreys  and  Tilghman,  then  retired.  The  audience  left 
the  Chamber,  and  Congress  resumed  its  ordinary  delibera 
tions. 

Surgeon  J.  E.  B.  Finley,  of  the  Massachusetts  Line, 
happening  to  be  at  Philadelphia,  wrote  in  a  letter  as  yet 
unpublished,  of  December  13,  1783:  "Gen.  Washington 
is  here  .  .  .  he  is  almost  adored,  cannon  firing,  bells 
ringing  .  .  .  entertain 'd  with  feasts,  balls  and  concerts 
.  .  .  crowds  follow  him  as  he  walks  the  streets.  .  .  . 
I  wonder  if  any  British  General  will  be  received  in  like 
manner  in  England. " 

These  were  the  final  scenes  in  a  contest  which,  com 
mencing  nearly  twenty  years  before,  had  demanded  the 
young  manhood  and  the  treasure  of  the  country,  and 
which  had  now,  through  the  goodness  of  God,  been  crowned 
with  honour  and  success.  Among  the  young  men  who 
had  so  eagerly  responded  to  the  call  of  their  country,  none 
had  obeyed  that  call  with  greater  patriotism,  or  had 
devoted  greater  talents  to  it  than  David  Humphreys, 
whose  military  career,  but  not  whose  services  to  his 
country,  ended  as  he  stepped  out  with  his  General  on  that 
bright  December  morning  from  the  Senate  Chamber  at 
Annapolis. 


CHAPTER  XV 

Beginnings  of   Diplomatic  Career 

Humphreys  Accompanies  Washington  to  Mount  Vernon — Christmas 
Festivities — The  Commerce  of  a  New  Nation — Humphreys'  Letter 
to  Washington  with  regard  to  his  New  Employment — Washington's 
Reply— Washington's  Letter  to  President  of  Congress — He  Requests 
the  Secretaryship  for  Foreign  Affairs  for  Humphreys — The  Request 
Ignored— John  Jay  Appointed— Letter  of  Humphreys  to  President  of 
Congress — Appointment  of  Committee  on  Foreign  Commercial 
Treaties — Appointment  of  Humphreys  as  Secretary — Official  Letter 
from  President  of  Congress — Formal  Letter  of  Acceptance  from  Hum 
phreys — His  Letter  to  Washington — Visit  of  Jefferson  to  Yale — 
Humphreys  and  Washington's  Epaulets — Departure  of  Humphreys 
for  Paris— His  Farewell  Letter  to  Washington— His  Epistle  to  D wight. 

\  A /HEN  the  significant  ceremonial  recorded  in  the  last 
»  V  chapter  was  ended,  the  General  and  Lady  Wash 
ington  proceeded  to  Mount  Vernon.  They  were  accom 
panied  by  Col.  Humphreys,  Col.  Smith,  and  either  Col. 
Tilghman  or  Major  Walker.  Gov.  Paca  and  several  of 
his  staff  escorted  them  as  far  as  the  South  River.  After 
spending  the  night  at  Queen  Anne  the  party  arrived  at 
Alexandria,  nine  miles  from  their  home,  in  time  for  dinner 
on  the  following  day.  When  late  on  the  afternoon  of 
Christmas  Eve  they  reached  the  gates  of  Mount  Vernon, 
the  aged  "Bishop"  was  there  to  welcome  them,  leaning 
upon  his  staff,  and  his  pretty  daughter  ready  "to  make 
her  courtesy  to  Madam";  nearby  were  grouped  the  ser- 

VOL.    I — 19  289 


290        Beginnings  of  Diplomatic  Career 

vants  whose  smiles,  displaying  their  white  teeth,  showed  a 
joy  they  could  not  put  into  words. 
Our  soldier  says : 

Returned  from  War,  I  saw  them  round  him  press 
And  all  their  speechless  glee  by  artless  signs  express.1 

The  house  was  filled  with  friends  who  warmly  wel 
comed  them.  During  the  night,  it  is  said,  there  was  kept 
up  an  incessant  firing  of  guns  and  pistols  to  express  their 
delight  that  the  Master  had  returned.  Fiddles  and  banjos 
in  lively  melodies  were  heard  until  a  late  hour  in  the 
negro-quarters,  and  many  an  impromptu  dance  by  the 
dusky  belles  and  beaux  made  the  Christmas  eve  a  happy 
one. 

A  guest  from  Fredericksburg,  herself  young  and  attrac 
tive,  writes: 

I  must  tell  you  what  a  charming  day  I  spent  at  Mount  Vernon 
with  Mama  and  Sally.  The  Gen'1  and  Madame  came  home  on 
Christmas  Eve,  and  such  a  racket  the  Servants  made,  for  they 
were  glad  of  their  coming !  Three  handsome  young  Officers 
came  with  them.  All  Christmas  afternoon  people  came  to 
pay  their  Respects  and  Duty,  among  them  were  stately  Dames 
and  gay  young  Women.  The  Gen'1  seemed  very  happy, 
and  Mistress  Washington  was  from  Daybrake  making  every 
thing  as  agreeable  as  possible  for  Everybody.2 

Compared  with  the  rigours  and  deprivations  of  army 
life  the  diversions,  good  cheer  and  cordiality,  gaiety  and 
mirth,  the  pleasant  company  and  brilliant  conversation 
were  doubly  agreeable  to  our  soldier  and  to  all  who  were 
privileged  to  see  the  relaxation  and  relief  of  General 
Washington  in  his  own  home. 

1 "  The  Death  of  Washington,"  in  the  Colonel  Humphrey  Works,  edition 
of  1804,  lines  629,  630. 

2  Miss  Wharton's  Martha  Washington,  p.  153. 


Plans  for  Commerce  291 

With  the  end  of  the  war  the  claims  of  commerce  called 
for  consideration.  The  new  nation  had  still  to  demon 
strate  its  ability  to  cope  successfully  with  other  nations 
in  the  arts  of  peace.  Its  commerce  had  been  almost 
entirely  controlled  by  the  parent  country.  Its  manufac 
tures  few,  the  rewards  of  mechanical  industry  were  want 
ing,  for  there  had  been  no  incentive  to  exertion  in  that 
direction,  and  agriculture  was  still  its  chief  resource. 
There  were  commodities  which  could  profitably  be  ex 
changed  with  foreign  countries.  While  the  Articles  of 
Confederation  did  not  confer  upon  Congress  any  authority 
over  the  commerce  of  the  several  States,  yet  under  them 
it  was  possible  to  negotiate  commercial  treaties  with  other 
powers,  provided  a  majority  of  the  States  consented. 
It  was  seen  that  the  valuable  West  Indian  trade  which  had 
been  the  source  of  a  large  revenue  in  Colonial  days  would 
now  be  under  vexatious  restrictions.  It  was  the  part  of 
wisdom  to  seek  alliances  and  find  markets  for  surplus 
products.  Spain,  with  the  command  of  the  Mississippi, 
opposed  any  profitable  traffic  with  New  Orleans  or  exten 
sion  of  trade  westward.  England,  by  her  garrisons  on  the 
Great  Lakes,  barred  any  venture  in  the  north-west.  Enter 
prising  merchants  had  engaged  in  the  Mediterranean  trade, 
but  the  grasping  piratical  cruisers  of  the  Barbary  States 
who  seized  the  vessels  of  all  powers,  who  would  pay  them 
large  tribute,  made  that  too  hazardous.  The  maritime 
powers  of  Europe  had  oppressive  and  costly  port  regula 
tions.  It  was  thought  that  a  strict  regulation  of  all 
vessels  entering  American  ports,  and  defining  what  goods 
could  be  brought  in,  and  what  excluded,  might  induce 
England  to  frame  a  more  liberal  navigation  act  and  allow 
the  United  States  to  share  in  the  trade  of  which  she  had  a 
monopoly.  For  this  purpose  a  few  of  the  wiser  statesmen 
endeavoured  to  have  the  several  States  vest  in  the  United 
States  for  fifteen  years  the  regulation  of  all  commerce. 


292        Beginnings  of  Diplomatic  Career 

In  the  meantime  it  was  essential  to  the  welfare  of  the 
nation  that  treaties  of  commerce  should  be  made  with 
various  European  nations,  and  equal  privileges  granted 
them.  The  subject  was  fully  discussed  in  Congress,  and 
it  was  resolved  that  a  commission  should  be  sent  to  Europe 
to  lay  before  the  authorities  of  the  Continent  the  proposi 
tions  for  reciprocal  advantages. 

While  these  deliberations  were  in  progress,  Col.  Hum 
phreys,  who  remained  at  Mount  Vernon  only  through  the 
Christmas  holidays,  was  considering  an  offer  of  employ 
ment  in  the  public  service,  made  to  him  by  President 
Mifflin,  when  Gen.  Washington  resigned  his  commission. 

He  accordingly  wrote  to  Gen.  Washington  the  following 
letter: 

Jan'y  6*h,  1784. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL: — 

After  your  public  Audience  was  concluded  on  the  23d  of 
Dec!  the  President  of  Congress  took  me  aside,  and  requested, 
' '  if  anything  should  occur  to  me  in  consequence  of  what  had 
just  been  suggested  in  favor  of  the  Gentlemen  of  Washing 
ton's  family  who  had  continued  with  him  to  that  moment, 
that  I  would  communicate  it  to  him  in  a  letter,  and  further 
observed,  that  he  should  take  great  pleasure  in  laying  it 
immediately  before  Congress." 

I  have  hesitated  in  deciding  what  was  the  best  mode  of 
making  known  my  sentiments  and  wishes,  for  it  is  not  a  pleas 
ing  task  to  speak  or  write  much  respecting  myself,  and 
altho'  my  early  studies,  my  opportunities  of  gaining  expe 
rience  from  your  example,  my  present  habits  and  time  of  life, 
with  some  other  circumstances,  would  have  strongly  inclined 
me  to  continue  in  some  department  of  the  public  employment ; 
yet  I  should  not  have  presumed  to  offer  my  services,  but  for 
the  generous  encouragement  which  has  been  proffered  in  con 
sequence  of  your  recommendations.  My  sense  of  that  hon 
orable  notice  and  my  readiness  to  obey  the  commands  of 
Congress  I  have  now  determined  to  signify  in  a  concise  and 


Humphreys  to  Washington  293 

respectful  manner  to  them.  I  do  not  know,  however,  whether 
it  might  not  appear  to  assuming  in  me,  to  mention  in  that 
communication  any  particular  department  in  which  I  could 
wish  to  serve  the  Public — but  as  Congress  may  in  a  short  time 
have  in  their  gift  one  or  other  of  the  following  Appointments, 
viz;  the  office  of  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  the  command  of 
a  Regiment,  in  case  of  a  Peace  establishment,  or  the  nomina 
tion  of  a  Secretary  to  one  of  their  Commissions  abroad; — 
if  there  should  be  no  impropriety  in  your  further  interposition, 
and  if  the  performance  of  the  duties  of  either  of  these  Offices 
should  be  deemed  within  the  compass  of  my  abilities  a  sug 
gestion  of  the  kind  (founded  on  the  preferred  encouragement 
of  Congress)  addressed  even  in  your  private  character,  to  the 
President,  would  be  of  sufficient  avail. 

If  also  you  could  take  the  trouble  of  inclosing  the  copy  of 
such  a  Letter  to  me,  as  a  perpetual  Memorial  of  your  friend 
ship  and  approbation,  it  would  afford  a  gratification  beyond 
which  my  wishes  do  not  extend. 

Perhaps  I  ask  too  much  but  as  your  goodness  has  prompted, 
your  indulgence  will  pardon  the  boldness  of  the  request  and 
suppress  whatever  is  improper  in  it. 

In  the  meantime  permit  me  to  return  my  best  thanks  for 
your  obliging  offer  of  being  useful  to  me  in  future  life  as  well 
as  for  your  kindness  on  every  former  occasion ;  and  to  testify 
with  how  great  veneration  and  attachment,  I  have  the  honor 
to  be, 

Dear  Sir, 

Your   most   faithful   friend   and   most   humble 
Obed.  humble  servant, 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

His  Ex'cy  GEN.  WASHINGTON. 

Washington  at  once  sent  this  cordial  reply: 

MY  DEAR  HUMPHRYS  I 

I  have  been  favored  with  your  Letter  of  the  6th.  Be  as 
sured  that  there  are  few  things  which  would  give  me  more 
pleasure  than  opportunities  of  evincing  to  you  the  sincerity 


294        Beginnings  of  Diplomatic  Career 

of  my  friendship  and  disposition  to  render  you  services  at  any 
time  when  it  may  be  in  my  power. 

Altho'  all  recommendations  from  me  to  Congress  must  be 
considered  as  coming  from  a  private  character,  yet  I  enter 
very  cheerfully  into  your  views;  and  as  far  as  my  suggesting 
of  them  to  that  honorable  body,  accompanied  by  a  tes 
timonial  of  your  competency  to  the  execution  of  the  duties 
of  either  of  the  offices  in  contemplation,  will  go,  you  have 
them  freely;  and  the  enclosed  letter,  which  is  a  copy  of  the  one 
I  have  written  to  Congress  on  the  occasion,  will  be  an  evidence 
of  my  good  wishes  whatever  may  be  the  success. 

I  cannot  take  my  leave  of  you  without  offering  those  acknow 
ledgements  of  your  long  and  zealous  services  to  the  public 
which  your  merits  justly  entitle  you  to,  and  which  a  grateful 
heart  should  not  withhold,  and  I  feel  very  sensibly  the  obliga 
tions  I  am  personally  under  to  you,  for  the  aid  I  have  derived 
from  your  abilities,  for  the  cheerful  assistance  you  have  af 
forded  me  upon  interesting  occasions,  and  for  the  attachment 
you  have  always  manifested  towards  me. 

I  shall  hold  in  pleasing  remembrance  the  friendship  and  in 
timacy  which  have  subsisted  between  us,  and  shall  neglect  no 
opportunity  on  my  part  to  cultivate  and  improve  them,  being 
with  unfeigned  esteem  and  regard,  my  D!  Humphrys, 
yT  most  affect!  friend 
&  Obed.  Servant 

G?  WASHINGTON.1 
MOUNT  VERNON, 
14  Jany,  1784. 

The  application  to  the  President  of  Congress  referred 
to  by  Gen.  Washington  in  the  same  letter  is  as  follows: 

MOUNT  VERNON,  Jan.  14,  1784. 
SIR: 

The  Goodness  of  Congress,  in  the  assurances,  they  were 
pleased  to  give  me,  of  charging  themselves  with  the  interests 
of  those  Confidential  Officers  who  have  attended  me  to  the 
resignation  of  my  public  employments; — and  the  request  of 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Department,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Washington  to  Mifflin  295 

your  Excellency  to  Colonel  Humphreys  (after  I  had  been  hon 
oured  with  my  public  audience)  that,  if  anything  should  occur 
to  him  in  consequence  of  what  had  just  been  suggested  that  he 
would  communicate  it  to  you  in  a  letter;  induce  me  to  take  the 
liberty  of  bringing  the  wishes  of  that  officer  before  Congress. 

Having  devoted  the  last  seven  or  eight  years  to  the  service 
of  his  Country,  he  is  desirous  of  continuing  in  the  walk  of  public 
life,  although  he  is  ignorant — as  I  also  am — of  the  offices  which 
Congress  have  to  bestow  and  may  think  him  competent  to. 

Two  openings,  however,  seem  likely,  either  of  which  I  am 
persuaded  he  would  fill  with  as  much  advantage  to  the  public, 
as  reputation  to  himself. 

The  one  is  a  Regiment  in  case  a  Continental  peace  estab 
lishment  should  be  resolved  on ;  the  other  Official  Secretary  to 
an  Embassy  abroad  if  new  appointments  should  be  made  or  a 
vacancy  happen  in  the  old  ones. — 

There  is  a  third  office  which  I  barely  hint  at,  with  all  possible 
deference,  and  with  a  diffidence  which  proceeds  from  a  doubt  of 
the  propriety  of  my  suggesting  it,  than  from  any  question  which 
arises  in  my  mind  of  his  competency  to  the  duties;  and  that 
is  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  if  Congress  should  think  it 
expedient  to  make  another  appointment;  and  should  find  all 
those  requisites  in  him,  which  are  necessary  to  constitute  a 
minister  for  that  department — For  his  ability,  integrity, 
punctuality  and  sobriety  I  can  fully  answer.— 

If  I  have  gone  too  far,  Congress  will  please  to  excuse  it,  and 
attribute  the  error  to  my  wishes  to  serve  a  worthy  character. — 

With  great  respect, 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  Sir, 

Your  Excell'y  Most  Obed't  and  Hble  Servant, 

G?  WASHINGTON. 

His  Excell'y 

THE  PRESID  OF  CONGRESS.* 

The  reason  whyWashington  singled  out  the  Secretaryship 
for  Foreign  Affairs  is  that  at  that  time,  January,  1784,  that 
post  was  vacant.  Mr.  Livingston's  resignation  had  been 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Department,  Washington,  D.  C. 


296        Beginnings  of  Diplomatic  Career 

officially  accepted  on  June  the  4th,  of  the  previous  year,  and 
Mr.  John  Jay  was  not  appointed  till  the  7th  of  May,  1784. 

This  letter  is  endorsed,  "  Letter  14  January,  1784, 
General  Washington  in  favour  of  Col.  Humphreys,  Rec'd 
Jan.  17."  It  is  strange  to  us  of  this  generation  to  find  what 
little  heed  was  paid  by  Congress  to  a  recommendation  by 
Washington  in  his  day.  We  are  all  aware  of  the  jealousies 
and  bickerings  among  the  principal  men  of  our  country  im 
mediately  after  the  cessation  of  the  war,  and  of  the  veiled 
disrespect  with  which  General  Washington  was  treated. 
Yet  one  is  hardly  prepared  to  find  an  official  communication 
from  Washington  to  the  President  of  Congress  so  deliber 
ately  ignored  as  was  this  letter  of  January  14,  1784. 

In  it  Washington  pointedly  asks  Congress  to  appoint 
Colonel  Humphreys  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs.  The 
influence  at  work  in  Congress  was  such  that  it  was  thought 
best  to  conciliate  the  friends  of  Mr.  Jay  rather  than  grant 
the  only  request  made  by  Washington  on  behalf  of  any  of 
his  intimate  friends.  It  is  noteworthy  that  this  request 
to  Congress  is  the  only  one  General  Washington  ever 
made  on  behalf  of  his  military  family,  and  certainly  the 
coolness  with  which  it  was  treated  did  not  encourage  him 
to  repeat  the  experiment. 

On  the  other  hand  we  see  what  affection  General  Wash 
ington  had  for  Col.  Humphreys,  what  a  high  opinion  he 
had  of  his  abilities.  The  place  of  Secretary  for  Foreign 
Affairs  is  the  most  important  post  which  a  new  nation 
just  emerging  from  a  successful  revolutionary  war  can 
offer  to  its  servants.  Next  in  position  to  that  of  Chief 
Magistrate,  there  is  no  other  post  of  such  vital  importance. 
In  war  time  the  commander-in- chief  of  the  armies  is 
the  second  post  of  importance  within  a  nation's  gift. 
The  war  concluded,  the  honour  and  rank  devolves  on  the 
man  who  directs  the  relations  of  the  new  nation  with 
other  nations.  That  Humphreys  should  have  been  singled 


Humphreys  to  Mifflin  297 

out  for  this  honour  shows  in  the  most  unmistakable 
manner  the  opinion  he  had  of  the  high  ability  of  Hum 
phreys.  That  the  Colonel  would  have  been  successful 
as  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs  is  abundantly  clear  to  all 
who  have  read  his  dispatches  to  Washington  and  to  the 
State  Department  while  at  Madrid  and  Lisbon. 

Colonel  Humphreys  sent  to  President  Mifflin  on  Jan 
uary  26,  1784,  this  brief  letter: 

SIR: 

Your  Excellence  will  recollect,  at  my  departure  from  Annapo 
lis,  that  you  had  the  goodness  to  offer  me  the  liberty  of  ad 
dressing  a  line  to  you,  in  your  public  character,  if  anything 
should  occur  in  consequence  of  the  notice  which  had  then  been 
taken  of  the  confidential  Officers  who  had  been  attached  to  the 
person  of  the  Commander-in-Chief.  Of  this  indulgence  I 
now  wish  to  avail  myself,  and  through  Your  Excellency  to 
make  known  to  the  United  States  in  Congress  all  my  gratitude 
for  the  flattering  marks  of  distinction  they  have  more  than 
once  been  pleased  to  confer  upon  me;  to  inform  them  that 
I  shall  hold  myself  prepared  to  obey  their  future  Orders;  and 
to  assure  them  that  it  will  be  my  unremitting  study  in  every 
situation  of  life  not  to  render  myself  unworthy  of  such  dis 
tinguished  tokens  of  the  sovereign  approbation.  As  my  illus 
trious  friend  and  patron,  General  Washington,  writes  your 
Excellency  on  my  subject,  his  letter  will  supersede  the  neces 
sity  of  my  entering  into  any  detail. — Whatever  commands 
Congress  may  think  proper  to  honour  me  with,  being  addressed 
to  me  at  New  Haven,  by  the  Post — or  other  direct  convey 
ance,  will  find  me  at  any  intermediate  period  between  the 
present  and  the  month  of  May  next. 

With  the  most  perfect  respect,  I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
Your  Excellency's  Most  Obedient  & 
Very  humble  Servant, 

D.  HUMPHREYS — 

His  Excellency,  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  CONGRESS. r 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Department,  Washington,  D.  C. 


298        Beginnings  of  Diplomatic  Career 

Among  other  positions  that  might  have  fallen  to  Hum 
phreys  was  the  Secretaryship  of  the  Continental  Congress. 
The  following  letter  bears  upon  this  point : 


NEW  HAVEN,  FEBY.  29th,  1784. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

The  letter  you  did  me  the  honour  of  addressing  to  me  by  Mr. 
Carleton  has  just  now  reached  me  at  this  place.  I  am  much 
indebted  to  you  for  your  obliging  communication,  and  regret 
extremely  my  not  having  received  it  in  Philadelphia;  as  I 
should  (agreeably  to  your  advice)  have  remained  there  until 
I  had  learned  the  result :  indeed  had  I  known  the  appointment 
would  have  taken  place  so  soon,  I  should  have  waited  the 
event  at  Annapolis,  or  at  least  have  explained  my  ideas  more 
fully  to  you  and  some  of  my  friends  in  Congress. 

I  believe  I  mentioned  to  you,  there  were  two  reasons  which 
would  induce  me  to  be  satisfied  for  the  present  with  the  office 
in  contemplation,  the  first  was,  the  occasion  it  offered  of  en 
larging  the  sphere  of  my  political  knowledge ;  the  second,  that 
by  being  present,  it  afforded  an  opportunity  to  avail  one's 
self  of  whatever  advantageous  circumstance  might  present 
itself  hereafter.  But  the  decision  on  this  point  so  far  as  it  can 
respect  myself  having  been  made  before  this  time,  nothing  is 
necessary  to  be  observed  on  the  subject,  except  that,  until,  I 
hear  further  concerning  it,  I  shall  continue  to  decline  entering 
into  any  private  business  or  other  employment,  in  expectation 
there  may  be  occasion  for  my  services  in  this  or  some  other 
public  department. 

The  last  time  I  saw  the  President  of  Congress,  he  informed 
me  in  confidence,  that  it  was  not  probable  (from  what  he  had 
heard  Mr.  Thomson  say),  the  office  of  Secretary  of  Congress 
would  become  vacant  in  the  spring.  I  mention  this  as  a  cir 
cumstance  which  I  imagine  not  very  likely  to  occur,  of  which 
however  you  will  be  better  acquainted,  and  by  which  (in  case 
it  should  take  place)  you  may  possibly  be  enabled  to  profit 
your  friend. 

There  is  nothing  worth  the  trouble  of  communicating  from 


Humphreys  to  Hand  299 

this  part  of  the  continent,  except  that  the  good  sense  of  the 
people  appears  to  be  on  the  point  of  prevailing  over  the  Artifice, 
prejudice  and  ignorance  which  had  threatened  to  involve  us  in 
such  serious  evils.     It  is  the  concurring  opinion  of  all  the  well- 
informed  with  whom  I  have  been  conversant,  that  notwith 
standing  the  violent  opposition  which  has  been  made  against 
the  measures  of  Congress,  there  will  be  a  compliance  with  their 
late  Requisitions  at  the  meeting  of  the  Legislature  in  May  next. 
I  shall  be  happy  in  hearing  sometimes  how  affairs  proceed 
in  your  political  world,  and  in  seizing  every  occasion  to  demon 
strate  with  what  perfect  affection  and  respect 
I  have  the  honor  to  be 
My  Dear  Sir 
Your  most  obedt.  humble  servant, 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

GENERAL  HAND. 

The  friends  of  Col.  Humphreys  in  Congress  had  agreed 
that  the  secretaryship  of  a  foreign  commission  would  be  a 
suitable  appointment,  but  the  slow  action  of  the  States 
in  fully  empowering  Congress  to  regulate  commerce 
caused  much  delay.  Frequent  debates  were  held  on  the 
subject  and  scope  of  the  commission.  The  anxiety  of 
the  Colonel  at  the  slow  progress  of  Congress  to  a  decision 
is  shown  in  a  letter  written  from  New  Haven  on  April  2, 
1784,  to  President  Mifflin.  He  alludes  to  his  letter  of 
January  26,  and  says  that  he  proposes  remaining  in 
New  Haven  until  the  beginning  of  May  ''to  receive 
the  orders  of  Congress."  As  he  had  heard  that  Con 
gress  would  adjourn  at  the  close  of  the  month  he  natur 
ally  wished  to  know  their  pleasure  respecting  his  future 
services. 

He  apologizes  for  introducing  "the  subject  of  a  private 
individual  among  the  important  concerns  of  a  nation, " 
and  would  not,  were  it  not  "for  the  irksome  and  disagree 
able  predicament"  in  which  he  would  be  placed  should  a 


300        Beginnings  of  Diplomatic  Career 

long  recess  intervene,  as  he  could  not  engage  in  "  private, 
in  expectation  of  public  employment." 

At  length  on  May  7,  a  Commission  was  appointed  to 
negotiate  treaties  of  amity  and  commerce  with  the  powers 
of  Europe.  Two  members  were  already  in  Europe,  Dr. 
Benjamin  Franklin,  and  the  honourable  John  Adams, 
United  States  Agent  at  The  Hague.  The  third  member 
was  the  honourable  Thomas  Jefferson,  then  a  member  of 
Congress. 

In  his  Autobiography  Governor  Jefferson  says:  ''The 
other  states  to  which  treaties  were  to  be  proposed  were 
England,  Hamburg,  Saxony,  Prussia,  Denmark,  Russia, 
Austria,  Venice,  Rome,  Naples,  Tuscany,  Sardinia,  Genoa, 
Spain,  Portugal,  the  Porte,  Algiers,  Tripoli,  Tunis  and 
Morocco."1 

Treaties  were  already  in  operation  with  France,  the 
Netherlands  and  Sweden.  On  his  acceptance  of  his  post 
Governor  Jefferson  went  on  May  1 1  to  Philadelphia,  where 
he  met  Col.  Humphreys,  who  the  next  day,  May  12,  was 
appointed  Secretary  to  the  Commission,  at  a  salary  of 
three  thousand  dollars,  #nd  arranged  the  preliminaries  of 
their  journey  to  Paris,  from  which  city  the  negotiations 
were  to  be  carried  on. 

Although  the  official  communication  is  dated  May  17, 
1784,  yet  it  is  evident  that  the  appointment  had  been 
decided  on  before  that  date,  from  the  fact  that  a  friend, 
whom  we  do  not  now  know,  wrote  the  Colonel  on  May  12, 
informing  him  of  his  appointment.  To  this  friend,  Hum 
phreys  replied  as  follows : 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  19,  1784. 
MY  DEAR  SIR, 

I  have  received  with  the  greatest  satisfaction  your  obliging 
Letter  of  the  I2th.  I  feel  myself  deeply  impressed  with  the 

1  The  Writings  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  i.,  p.  60.  By  H.  A.  Washington. 
New  York:  John  C.  Riker,  1853. 


Humphreys  Secretary  to  Commission    301 

honour  Congress  have  done  me  in  the  appointment  you  had 
the  goodness  to  communicate,  but  must  withhold  my  grateful 
acknowledgement  to  them  until  I  receive  official  advice  of  it. 

I  pray  you  will  be  persuaded,  my  dear  friend,  that  no  busi 
ness  however  weighty  or  trifling  or  any  circumstance  will  ever 
obliterate  the  remembrance  of  your  friendship — on  my  part 
I  shall  ever  be  happy  in  having  frequent  occasions  to  demon 
strate  the  sincerity  of  my  professions,  and  to  assure  you  that 

I  am,  my  dear  Sir,  with  Every  friendly  Sentiment, 

Your  most  obedt.  Servt. 
D.  HUMPHREYS. 

P.  S.  I  enclose  you  the  most  interesting  part  of  the  Pro 
ceedings  of  the  General  Meeting  of  the  Cincinnati. 

Endorsed: — Letter  from  Col.  D.  Humphreys, 
I9th  May  I784.1 

COLONEL  DAVID  HUMPHREY, 

ANNAPOLIS,  May  17,  1784. 
SIR: 

It  is  with  great  pleasure  I  inform  you  Congress  have  elected 
you  the  Secretary  to  the  Commission  for  negotiating  Treaties 
of  Commerce  with  foreign  Powers,  and  have  referred  to  the 
Superintendent  of  Finance  to  take  Order,  a  motion  of  Colonel 
Spaights,  that  one  Quarter's  Salary  should  be  immediately 
advanced  to  you,  and  that  a  provision  should  be  made  in 
Europe  for  the  payment  of  a  second  Quarter  at  the  expiration 
of  the  first  Quarter. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  every  sentiment  of  respect, 
Sir,  Your  Obedient  Servant, 

THOMAS  MIFFLIN. 

His  acceptance  was  written  from  New  York  on  May 
24,  1784- 

1  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society. 


302        Beginnings  of  Diplomatic  Career 

NEW  YORK,  May  24,  1784. 
SIR: 

Having  this  moment  had  the  honor  to  receive  Your  Excel 
lency's  letter  of  the  iyth  enclosing  my  official  appointment  as 
Secretary  to  the  Commission  for  negociating  Treaties  of 
Commerce  with  foreign  Powers,  I  make  no  delay  in  signifying 
my  acceptance  and  expressing  my  grateful  acknowledgements 
of  the  honor  which  has  been  conferred  upon  me.  Penetrated 
with  such  sensations  for  the  confidence  which  has  been  reposed 
in  me  I  make  it  my  earnest  request  that  the  United  States  in 
Congress  may  be  assurred  it  will  be  the  first  object  of  my  heart 
to  render  myself  more  worthy  of  it.  Requesting  your  accept 
ance  of  my  best  thanks  for  the  polite  attention  exhibited  in 
the  official  communications  I  have  the  honor  to  remain  with 
Sentiments  of  the  most  perfect  consideration  and  respect,  Sir, 
Your  Excellency's 

Most  Obed.  &  Most  Devoted  Servt. 
D.  HUMPHREYS. 

His  Excellency,  The  President  of  Congress. 

From  Philadelphia,  where  he  had  been  in  attendance 
at  the  first  general  meeting  of  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati, 
he  wrote  on  May  18,  to  General  Washington: 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  i8th,  1784. 
MY  DEAR  GENERAL  : — 

A  few  hours  after  your  departure  I  received  a  private  com 
munication  from  a  friend  in  Congress  informing  me  of  my 
appointment  as  Secretary  to  the  Commissioners  for  forming 
Commercial  treaties  in  Europe — tho'  pleased  with  the  informa 
tion  I  considered  myself  as  unfortunate  in  not  having  rec'd 
the  Letter  while  your  Excellency  remained  in  Town — because 
I  wished  to  avail  myself  of  Letters  of  introduction  or  recom 
mendation,  to  some  of  your  acquaintances  &  Doc'tr  Franklin, 
the  Count  D'Estaing  and  such  other  Characters  in  England, 
or  France,  as  you  might  think  proper.  Perhaps  a  general 
Certificate  of  my  Services  and  character,  which  I  have  never 


Humphreys  to  Washington  303 

before  solicited,  because  I  did  not  wish  to  give  unnecessary 
trouble,  would  be  of  infinite  consequence  on  some  future 
occasion;  and  I  trust  you  are  persuaded  my  dear  Sir,  that  I 
should  not  make  an  indiscreet  or  improper  use  of  it — Nor 
must  you  think  it  less  than  the  most  serious  truth  that  in  my 
opinion,  nothing  which  I  can  possibly  carry  from  this  Con 
tinent  will  be  of  equal  importance  to  my  reputation,  as  to  have 
it  known  I  have  been  Aid  de  Camp  to  and  the  friend  of  Gen. 
Washington. 

Perhaps,  it  is  not  yet  too  late;  for  I  cannot  but  hope,  that 
any  Papers  you  might  be  pleased  to  address  to  me,  or  to  Mr. 
Jefferson  for  me  at  Boston,  would  reach  that  place  before  our 
embarkation  which  will  not  be  until  between  the  loth  &  2Oth 
June  next. 

I  should  not  have  presumed  to  ask  these  favors  but  for  the 
former  proofs  I  have  had  of  your  goodness  of  which  I  shall 
never  be  unmindful  in  whatever  climate  or  circumstance  I 
may  happen  to  be  placed. 

Wishing  Mrs.  Washington  &  your  Connections  every  pos 
sible  felicity,  I  beg  to  add,  that  tho'  others  might  be  more 
lavish  in  their  professions,  none  can  ever  be  more  sincere  in 
their  feelings  of  veneration,  friendship  &  respect  for  you  than 

My  dear  General 

Your  very  affectionate  &  most  humble  Servant 

D.  HUMPHREYS 

His  Excellency 
GEN.  WASHINGTON. 

P.  S.  If  I  could  have  but  a  single  line  to  show  that  you  pre 
sented  me  with  the  golden  eagle  it  would  be  infinitely  pleasing 
&  useful — Whether  I  should  hear  from  you  or  not,  I  shall  not 
fail  to  address  your  Excellency  from  the  other  side  of  the 
water, 

Washington's  reply  is  as  follows : 

MY  DR  HUMPHREYS  : 

I  very  sincerely  congratulate  you  on  your  late  appointment. 


304        Beginnings  of  Diplomatic  Career 

It  is  honorable,  and  I  dare  say  must  be  agreeable.  I  did  not 
hear  of  it  until  I  arrived  at  Annapolis,  where  I  remained  but 
one  day,  and  that  occasioned  by  the  detention  of  my  carriage 
and  horses  on  the  Eastern  Shore.  General  Knox  not  reaching 
that  place  before  I  left  it,  your  letter  of  the  i8th  only  got  to 
my  hands  on  Sunday  last  by  the  Post. 

I  now  send  you,  under  flying  seals,  letters  to  M?  Jefferson, 
D^  Franklin,  and  Count  de  Estaing.  The  letter  to  the  Cheva 
lier  Chastellux  also  mentions  you  and  your  appointment.  My 
former  correspondence  with  England  ceased  at  the  commence 
ment  of  hostilities,  and  I  have  opened  no  new  one  since;  but  I 
enclose  you  a  letter  for  Sir  Edw4  Newenham,1  of  Ireland,  from 
whom  I  have  lately  received  several  very  polite  letters,  and 
a  pressing  invitation  to  correspond  with  him.  He  has  been  a 
warm  friend  to  America  during  her  whole  struggle.  He  is  a 
man  of  fortune,  and  of  excellent  character  (as  I  am  told),  and 
may,  if  you  should  go  to  Ireland,  be  a  valuable  acquaintance. 

It  only  remains  for  me  now  to  wish  you  a  pleasant  passage, 
and  that  you  may  realize  all  the  pleasure,  which  you  must  have 
in  expectation.  It  cannot  be  necessary  to  add  how  happy  I 
shall  be  at  all  times  to  hear  from  you.  You  will  have  it  in  your 
power  to  contribute  much  to  my  amusement  and  information, 
and  as  far  as  you  can  do  the  latter  consistently  with  your  duty 
and  public  trust  I  shall  be  obliged.  Further  I  do  not  require; 
and  even  here,  mark  private  what  you  think  not  altogether  fit 
for  the  public  ear,  and  it  shall  remain  with  me.  M^s  Wash 
ington  adds  her  best  wishes  for  you,  and  you  may  rest  assured 
that  few  friendships  are  warmer,  or  professions  more  sincere 
than  mine  for  you. 

Adieu,  &c.,  &c. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  2?  June,  1784. 

1  The  Sir  Edward  Newenham  alluded  to  by  Washington  belonged  to  the 
family  of  the  Newenhams  of  Coolmore.  Edward  Newenham  was  born 
November  5,  1734,  and  died  in  1814.  He  was  M.  P.  for  Dublin  in  the 
Irish  Parliament  and  was  knighted  November  10,  1764. 

In  the  MSS.  Department  of  the  Congressional  Library,  Washington, 
there  are  five  letters  from  Washington  to  Sir  Edward  bearing  date  of  July 
29,  1789;  January  15,  1790;  February  6,  1791;  and  September  5,  1791. 


cs£*  ff%~0  &0?{^^<2^-£-£L-  *3     . 
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&*^/%jLs&-    £>&-&^  ^^^L^^L^^  j  ;^-^X^  ^i^.  ^^ 

S&<?-&^4<-~&^^  ^^^^^^^^^.^^^JP,^^^  J^Cs&i  ^~  ,y& 


Washington  to  Franklin  305 

P.S.  Just  recollecting  my  old  neighbour  Colonel  (who  may 
now  be  Lord)  Fairfax  I  give  you  a  letter  to  him  also,  in  case 
you  should  go  to  England.1 

Among  the  letters  he  wrote  for  his  former  Aide  is  one 
to  Dr.  Franklin. 


MOUNT  VERNON  2*  June  1784. 
DEAR  SIR; 

Congress  having  been  pleased  to  appoint  Col°  Humphrys 
Secretary  to  the  Commissioners,  for  "  forming  commercial 
Treaties  in  Europe,"  I  take  the  liberty  of  introducing  him  to 
you. — 

This  Gentleman  was  several  years  in  my  family  as  an  Aid 
de  Camp. — His  zeal  in  the  cause  of  his  Country,  his  good  sense, 
prudence,  and  attachment  to  me,  rendered  him  dear  to  me; 
and  I  persuade  myself  you  will  find  no  confidence  wc.h  you 
may  think  proper  to  repose  in  him,  misplaced. — He  possesses 
an  excellent  heart,  good  natural  &  acquired  abilities  and  ster 
ling  integrity. — to  which  may  be  added  sobriety,  &  an  oblig 
ing  disposition. 

A  full  conviction  of  his  possessing  all  these  good  qualities, 
makes  me  less  scrupulous  of  recommending  him  to  your  patron 
age  and  friendship. — He  will  repeat  to  you  the  assurances  of 
perfect  esteem,  regard,  &  consideration,  with  which  I  have 
the  honor  to  be, 

Dear  Sir, 

Yr  Most  Obed*  &  very  Hble  Ser 

G?    WASHINGTON. 

The  Honble 

DOCT?    FRANKLIN.2 

1 MSS.  Department,  Congressional  Library,  Washington.  The  Lord 
Fairfax  to  whom  Washington  alludes  was  Thomas,  Qth  Lord.  Born 
in  1762  and  resided  at  Vaucluse,  Fairfax  County,  Va.  He  married  three 
times,  his  second  wife  being  Louisa,  a  daughter  of  Warner  Washington, 
and  he  died  on  the  2ist  of  April,  1846. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  159. 

VOL.    I  —  20 


306        Beginnings  of  Diplomatic  Career 

He  also  mentioned  with  commendation  Col.  Humphreys 
in  a  letter  to  the  Marquis  de  Chastellux. 

It  was  the  plan  of  Gov.  Jefferson  to  make  a  careful 
observation  of  the  commerce  of  the  Middle  and  New 
England  States  before  sailing.  In  the  course  of  his  tour 
he  visited  President  Stiles  at  New  Haven,  and  spent  a 
day  at  Yale  College.  In  his  Diary  President  Stiles  records 
that  on  June  8,  1784,  "His  Excellency,  Gov.  Jefferson 
visited  me  with  a  letter  from  Mr.  Sherman  at  Congress. 
...  He  is  on  the  way  with  Col.  Humphreys,  Sec'y  to 
the  Commission  to  Rh.  Isld,  Bo  &  Piscataqua  to  survey 
these  Eastern  States,  &  take  passage  at  Bos  for  France."1 

President  Stiles  devotes  a  large  space  to  the  details  of 
his  visit,  giving  notes  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  conversation  with 
him.  He  concludes  that  the  Governor  is  ' '  a  most  ingenious 
Naturalist,  also  philosopher,  a  truly  scientific  and  learned 
man  &  every  way  excellent. " 

It  had  been  arranged  that  the  Commissioner  and  Secre 
tary  should  sail  in  a  packet  from  New  York  unless  there 
should  be  found  at  Boston  or  any  eastern  port  a  vessel 
sailing  directly  for  France.  But  while  Gov.  Jefferson  was 
still  in  the  East  on  his  return  from  Portsmouth  to  Boston, 
Mr.  Nathaniel  Tracy,  a  wealthy  merchant,  offered  him  a 
passage  in  one  of  his  vessels  in  which  he  himself  was  expect 
ing  to  go  to  England.  He  offered,  if  practicable,  to  land 
Mr.  Jefferson  on  the  coast  of  France.  Mr.  Jefferson 
accepted  the  courteous  offer,  and  sent  the  Colonel  word; 
' '  but, ' '  says  the  Colonel,  * '  it  was  so  late  before  I  received  it 
that  I  found  it  impossible  to  avail  myself  of  the  occasion. " 

Governor  Jefferson,  with  Miss  Jefferson,  sailed  from 
Boston  in  the  Ceres  on  July  5,  and  arrived  at  Cowes,  Isle 
of  Wight,  on  July  26.  On  July  30  he  embarked  for  Havre, 
which  was  reached  on  the  3ist,  and  proceeded  from  there 
to  Paris,  where  he  arrived  on  August  8. 

1  President  Stiles's  Diary,  iii.,  p.  124-125. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  307 

Col.  Humphreys  sailed  from  New  York  in  the  Courier 
de  V Europe  on  July  I5.1  Among  his  fellow  passengers 
were  the  patriotic  Pole,  Gen.  Kosciusko,  whose  services 
in  the  Revolution  were  of  great  value,  and  Col.  Christian 
Senf  who  had  served  as  Captain  of  the  Engineers  in  the 
South  Carolina  regiments.  Before  sailing  he  sent  a  letter 
to  Gen.  Washington,  explaining  the  reasons  for  the  delay 
in  sailing,  already  quoted,  and  continued: 

Governor  Jefferson  acquainted  me  in  one  of  his  Letters  from 
Boston,  with  his  having  rec'd  a  Packet  from  your  Excellency 
addressed  to  me,  but  as  he  supposed  it  required  a  safe  rather 
than  a  speedy  conveyance,  he  chose  to  retain  it  until  we  should 
meet  again — this  my  dear  General,  will  account  for  my  not 
having  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  those  favours  which  I  find 
you  had  the  friendship  to  grant  in  consequence  of  my  Letter 
from  Philadelphia. 

Your  Excellency  knows  the  sincerity  of  my  heart  &  warmth 
of  my  affections — tho'  it  will  probably  never  be  in  my  power  to 
be  useful  or  to  render  any  compensation  to  so  good  a  patron 
&  friend;  yet  I  trust  it  will  always  be  mine  to  be  faithful,  to 
be  grateful,  &  not  to  reflect  disgrace  upon  that  friendship  from 
which  I  receive  so  much  satisfaction  glory  &  support.  Having 
seen  your  Excellence  reach  the  zenith  of  human  greatness  an 
object  than  which  none  was  ever  nearer  my  heart ; — I  should 
now  be  perfectly  happy  could  I  but  see  justice  done  to  your 
character  &  actions — but  there  are  many  traits  in  the  one  & 
circumstances  of  the  others  which  I  fear  will  be  lost.  Indeed  I 
find  it  is  the  opinion  of  many  Gentlemen  of  candour  &  inform 
ation  that  a  true  account  of  the  war,  at  least  of  your  military 
transactions  with  it  cannot  be  given  but  by  yourself  or  some 
of  those  who  have  been  about  your  person.  The  fact  is,  in 
my  opinion  it  is  a  most  delicate  subject  highly  interesting  not 
only  to  your  reputation,  but  to  the  good  of  mankind  at  large. 

1  "New  York,  July  19.  The  Packet  1'Europe,  Captain  Cormick  sailed 
on  Saturday  for  1'Orient."  Connecticut  Courant,  Tuesday,  July  27,  1784, 
No.  1018. 


308        Beginnings  of  Diplomatic  Career 

I  only  take  the  liberty  to  suggest  the  subject  for  your  con 
sideration  and  will  do  myself  the  pleasure  of  writing  more  fully 
by  another  occasion — With  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Wash 
ington  and  family  I  have  the  honour  to  be 

Your  Exy's  Most  Obed  &  Hble  Servant, 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

P.  S.  The  closing  &  subscribing  this  Letter  is  one  of  the  last 
acts  which  I  shall  do  previous  to  my  leaving  the  Continent — it 
brings  to  my  mind  a  thousand  tender  ideas,  &  expands  all  my 
soul  in  the  best  wishes  for  your  health  &  felicity — I  expect 
momently  the  signal  of  departure  &  can  say  no  more  than 
adieu z 

He  described  the  voyage  in  this  poetic  epistle  to  his 
friend,  the  Rev.  Timothy  Dwight : 

AN 
EPISTLE 

TO 
DR.    DWIGHT 

On  board  the  Courier  de  L'Europe,  July  30,  1784. 

From  the  wide  wat'ry  waste,  where  nought  but  skies 

And  mingling  waves  salute  the  aching  eyes ; 

Where  the  same  moving  circle  bound  she  view, 

And  paints  with  vap'ry  tints  the  billows  blue ; 

To  thee,  my  early  friend!  to  thee,  dear  Dwight! 

Fond  recollection  turns,  while  thus  I  write; 

While  I  reflect,  no  change  of  time  or  place, 

Th'  impressions  of  our  friendship  can  efface — 

Nor  peace  or  war — though  chang'd  for  us  the  scene — 

Though  mountains  rise,  or  oceans  roll  between — 

Too  deep  that  sacred  passion  was  imprest 

On  my  young  heart — too  deep  it  mark'd  your  breast — 

Your  breast,  which  asks  the  feelings  of  your  friend, 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Department. 


Humphreys  to  Dwight  3°9 

What  chance  betides  him,  or  what  toils  attend? 
Then  hear  the  muse,  in  sea-born  numbers  tell 
In  mind  how  cheerful,  and  in  health  how  well; 
And  ev'n  that  muse  will  deign  to  let  you  know 
What  things  concur  to  make  and  keep  him  so. — 

We  go,  protected  by  supernal  care, 
With  cloudless  skies,  and  suns  serenely  fair; 
While  o'er  th'  unruffled  main  the  gentle  gale 
Consenting  breathes,  and  fills  each  swelling  sail; 
Conscious  of  safety  in  the  self -same  hand, 
Which  guides  us  on  the  ocean  or  on  land. 

Of  thee,  fair  bark :  the  muse  prophetic  sings, 
"Europe's  swift  Messenger!  expand  thy  wings, 
Rear  thy  tall  masts,  extend  thine  ample  arms, 
Catch  the  light  breeze,  nor  dread  impending  harms — 
Full  oft  shalt  thou — if  aught  the  muse  avails — 
Wing  the  broad  deep  with  such  delightful  gales ; 
Full  oft  to  either  world  announce  glad  news ; 
Oft  allied  realms  promote  the  friendly  views ; 
So  shall  each  distant  age  assert  thy  claim ; 
And  Europe's  Messenger  be  known  to  fame!" 

What  though  this  plain,  so  uniform  and  vast, 

inimitably  spreads  its  dreary  waste; 

What  though  no  isles,  nor  vales,  nor  hills,  nor  groves, 

Meet  the  tir'd  eye  that  round  th'  horizon  roves ; 

Yet,  still  collected  in  a  narrow  bound, 

Ten  thousand  little  pleasures  may  be  found.— 

Here  we  enjoy  accommodations  good, 

With  pleasant  liquors,  and  well-flavour'd  food; 

Meats  nicely  fatten'd  in  Columbian  fields, 

And  luscious  wines,  that  Gallia's  vintage  yields, 

On  which  you  bards  ('twas  so  in  former  days) 

Might  feast  your  wit,  and  lavish  all  your  praise. 

Within  our  ship,  well-furnish' d,  roomy,  clean, 
Come  see  the  uses  of  each  different  scene — 


3io        Beginnings  of  Diplomatic  Career 

Far  in  the  prow,  for  culinary  use, 

Fires,  not  poetic,  much  good  cheer  produce; 

The  ovens  there  our  daily  bread  afford, 

And  thence  the  viands  load  our  plenteous  board. 

See  various  landscapes  shade  our  dining  hall, 
Where  mimic  nature  wantons  round  the  wall ; 
There  no  vain  pomp  appears — there  all  is  neat — 
And  there  cool  zephyrs  fanning  as  we  eat, 
Avert  the  fervours  of  the  noon-tide  ray, 
And  give  the  mildness  of  the  vernal  day. 

See  the  great  cabin  nigh,  its  doors  unfold, 
Show  fleeting  forms  from  mirrors  fix'd  in  gold : 
O'er  painted  ceilings  brighter  prospects  rise, 
And  rural  scenes  again  delight  our  eyes — 
There  oft  from  converse  or  from  social  sports, 
We  drink  delight  less  dash'd  than  that  of  courts. 

But  when  more  sober  cares  the  hour  requires, 
Each  to  his  cell  of  solitude  retires; 
His  bed — his  books — his  paper,  pen  and  ink — 
Present  the  choice,  to  rest,  to  read,  or  think. 

Yet  what  would  all  avail  to  prompt  the  smile, 

Cheer  the  sad  breast,  or  the  dull  hour  beguile ; 

If  well-bred  passengers,  discreet  and  free, 

Were  not  at  hand  to  mix  in  social  glee? 

Such  my  companions — such  the  muse  shall  tell, 

Him  first,  known  once  in  war  full  well, 

Our  Polish  friend,1  whose  name  still  sounds  so  hard, 

To  make  it  rhyme  would  puzzle  any  bard ; 

That  youth,  whose  bays  and  laurels  early  crown'd, 

For  virtue,  science,  arts  and  arms  renown'd! 

Next  him,  behold,  to  grace  our  wat'ry  scene, 

An  honest  German2  lifts  his  gen'rous  mein; 

1  General  Kosciusko.  2  Colonel  Senf . 


Humphreys  to  D wight  311 

Him  Carolina  sends  to  Europe's  shore, 

Canals  and  inland  waters  to  explore; 

From  thence  return's  she  hopes  to  see  her  tide, 

In  commerce  rich,  through  ampler  channel's  glide. 

Next  comes  the  bleak  Quebec's  well-natur'd  son: 
And  last  our  naval  chief,  the  friend  of  fun, 
Whose  plain,  frank  manners,  form'd  on  fickle  seas, 
Are  cheerful  still,  and  always  aim  to  please; 
Nor  less  the  other  chiefs  their  zeal  display, 
To  make  us  happy  as  themselves  are  gay. 

Sever'd  from  all  society  but  this, 
Half  way  from  either  world  we  plough  th'  abyss; 
Save  the  small  sea-bird,  and  the  fish  that  flies 
On  yon  blue  waves,  no  object  meets  my  eyes. 
Nor  has  th'  insidious  hook,  with  lures,  beguil'd 
Of  peopled  ocean  scarce  a  single  child — 
Yet  luckless  Dolphin,  erst  to  Arion  true,  x 
Nought  could  avail  thy  beauteous,  transient  hue, 
As  o'er  the  deck,  in  dying  pang  you  roll'd, 
Wrapp'd  in  gay  rainbows  and  pellucid  gold. 

Now  see  that  wand'rer  bird,  fatigu'd  with  flight 
O'er  many  a  wat'ry  league,  is  forc'd  to  light 
High  on  the  mast — the  bird  our  seamen  take, 
Though  scar'd,  too  tir'd  its  refuge  to  forsake : 
Fear  not  sweet  bird,  nor  judge  our  motives  ill, 
No  barb'rous  man  now  means  thy  blood  to  spill, 
Or  hold  thee  cag'd — soon  as  we  reach  the  shore 
Free  shalt  thou  fly,  and  gaily  sing  and  soar ! 

Another  grateful  sight  now  cheers  the  eye, 
At  first  a  snow-white  spot  on  yon  clear  sky, 
Then  through  the  optic  tube  a  ship  appears, 

1  Ille  sedet,  citharamque  tenet,  pretiumque  vehendi 
Cantat,  et  aequoreas  carmine  mulcet  aquas.     Ovid,   Fast.  2. 


312        Beginnings  of  Diplomatic  Career 

And  now  distinct  athwart  the  billows  veers : 
Daughter  of  ocean,  made  to  bless  mankind ! 
Go,  range  wide  waters  on  the  wings  of  wind — 
With  friendly  intercourse  far  climes  explore, 
Their  produce  barter,  and  increase  their  store — 
Ne'er  saw  my  eyes  so  fair  a  pageant  swim, 
As  thou  appear'st,  in  all  thy  gallant  trim! 
Amus'd  with  trivial  things,  reclin'd  at  ease, 
While  the  swift  bark  divides  the  summer  seas, 
Your  bard  (for  past  neglects  to  make  amends) 
Now  writes  to  you — anon  to  other  friends. — 

Anon  the  scene,  in  Europe's  polish'd  climes, 
Will  give  new  themes  for  philosophic  rhymes, 
Ope  broader  fields  for  reason  to  explore, 
Improvements  vast  of  scientific  lore ! 

Through  nations  blest  with  peace,  but  strong  in  arms, 

Refin'd  in  arts,  and  apt  for  social  charms, 

Your  friend  will  stray,  and  strive  with  studious  care 

To  mark  whate'er  is  useful,  great  or  rare; 

Search  the  small  shades  of  manners  in  their  lives, 

What  policy  prevails,  how  commerce  thrives; 

How  morals  form  of  happiness  the  base, 

How  others,  differ  from  Columbia's  race; 

And,  gleaning  knowledge  from  the  realms  he  rov'd 

Bring  home  a  patriot  heart,  enlarg'd,  improved.1 

1  Humphreys'  Miscellaneous  Works,  edition  of  1804,  p.  211. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

HxampHreys  in  France 

Humphreys'  Arrival  in  France — Sends  Washington  his  First  Impressions — 
Meetings  of  the  Commission — His  Correspondence  with  Washington — 
Reverts  to  the  Subject  of  Washington's  "Memoirs" — Describes  the 
Political  Situation  in  Europe — Commercial  Treaty  with  Prussia — 
Humphreys  Entrusted  with  Commission  to  Purchase  Presents  for 
Officers  in  Late  War — Description  of  Medal  for  Washington — Jefferson 
Appointed  Minister  to  France — Selection  of  Houdon  as  the  Sculptor 
of  Statue  of  Washington — Letter  to  Washington  again  Reverting  to 
his  "  Memoirs  " — Washington  Begs  Humphreys  to  Write  them — Answer 
of  Humphreys — Jefferson's  Description  of  Feeling  towards  America — 
Humphreys  Sent  to  London. 

HUMPHREYS  arrived  at  L'Orient,  France,  on  August 
8,   after  a  pleasant  passage  of  twenty-four  days. 
He  thus  announces  his  first  impressions  of  France  and  the 
incidents  of  the  voyage  to  Gen.  Washington : 

L'ORIENT,  August  12,  1784. 

Finding  there  was  a  vessel  in  this  port  destined  for  Virginia, 
I  could  not  take  my  departure  for  Paris  without  informing  my 
dear  General  of  my  safe  arrival  in  France  after  a  most  delight 
ful  passage  of  twenty-four  days ;  and  as  I  cannot  give  a  better 
description  of  the  excellent  accomodations  &  beautiful  weather 
which  we  have  had  during  the  whole  of  our  voyage,  than  I  have 
already  given  in  a  Letter  in  verse  to  one  of  my  poetical  Cor 
respondents,  I  take  the  liberty  of  enclosing  a  Copy  of  it  for 
your  amusement,  Tho'  I  believe  your  Excellency  is  not  much 

313 


314  Humphreys  in  France 

attached  to  Poetry,  yet  I  conceive  nothing  to  be  indifferent  to 
you,  which  is  interesting  to  one  who  prides  himself  in  having 
a  share  in  your  confidence  &  friendship ;  and  who  feels  at  the 
same  time  a  conscious  pleasure  in  doing  justice  to  those  laud 
able  efforts  which  are  made  by  the  Officers  &  Subjects  of  His 
most  Christian  Majesty  for  strengthening  the  Amity  which  so 
happily  subsists  between  the  two  Nations,  as  well  as  for  re 
moving  any  little  prejudice  which  might  still  remain  among 
our  Countrymen  with  respect  to  the  cleanliness  &  accomoda- 
tions  which  are  to  be  found  on  board  vessels  in  the  service  of 
France.  I  have  not  been  long  enough,  to  have  acquired  as 
yet  any  knowledge  of  Men  &  Manners,  but  I  do  not  intend  to 
be  idle,  and  I  hope  to  have  the  pleasure  one  day  of  communicat 
ing  personally  to  your  Excellency  the  result  of  some  of  my 
observations. 

General  Kosciusko  &  myself  are  to  set  off  in  a  Carriage  to 
gether  for  Paris  tomorrow,  I  am  now  going  to  see  a  French 
Comedy  for  the  first  time,  &  must  therefore  after  offering 
my  best  wishes  for  the  happiness  of  Mrs.  Washington  & 
the  family  take  my  leave  of  your  Excellency  for  the 
present. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  every  sentiment  of  friend 
ship 

Your  Most  Obedient  &  Most  humble  Servant, 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

Genl.  Kosciusko  desires  his  best  respects  may  be  presented 
to  your  Exy. 

His  Excellency 
GENERAL  WASHINGTON. 

The  ''Letter  in  Verse"  above  alluded  to  is  the  "Epistle 
to  Dr.  D  wight,"  already  given  in  the  previous  chapter. 

The  influence  and  prestige  won  for  France  among 
the  European  nations  by  the  ' '  grand  monarch, ' '  Louis 
XIV.,  were  in  part  retained  under  his  weaker  successor, 
Louis  XVI. 


Humphreys  in  Paris  315 

The  splendour  and  gaiety  of  the  Court,  the  extravagance 
and  arrogance  of  the  nobles,  the  depression  and  poverty 
of  the  peasantry  were  inevitably  tending  to  discontent 
and  tumult.  But  when  in  the  summer  of  1784,  Col.  Hum 
phreys  landed  on  the  coast  of  Brittany  there  were 
no  apparent  signs  of  any  disturbance.  Philosophy  and 
science,  poetry  and  art  were  flourishing.  Many  men 
and  women  in  Paris  delighted  to  spend  their  days  in  lit 
erary  and  witty  contests  and  their  evenings  either  at 
the  "House  of  Moliere"  witnessing  classic  plays,  in 
some  crowded  ballroom,  or  in  the  famous  salons  of 
the  day. 

Voltaire,  Rousseau,  La  Rochefoucauld,  Diderot,  D'Alem- 
bert,  were  the  leaders  of  thought  and  opinion.  The 
French  Academy,  whose  forty  "immortals"  wore  their 
honours  proudly,  was  then  at  the  height  of  its  activity 
and  popularity.  To  a  man  of  poetic  temperament  and 
literary  aspirations  like  David  Humphreys,  it  was  a 
pleasure  to  be  admitted  into  such  society  and  note  the 
polish,  glitter,  and  fascination  of  French  thought  and 
speech.  His  diplomatic  position  and  the  good  offices 
of  Dr.  Franklin,  whom  all  France  delighted  to  honour, 
gave  him  a  welcome  everywhere,  and  entrance  into  the 
best  and  gayest  society  of  Paris.  The  Court,  the  diplo 
matic  levees  and  dinners,  the  halls  of  the  Academy,  the 
chateaux  of  the  nobility,  soon  became  familiar  to  him. 
While  all  Americans  who  visited  Paris  fell  under  the  spell 
of  the  charms  of  French  thought  and  French  manners, 
in  their  gratitude  for  the  aid  France  had  rendered,  our  sol 
dier,  with  his  New  England  common  sense  and  independ 
ence,  was  only  strengthened  in  his  love  for  his  native  land 
and  broadened  in  his  conception  of  the  possibilities  be 
fore  her. 

The  Commission  was  called  together  in  Paris  shortly 
after    Col.    Humphreys'    arrival.     Gov.    Jefferson    says: 


316  Humphreys  in  France 

"Mr.  Adams  soon  joined  us  at  Paris  and  our  first 
employment  was  to  prepare  a  general  form  to  be  pro 
posed  to  such  nations  as  were  disposed  to  treat  with 
us."1 

Frequent  meetings  were  held  and  various  drafts  of 
proposed  treaties  were  considered.  The  ministers  of 
many  of  the  European  powers  in  Paris  were  approached 
to  learn  whether  their  countries  would  consider  the  sub 
ject.  Many  of  them,  it  is  said,  appeared  indifferent,  and 
in  fact  "  seemed  to  know  little  about  us  but  as  rebels  who 
had  been  successful  in  throwing  off  the  yoke  of  the  Mother- 
country.  "2 

With  three  nations,  who  appeared  friendly  and  ready 
to  consider  the  plan,  Prussia,  Denmark,  and  Tuscany, 
negotiations  were  opened. 

Col.  Humphreys  maintained  during  his  residence 
abroad  on  this  diplomatic  mission,  his  correspondence 
with  Gen.  Washington.  In  it,  he  gives  his  impressions  of 
men,  manners,  and  events,  but  says  little  of  the  work  in 
which  he  was  engaged.  This  was  not  necessary  as  the 
dispatches  of  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Adams  detailed  the 
hard  task  of  the  Commissioners  in  convincing  Europe 
that  the  United  States,  as  a  nation,  was  worthy  of  more 
consideration  than  a  satirical  stare  of  astonishment  that 
it  should  think  itself  in  any  way  competent  to  treat  with 
the  old  world  on  equal  terms. 

Upon  his  arrival  in  Paris,  he  sends  this  brief  acknow 
ledgment  of  the  letters  in  the  packet  entrusted  to  Gov. 
Jefferson : 

PARIS,  Aug.  i8th,  1784. 

A  direct  opportunity  for  America  having  offered  itself 
thro'  the  medium  of  Col.  Franks  I  again  indulge  myself  in 

1  "Autobiography"  in  Jefferson's  Works,  i.,  p.  62.  2 Ibid. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  317 

writing  to  my  dear  General ;  and  take  the  most  heartfelt  satis 
faction  in  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  the  Dispatches  which 
were  so  obligingly  addressed  for  me  to  the  care  of  Gov.  Jeffer 
son — who  arrived  in  this  city  about  ten  days  before  me.  Tho 
I  dare  not  undertake  to  say  in  this  Letter  how  much  I  feel  myself 
indebted  to  your  goodness  for  these  reiterated  instances  of 
your  friendship,  yet  I  may  be  allowed  with  the  greatest  truth 
to  assert  that  I  find  myself  under  greater  obligation  than  ever 
to  support  the  character  which  your  too  great  partiality  has 
so  ardently  desired,  endeavouring  to  persuade  the  world  I 
am  entitled  to 

Franks  is  waiting — I  have  no  time  to  add  but  by  presenting 
my  most  affectionate  regards  to  Mrs.  Washington  &  assuring 
you, that 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  my  dear  General 

Your  most  Obe'd  Servant 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

GEN.  WASHINGTON. 

The  following  interesting  note  from  Humphreys  after 
his  arrival  at  Paris  is  supposed  to  have  been  written  to  his 
brother  at  Derby. 

PARIS,  Nov.  6,  1784. 

.  I  have  passed  through  the  ceremony  of  going  to 
Court  &  being  presented  to  the  King  &  Royal  family.  The 
King  (Louis  XVI)  who  is  rather  fat  &  of  a  placid  good  tempered 
appearance  is  thought  to  possess  an  excellent  heart  &  to 
aspire  only  to  the  distinction  of  being  considered  as  the  father 
of  his  people. 

On  my  arrival  I  found  Gov.  Jefferson  had  been  about  a  week 
in  Paris.  He  had  taken  lodgings  &  made  provision  for  my 
accomodation.  His  politeness  &  generosity  extended  so 
far  as  to  insist  that  I  should  live  with  him  during  our  residence 
in  Europe  adding  by  way  of  inducement  that  it  would  not  be 
an  augmentation  to  his  expense.  He  has  since  furnished  a 
very  elegant  Hotel  where  letters  will  find  me  addressed  thus — 


Humphreys  in  France 

Col.  H.  Secretary  to  the  American  Commission,  Paris,  Cul 
de  Sac,  Rue  Faitbout. 

I  am  Yours 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 
Love  to  all — 

In  a  letter  to  Gen.  Washington  from  Paris,  September 
30,  1784,  Col.  Humphreys  mentions  the  restrictions  which 
"my  dearest  General  has  had  the  precaution  to  suggest. " 
He  will  make  the  fullest  disclosure  of  his  "feelings  and 
observations  which  may  consist  with  propriety  and  pru 
dence.  "  After  a  slight  dissertation  upon  friendship  he 
proceeds  to  speak  of  the  jealousy  with  which  friends 
sometimes  treat  the  success  of  each  other.  He  thus  con 
tinues:  "Happily  nothing  of  this  kind  can  take  place 
between  us." 

.  .  .  your  course  of  glory  is  accomplished,  you  are  safely 
landed  in  Port — &  conscious  I  am,  that  influenced  by  friend 
ship  alone,  it  is  the  first  wish  of  my  heart  to  see  some  writer 
assume  the  pen,  who  is  capable  of  placing  your  actions  in  the 
true  point  of  light  in  which  posterity  ought  to  view  them. 
That  there  is  no  one  better  able  to  perform  this  task  than  your 
self,  I  am  more  &  more  convinced  by  reflecting  on  the  subject 
myself  as  well  as  from  hearing  the  sentiments  of  others  upon 
it — I  have  even  gone  so  far  as  to  revolve  in  my  own  mind  the 
manner  in  which  such  a  plan  could  be  most  happily  executed. 
This  I  think  would  be  by  arranging  the  various  Events  into 
Campaigns,  or  "particular  Epochs" — selecting  from  your  orders 
"  Letters  and  Documents  everything  that  is  most  interesting 
concerning  these  events,  either  by  extracting  the  substance  or 
inserting  the  whole  of  such  Paper  as  tended  most  to  elucidate 
the  subject  " — I  am  my  Dear  Genl.  With  every  sentiment  of 
affection  your  friend 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

GEN.  WASHINGTON.1 

'  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Department,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  319 

In  a  letter  of  November  n,  1784,  he  alludes  to  the  dis 
turbances  over  the  navigation  of  the  Scheldt,  and  to  the 
visit  of  the  brother  of  the  King  of  Prussia. 

PARIS,  Novr.  u,  1784. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL: 

Colonel  le  Maire  who  is  this  moment  getting  off  for  Virginia 
affords  an  opportunity  for  communicating  the  latest  &  most 
important  intelligence  respecting  European  policies. 

The  Emperor1  &  the  Dutch  have  gone  so  far  in  their  quarrel 
about  the  navigation  of  the  Scheld  that  there  is  hardly  a 
possibility  that  either  should  recede, — indeed  the  act  of  re 
calling  their  minister  amounts  in  the  estimation  of  the  world 
to  a  declaration  of  war — besides  this,  each  party  is  making 
every  hostile  preparation ;  and  the  Emperor  is  said  to  have  put 
60,000  men  in  motion  towards  the  quarter  which  must  be  the 
theatre  of  action,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  supposed  the  Dutch 
must  have  been  morally  certain  of  receiving  succour  from  this 
nation  &  from  Prussia,  or  that  they  would  not  have  proceeded 
to  such  lengths  as  they  have  done. 

Prince  Henry  the  brother  of  the  King  of  Prussia  has  been 
here  some  time,  his  visit  is  thought  to  involve  some  political 
objects  in  it — two  days  ago  it  was  reported  he  had  a  private 
rendezvous  with  the  King  at  Fontainbleau — it  is  also  rumoured 
that  a  Camp  of  50,000  men  is  immediately  to  be  formed  in  this 
kingdom;  &  that  M.T.  de  Vergennes  will  probably  go  out  of 
office,  but  these  I  give  as  reports  only. 

If  the  war  should  commence  it  is  likely  that  almost  all 
Europe  will  first,  or  last,  be  engaged  in  it.  How  happy  that 
our  local  situation  does  not  require  that  we  should  become  a 
party  in  the  quarrels  of  other  nations,  and  what  a  wonder  that 
Britain  could  not  have  conjured  up  such  a  storm  before  our 
frail  Bark  had  safely  arrived  in  Port. 

In  Ireland  the  troubles  do  not  seem  to  have  subsided.  Not 
withstanding  the  interference  in  Dublin  to  prevent  the  election 

1  Joseph  II.,  son  of  Francis  I.,  and  Maria  Theresa.  He  reigned  from 
1865  to  1790. 


320  Humphreys  in  France 

of  Members  to  attend  the  National  Congress,  the  election  has 
taken  place  &  Sir  E.  Newenham,  who  is  one,  writes  Dr. 
Franklin  that  the  Congress  will  certainly  convene. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  my  Dr  Sir,  your  most  obed.  Servt, 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

GEN.  WASHINGTON.  z 

In  his  next  epistle  he  gives  a  more  cheerful  view  of  the 
political  aspect,  and  again  urges  Washington  to  undertake 
a  Memoir  of  the  Revolution. 

PARIS,  January  isth,  1785. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL  :— 

There  is  no  great  alteration  in  the  complexion  of  the  political 
world  since  I  had  the  honour  of  addressing  you  last,  except 
that  there  appears  to  be  more  probability  that  the  contest 
between  the  Emperor  &  the  Dutch  will  be  accomodated  with 
out  bloodshed,  than  there  did  at  that  period.  Preparations 
for  war  are  however  continued,  &  the  Count  de  Maillebois, 
Lieut.  Gen.  in  the  Armies  of  France  now  appointed  Command- 
er-in-Chief  of  the  Dutch  forces,  is  to  depart  this  week  to 
assume  his  new  command. 

As  to  the  state  of  our  own  politicks  I  can  only  say  (and 
that  for  your  ear  alone)  that  the  Treaties  in  contemplation 
which  extend  to  all  the  commercial  powers  of  Europe,  tho' 
progressive,  still  they  go  slowly  on ;  insomuch  that  I  have  had 
occasion  to  remark  that  there  is  no  Sovereign  in  Europe  but 
the  King  of  Prussia  who  seems  to  do  his  business  himself  or 
even  to  know  that  it  is  done  at  all.  I  have  expressed  in  several 
of  my  letters  to  you,  my  dear  General,  my  ardent  desire  to  see 
a  good  history  of  the  Revolution,  or  at  least  of  those  scenes  in 
which  you  have  been  principally  concerned ;  I  have  suggested 
your  undertaking  it  yourself,  and  I  cannot  help  repeating,  that 
to  travel  over  again  those  fields  of  activity  at  leisure  in  your 
study  would  be  a  rational  amusement,  or  if  the  task  should 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Department,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  321 

be  too  laborious,  it  might  be  called  a  noble  &  truly  philo 
sophic  employment.  Such  a  work  by  having  truth,  instruc 
tion  &  public  utility  for  its  objects  would  make  the  evening  of 
your  day  more  precious  in  the  eyes  of  future  ages,  than  they 
have  appeared  in  the  midst  of  glory  &  conquest  in  their  meri 
dian  splendour.  If  however  you  should  decline  the  task,  &  if 
ever  I  shall  have  leisure  and  opportunity,  I  shall  be  strongly 
tempted  to  enter  on  it,  more  with  the  design  of  rescuing  the 
materials  from  improper  hands  or  from  Oblivion,  than  from 
an  idea  of  being  able  to  execute  it  in  the  manner  it  ought  to  be 
done.  With  perfect  esteem  &  friendship  I  have  the  honour 
to  be  Your  Excy's 

Most  Obed  Hble  Servt. 

D.    HUMPHREYS.1 

The  progress  of  the  negotiations  with  Prussia  was  satis 
factory.  Baron  Thulemeyer,  minister  at  The  Hague,  was 
appointed  by  Frederick  his  plenipotentiary  for  this  pur 
pose.  The  "  pro  jet"  of  the  treaty  was  accepted  by  him 
with  only  slight  alterations,  and  little  change  was  made 
by  the  King  before  he  gave  it  his  approval. 

Sometime  in  May,  Humphreys  renews  his  correspond 
ence  with  Washington,  and  writes  him  this  gossipy  letter: 

PARIS,  May,  1785. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL: 

Since  I  had  the  honour  to  receive  by  the  last  Packet  your 
favour  dated  in  Feby  last,  I  have  been  unwell  with  a  slight 
fever,  &  tho'  recovered  at  this  moment  it  has  retarded  my 
public  business  in  such  a  manner  as  will  prevent  me  from  writ-, 
ing  so  particularly  as  I  wished  to  have  done  by  the  present 
opportunity. 

I  am  extremely  concerned  &  mortified  to  find  that  you  have 
been  under  the  necessity  of  being  so  much  occupied  with 
important  &  tedious  applications,  I  hope  you  will  have  been 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Department,  Washington,  D.  C. 

VOL.    I — 21 


322  Humphreys  in  France 

able  to  procure  some  assistance  before  this  time,  and  that  you 
will  not  ultimately  &  altogether  lose  sight  of  the  object  I  have 
more  than  once  had  the  honour  of  suggesting  to  your  Ex 
cellency. 

I  have  not  eat  the  bread  of  idleness — I  have  been  pretty 
constantly  employed  in  writings  of  one  kind  or  another. 
Besides  the  correspondence  which  have  been  opened  with 
Russia,  The  Emperor,  Prussia,  Denmark,  Sweden,  Saxony, 
Sicily,  Sardinia,  Venice,  the  Pope,  Tuscany,  Spain,  Portugal 
&  England — and  the  reports  which  have  been  made  in  con 
sequence  to  Congress;  I  have  kept  an  accurate  Record  of  the 
Proceedings  of  the  Ministers,  the  minutes  of  which  have 
already  filled  a  large  folio  Volume — Tho'  treaties  have  pro 
posed  to  be  entered  into  with  all  the  before  mentioned  Powers 
(except  Sweden  to  whom  supplementary  Treaty  has  been 
proposed)  yet  none  of  them  appear  to  be  near  a  completion 
except  with  the  King  of  Prussia  &  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany. 
Several  of  these  Powers,  however,  who  have  no  commercial 
Treaties  whatever,  have  declared  that  our  vessels  shall  be 
rec'd  in  their  ports  in  the  most  friendly  manner  &  that  we 
shall  be  upon  equal  terms  with  the  most  favoured  Nation. 

I  am  happy  to  learn  Congress  have  appointed  Mr.  Adams 
their  minister  at  the  Court  of  London,  it  was  a  measure  which 
had  become  indispensably  necessary  to  prevent  growing 
trouble  .and  perhaps  an  open  rupture  between  the  two  Na 
tions.  I  am  pleased  to  find  that  the  appointment  of  Secretary 
has  been  given  to  one  of  your  Aids-de-Camp.1 

Upon  my  leaving  America  Mr.  Morris  invested  me  with  the 
power  of  procuring  the  several  honorary  presents  which  had 
been  voted  by  Congress  to  different  Officers  for  their  service 
during  the  late  war.  The  Royal  Academy  of  Inscriptions  & 
Belle  Lettres  to  whom  I  addressed  a  letter  on  the  subject, 
have  furnished  me  with  the  following  device  &  inscrip 
tions  for  the  Gold  Medal  which  is  to  be  executed  for  your 
Excellency. — 

On  one  side  the  head  of  the  General,  Legend: 

1  Col.  William  B.  Smith  of  New  York,  who  married  Miss  Adams. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  323 

Georgio  Washington  Supremo  Duci  Exercitum  Adsertori 
Libertatis  Comitia  Americana. 

On  the  reverse,  taking  possession  of  Boston,  the  American 
Army  advances  in  good  order  toward  the  town,  which  is  seen 
at  a  distance,  while  the  British  Army  flies  with  precipitation 
towards  the  shore  to  embark  on  board  the  vessels  with  which 
the  harbour  is  covered.  In  front  of  the  American  Army 
appears  the  General  on  horseback  in  a  group  of  officers,  whom 
he  seems  to  make  observe  the  flight  of  the  enemy. 

Legend:  "Hostibus  primo  fugatis.  Exergue  Bostonium 
recuperatum  die  XVII  Martii  MDCCLXXVI." 

I  think  it  has  the  character  of  simplicity  &  dignity  which  is 
designed  to  transmit  the  remembrance  of  a  great  event  to 
posterity.  You  really  do  not  know  how  much  your  name  is 
venerated  on  this  side  the  Atlantic. 

I  have  been  fortunate  in  making  several  literary  &  noble 
acquaintances,  by  whom  I  have  been  treated  with  vastly 
more  attention  &  hospitality  than  by  any  officers  who  served 
in  America,  if  I  except  the  Marquis  la  Fayette  and  one  or 
two  more. 

It  is  pretty  well  decided  now  that  there  will  be  no  war  this 
summer.  We  have  had  a  remarkably  long  and  distressing 
winter.  Many  cattle  have  died  for  want  of  Forage  &  the 
present  want  of  rain  threatens  the  most  disastrous  con 
sequences. 

With  my  most  respectful  &  affectionate  regards  to  Mrs. 
Washington  &  Compts  to  all  the  family,  I  have  the  honour  to 
be  My  Dr  General 

Your  Sincere  friend  &  hble  Servant 

D.    HUMPHREYS.1 

The  medal  alluded  to  had  been  voted  to  Washington  by 
Congress  on  March  25,  1776,  after  the  evacuation  of 
Boston  by  the  British.  "John  Adams,  John  Jay  and 
Stephen  Hopkins  were  appointed  a  Committee  to  prepare 
a  letter  of  thanks  and  device  for  the  medal."  (Journal 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Department,  Washington,  D.  C. 


324  Humphreys  in  France 

oj  Congress,  II.,  p.  104.     Lossing's  Field  Book  of  the  Revo 
lution,  II.)     The  die  was  cut  out  by  Duvivier. 

The  instructions  referred  to  from  the  Financier  of  the 
Republic  are  contained  in  the  following  letter  signed  only 
by  his  initials : 

OFFICE  OF  FINANCE,  15  June  1784. 

LIEUT  COL?  HUMPHREYS, 

SIR, 

I  am  to  acknowledge  the  Receipt  of  your  favour  of  the  nine 
teenth  of  last  Month  which  could  not  be  done  immediately 
because  Mr.  Carleton  was  then  at  Annapolis.  Enclosed  you 
have  a  Copy  of  his  Return  of  honorary  Rewards  to  Officers 
voted  by  Congress  which  are  still  due,  and  in  this  list  a  Sword 
for  yourself.  The  Medals  and  Swords  can  best  be  executed  in 
Europe,  and  therefore  I  am  now  to  request  that  you  would  as 
speedily  as  may  be,  cause  them  to  be  made  and  the  Expence 
thereof  you  will  pay  by  Drafts  on  M.  Grand  to  whom  be 
pleased  to  transmit  the  enclosed  Letter  of  Credit.  The 
Articles  when  purchased  you  will  be  pleased  to  have  shipped  by 
some  safe  Conveyance  directed  for  the  Secretary  at  War, 
and  have  Bills  of  Lading  taken  for  the  same  on  Account  and 
Risque  of  the  United  States.  You  will  transmit  an  Acco*  of 
the  Expence  to  the  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury  that  it  may  be 
passed  and  the  due  Entries  made — Be  pleased  also  to  have 
all  these  articles  executed  agreeably  to  the  Resolutions  of 
Congress  respecting  them  which  you  will  find  in  their  Journals, 
Copy  whereof  is  doubtless  in  your  Possession. 

I  am  with  perfect  Esteem,  Sir,  Your  most  obedient  and 

hum.  Servant, 

R.  M.1 


Dr.  Benjamin  Franklin  had  for  more  than  eight  years 
resided  as  Minister  Plenipotentiary  in  France,  done  much 

1  MSS.  Library  of  Congress. 


Franklin  Returns  from  France          325 

to  overcome  the  dislike  of  Europe  for  America,  and  al 
though  he  had  frequently  requested  his  recall,  Congress 
felt  his  services  were  still  needed  as  some  especially 
delicate  negotiations  were  to  be  undertaken  which  he 
could  accomplish  better  than  any  one  else.  At  length  he 
was  relieved  from  a  burden  almost  too  great  for  his  eighty 
years,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  was  then  made  sole  Minister  to 
France.  Dr.  Franklin  sailed  in  July,  1785,  and  was  fol 
lowed  to  America  by  the  good  wishes  of  all  Europe,  and 
particularly  those  of  his  friends  in  France. 

Previous  to  his  departure  the  terms  of  the  treaty  with 
Prussia  had  been  agreed  upon.  Duplicate  originals  with 
the  English  and  French  texts  in  parallel  columns  had 
been  prepared.  The  signatures  of  the  American  Com 
missioners  were  affixed.  The  original  treaties  were  sent 
in  July,  1785,  to  Baron  Thulemeyer  at  The  Hague  for 
signature,  by  William  Short,  of  Virginia,1  as  a  special 
secretary.  He  also  was  entrusted  with  "the  original  of 
our  full  powers'*  and  an  attested  copy  was  to  be  retained 
by  him.  The  original  of  the  powers  was  to  be  returned 
to  the  Commissioners. 


That  you  may  be  under  no  doubt  whether  the  full  powers 
exhibited  to  you  be  sufficient  or  not,  you  receive  from  Colonel 
Humphries  those  which  Baron  Thulemeyer  heretofore  sent  to 
us;  if  those  which  shall  be  exhibited  agree  with  those  in  form 
or  substance  they  will  be  sufficient.2 

The  native  State  of  Washington  had  commissioned  its 
former  Governor  to  select  a  suitable  sculptor  to  make  a 
full-length  statue  of  the  hero  for  its  Capitol.  M.  Jean 
Houdon,  of  Paris,  then  at  the  height  of  his  fame,  was 

1  Mr.  Short  was  then  acting  as  Private  Secretary  to  Gov.  Jefferson. 
3  Jefferson's  Works,  i.,  p.  373. 


326  Humphreys  in  France 

chosen.1  He  accepted,  and  came  to  America  with  Dr. 
Franklin. 

So  great  was  the  apprehension  then  of  the  perils  of  the 
sea,  and  so  large  was  the  amount  promised  in  any  event  to 
M.  Houdon,  or  his  representatives,  that  Governor  Jeffer 
son  effected  an  insurance  for  fifteen  thousand  livres 
tournois  on  the  life  of  the  sculptor  for  the  period  of  his 
absence. 

The  following  letter  was  entrusted  to  Mr.  Houdon  for 
delivery  to  Gen.  Washington : 

PARIS,  July  17,  1785. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL: — 

I  cannot  permit  M.  Houdon  to  depart  for  Mt.  Vernon  with 
out  being  the  bearer  of  a  line  from  me.  I  am  very  happy  Mr. 
Jefferson  has  been  able  to  procure  him  to  make  the  voyage 
because  I  am  persuaded  he  will  be  able  to  transmit  an  excellent 
likeness  of  you  to  the  remotest  ages.  He  is  considered  as  one 
of  the  ablest  statuaries  in  Europe  &  has  performed  some 
capital  pieces  for  the  Empress  of  Russia.  I  hope  Congress 
will  also  employ  him  to  make  the  Equestrian  Statue  which 
they  have  voted  for  you.  His  having  once  taken  a  perfect 
likeness  will  facilitate  very  much  the  execution  of  it.  The 
likeness  may  likewise  be  multiplied  to  any  number.  Not  only 

1  Jean  Antoine  Houdon  was  born  of  poor  parents,  at  Versailles,  France, 
on  March  20,  1741.  His  talents  for  sculpture  developed  at  an  early  age 
and  in  his  thirteenth  year  he  had  done  much  meritorious  work.  In  1761 
he  gained  the  prix  de  Rome,  and  remained  in  Italy  ten  years.  He  made  a 
careful  study  of  the  then  recently  excavated  cities  of  Herculaneum  and 
Pompeii.  His  colossal  statue  of  St.  Bruno,  founder  of  the  Order  of  the 
Chartreuse,  is  one  of  his  masterpieces.  Clement  XIV.  paid  to  the  sculptor 
this  high  compliment:  "The  statue  would  speak  out  did  not  the  rules  of 
St.  Bruno's  order  enjoin  silence."  Upon  Houdon's  return  to  France  he 
was  applauded  and  honoured.  In  1777  he  was  made  a  member  of  the 
Academy,  in  1796  chosen  a  member  of  the  Institute,  and  in  1805  became 
a  Professor  in  1'Ecole  des  Beaux  Arts.  Among  his  best  known  works  are 
the  statues  and  busts  of  Turgot,  Voltaire,  Rousseau,  Washington,  La 
Fayette,  Mirabeau,  Diderot,  Franklin,  Napoleon,  and  Md'lle  Arnauld.  He 
died  in  his  eighty-eighth  year  on  July  16,  1828. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  327 

the  present  but  future  generations  will  be  curious  to  see  your 
figure  taken  by  such  an  artist.  And  indeed  my  dear  General, 
it  must  be  a  pleasing  reflection  to  you,  amid  the  tranquil 
walks  of  private  life,  to  find  that  history,  poetry,  painting  & 
sculpture  will  vie  with  each  other  in  consigning  your  name  to 
immortality. 

He  then  refers  to  the  question  of  the  General's  Memoirs : 

As  I  know  you  never  found  me  guilty  of  adulation,  on  any 
occasion,  I  am  confident  you  will  not  believe  me  capable  of 
flattery  in  the  present  instance  even  if  I  were  to  express  in 
still  stronger  terms  the  interest  I  feel  in  your  reputation.  Be 
assured  the  advocates  of  your  fame  are  very  numerous  in 
Europe,  and  that  they  wish,  for  the  honour  of  human  nature, 
&  the  benefit  of  mankind,  to  see  it  placed  in  a  just  &  candid 
point  of  view.  Since  my  arrival  in  France  I  have  become 
acquainted  with  a  circle  of  noble  £  literary  Characters  who 
are  passionate  admirers  of  your  glory ;  and  since  my  last  letter 
to  you  I  have  been  strongly  urged  by  some  of  them  to  under 
take  to  write  either  your  life  at  large,  or  if  I  had  not  leisure  & 
materials  for  that  work,  at  least  a  sketch  of  your  life  &  char 
acter.  I  have  answered,  were  I  master  of  my  own  time  & 
possessed  of  adequate  abilities,  there  is  no  task  I  would  more 
willingly  impose  upon  myself — but  with  a  consciousness  of 
these  defects  nothing  but  a  fear  that  the  work  would  ultimately 
devolve  upon  still  worse  hands  could  ever  induce  me  to  attempt 
it.  This  makes  me  wish  still  more  devoutly  my  dear  General 
(after  you  shall  be  eased  of  the  drudging  of  business  by  the 
assistance  of  a  Secy  as  you  propose)  that  you  would  yourself 
rescue  the  materials  from  the  unskillful  &  prophane  into  which 
they  will  one  day  or  another  fall.— 

Some  of  my  acquaintances  here  who  had  seen  a  little  Poem 
of  mine  solicited  for  copies  in  such  a  manner  as  to  make  a 
publication  of  it  necessary.  It  has  also  been  reprinted  in 
London  &  occasioned  the  author  to  be  the  subject  of  many 
newspaper  paragraphs — tho'  the  sentiments  &  descriptions 
were  not  calculated  to  please  English  readers  yet  their  criti- 


328  Humphreys  in  France 

cisms  as  far  as  I  am  able  to  learn,  have  been  sufficiently 
favourable  as  to  the  merits  of  the  composition. x 

I  have  the  honour  of  forwarding  a  copy  herewith. — The 
certainty  of  peace  and  the  consequence  of  news  &  politics 
leave  me  nothing  to  say  on  those  subjects — in  the  meantime 
I  find  myself  here  in  circumstances  agreeable  enough  for  a 
man  of  moderate  expectations.  My  public  character  puts  it 
in  my  option  to  be  present  at  the  King's  Levee  every  Tuesday, 
&  after  the  Levee  to  dine  with  the  whole  Diplomatic  Corps  at 
the  Cte  de  Vergennes — It  is  curious  to  see  forty  or  fifty  Am 
bassadors,  Ministers  or  other  strangers  of  the  first  fashion 
from  all  the  nations  of  Europe,  assembling  in  the  most  amicable 
manner  &  conversing  in  the  same  language;  what  heightens 
the  pleasure  is  their  being  universally  men  of  unaffected  man 
ners  &  good  dispositions.  There  is  none  of  them  more  civil 
to  us  than  the  Duke  of  Dorset,  with  whom  I  often  dine  & 
who  is  the  plainest  &  best  bred  Englishman  I  have  seen  at 
Paris. 

1  The  Paris  edition  is  a  square  quarto  of  twenty-eight  pages  without  the 
name  of  any  printer.  The  title  is  as  in  the  edition  of  1784,  with  "New 
Haven:  Printed  by  T.  S.  Green.  Paris  Reprint — 1785."  The  London 
edition  has  this  title-page: 

POEMS 
ADDRESSED  TO  THE  ARMIES 

OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 

BY 

DAVID  HUMPHREYS,  ESQ. 

Colonel  in  the   Service  of  the  United  States,  and  aid-de-camp  to  His 
Excellency  the  Commander  in  Chief. 

Jam  Fides,  et  pax,  et  honor,  pudorque 
Priscus,  et  neglecta  redire  virtus 
Audet;  apparetque  beata  pleno 

Copia  Cornu.  Hor. 

Incipient  magni  procedere  menses.  Virg. 

New  Haven:  Printed  by  T.  and  S.  Green,  1784. 

Paris,  reprinted  1785;  and  at  London,  in  the  same  year  for  G.  Kearley, 
at  No.  46,  Fleet  Street.     (Price  Two  Shillings.) 


Washington  to  Humphreys  329 

The  Marquis  la  Fayette  has  just  set  off  for  Prussia.  He  is 
as  much  the  favourite  of  the  Americans  here  as  in  America — 
With  my  most  respectful  Compts  to  Mrs.  Washington  &  the 
family  I  have  the  honour  to  be  my  dear  Genl  your  sincere 
friend  &  hble  Servt 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

GENL.  WASHINGTON.1 

With  his  natural  modesty,  General  Washington  shrank 
from  making  himself  the  chief  personage  in  the  story  of 
the  Revolution,  or  himself  recording  his  own  part  in  the 
great  struggle.  We  have  one  attractive  and  important 
letter,  from  Washington  to  his  former  Aide,  written  in 
July,  1785.  With  hospitable  insistence  he  invited  Col. 
Humphreys  to  make  Mount  Vernon  his  home  and  there, 
with  access  to  all  the  General's  papers,  write  the  story  of 
the  Revolution.  With  prophetic  vision  Washington  tells 
his  friend  of  the  peopling  of  the  West,  the  necessity  of 
maintaining  an  "open  door"  between  it  and  the  East, 
by  waterways  connecting  the  great  rivers  and  intercept 
ing  the  commerce  of  the  broad  Mississippi,  and  thus 
uniting  the  diverse  interests  of  the  two  sections. 

MY  DEAR  HUMPHREYS  : 

Since  my  last  to  you  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  I5th 
of  January  &  I  believe  that  of  the  I  ith  of  November,  &  thank 
you  for  them.  It  always  gives  me  pleasure  to  hear  from  you 
&  I  should  think  if  amusements  would  spare  you,  business 
could  not  so  much  absorb  your  time,  as  to  prevent  your  writ 
ing  more  frequently,  especially  as  there  is  a  regular  conveyance 
once  a  month  by  the  Packet. 

As  the  complexion  of  European  politics  seems  now  (from 
letters  I  have  received  from  the  Marq :  de  la  Fayette,  Chevrs 
Chastellux,  De  la  Luzerne  &c)  to  have  a  tendency  to  Peace, 
I  will  say  nothing  of  War,  nor  make  any  animadversions  upon 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Department,  Washington,  D.  C. 


330  Humphreys  in  France 

the  contending  Powers;  otherwise  I  might  possibly  have  said 
that  the  retreat  from  it  seemed  impossible  after  the  explicit 
declarations  of  the  parties:  My  first  wish  is  to  see  this  plague 
to  mankind  banished  from  off  the  Earth,  &  the  sons  and 
Daughters  of  this  World  employed  in  more  pleasing  &  in 
nocent  amusements,  than  in  preparing  implements,  &  exercis 
ing  them  for  the  destruction  of  mankind,  rather  than  quarrel 
about  territory  let  the  poor,  the  needy  &  oppressed  of  the 
Earth  &  those  who  want  Land,  resort  to  the  fertile  plains  of 
our  Western  Country,  the  second  land  of  Promise,  &  there 
dwell  in  peace,  fulfilling  the  First  &  great  commandment. 

In  a  former  letter,  I  informed  you,  My  Dear  Humphreys, 
that  if  I  had  talents  for  it,  I  have  not  leisure  to  turn  my 
thoughts  to  commentaries;  a  consciousness  of  a  defective 
education,  and  a  certainty  of  the  want  of  time,  unfit  me  for 
such  an  undertaking;  what  with  company,  letters  &  other 
matters,  many  of  them  quite  extraneous,  I  have  not  been 
able  to  arrange  my  own  private  concerns  so  as  to  rescue  them 
from  that  disorder 'd  state  into  which  they  have  been  thrown 
by  the  war;  &  to  do  which  is  to  become,  absolutely  necessary 
for  my  support,  whilst  I  remain  on  the  stage  of  human  action. 
The  sentiments  of  your  last  letter  on  this  subject  gave  me  great 
pleasure ;  I  should  be  pleased  indeed  to  see  you  undertake  this 
business;  your  abilities  as  a  writer;  your  discernment  respect 
ing  the  principles  which  lead  to  the  decision  by  arms;  your 
personal  knowledge  of  many  facts  as  they  occurred  in  the 
progress  of  the  War;  your  disposition  to  justice,  candour  & 
impartiality,  &  your  diligence  in  investigating  truth,  all  com 
bining,  fit  you,  when  joined  with  the  vigor  of  life,  for  this  task; 
and  I  should  with  great  pleasure,  not  only  give  you  the  perusal 
of  all  my  papers,  but  any  oral  information  or  circumstances, 
which  cannot  be  obtained  from  the  former,  that  my  memory 
will  furnish  and  I  can  with  great  truth  add  that  my  house 
would  not  only  be  at  your  service  during  the  period  of  your 
preparing  this  work  but  (&  without  an  unmeaning  compli 
ment  I  say  it)  I  should  be  exceedingly  happy  if  you  would 
make  it  your  home.  You  might  have  an  apartment  to  your 
self,  in  which  you  could  command  your  own  time,  you  would 


Washington  to  Humphreys  33 l 

be  considered  and  treated  as  one  of  the  family;  &  meet  with 
that  cordial  reception  &  entertainment  which  are  character 
istic  of  the  sincerest  friendship. 

To  reverberate  European  news  would  be  idle  &  we  have  little 
of  domestic  kind  worthy  of  attention:  We  have  held  treaties 
indeed  with  the  Indians;  but  they  were  so  unseasonably  de 
layed,  that  these  people  by  our  last  account  from  the  Westward, 
are  in  a  discontented  mood  supposed  by  many  to  be  instigated 
there  by  our  late  enemies.  Now,  to  be  sure,  fast  friends;  who 
from  anything  I  can  learn,  under  the  indefinite  expression  of 
the  treaty  hold,  &  seem  resolved  to  retain  possession  of  our 
western  Posts.  Congress  have  also,  after  a  long  &  tedious 
deliberation,  passed  an  ordinance  for  laying  off  the  Western 
territory  into  States,  &  for  disposing  of  the  land;  but  in  a 
manner  &  on  terms  which  few  people  (in  the  Southern  States) 
conceive  can  be  accomplished ;  both  sides  are  sure,  &  the  event 
is  appealed  to  let  time  decide  it.  It  is,  however,  to  be  re 
gretted  that  local  politics  &  self  interested  views  obtrude 
themselves  into  every  measure  of  public  utility:  but  to  such 
characters  be  the  consequences. 

My  attention  is  more  immediately  engaged  in  a  project 
which  I  think  big  with  great  political,  as  well  as  commercial, 
consequences  to  these  States,  especially  the  middle  ones.  It 
is,  by  removing  the  obstructions,  &  extending  the  inland  navi 
gation  of  our  rivers,  to  bring  the  States  on  the  Atlantic  in 
close  connection  with  those  forming  to  the  westward,  by  a 
short  &  easy  transportation : — without  this,  I  can  easily  con 
ceive  they  will  have  different  views — separate  interests  & 
other  connections — I  may  be  singular  in  my  ideas;  but  they 
are  these,  that  to  open  a  door  to,  &  make  easy  the  way  for 
those  settlers  to  the  westward  (which  ought  to  progress 
regularly  £  compactly)  before  we  make  any  stir  about  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  &  before  our  settlements  are 
far  advanced  towards  that  river,  would  be  our  true  line  of 
policy. 

It  can,  I  think,  be  demonstrated  that  the  produce  of  the 
western  Territory  (if  the  navigations  which  are  now  in  hand 
succeed,  &  of  which  I  have  no  doubt)  as  low  down  the  Ohio 


332  Humphreys  in  France 

as  the  Great  Kanowha,  I  believe,  to  the  Falls,  &  between  the 
parts  above  &  the  Lakes,  may  be  brought  either  to  the  highest 
shipping  Port  on  this  or  James  River,  at  a  less  expense,  with 
more  ease  (including  the  return),  &  in  a  much  shorter  time, 
than  it  can  be  carried  to  New  Orleans  if  the  Spaniards  instead 
of  restricting,  were  to  throw  open  their  Ports  &  invite  our 
trade.  But  if  the  commerce  of  that  country  should  embrace 
this  channel,  &  connections  be  formed,  experience  has  taught 
us  (&  there  is  a  very  recent  proof  with  G.  Britain)  how  next 
to  impracticable  it  is  to  divert  it ;  and  if  that  should  be  the 
case,  the  Atlantic  States  (especially  as  those  to  the  Westward 
will  in  a  great  degree  fill  with  foreigners)  will  be  no  more  to 
the  present  union,  except  to  excite  perhaps  very  justly  our 
fears,  than  the  Country  of  California  is,  which  is  still  more 
to  the  Westward ,  &  belonging  to  another  power. 

Mrs.  Washington  presents  her  compliments  to  you,  &  with 
every  wish  for  your  happiness, 

I  am,  My  Dr.  Humphreys,  &c,  &c., 

G?  WASHINGTON. 

MT.  VERNON,  25th  July,  1785. 1 


To  this  very  flattering  invitation  Col.  Humphreys  re 
plied  on  November  I,  1785,  from  Paris.  In  this  letter 
we  find  the  first  reference  to  the  blackmail  of  the  pirates  of 
the  Barbary  States : 

PARIS,  Nov.  ist,  1785. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL: — 

Being  uncertain  whether  this  letter  will  arrive  at  Bour- 
deaux  in  time  to  be  carried  to  America  by  the  vessel  which 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Department,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Col.  Humphreys  sent  an  extract  of  this  letter  to  his  brother,  the  Hon. 
John  Humphreys,  of  Derby,  Conn.,  in  a  letter  of  his  dated  from  Mt. 
Vernon,  August  4,  1786,  which  is  given  in  Johnston's  Yale  in  the  Revolu 
tion,  p.  154.  The  original,  in  1888,  was  in  possession  of  Mrs.  William 
Humphreys  of  Ashtabula,  Ohio,  who  was  a  niece  by  marriage. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  333 

brought  me  your  favour  of  the  25th  of  July,  I  will  content 
myself  with  assuring  you  how  deeply  I  am  penetrated  by  those 
expressions  of  confidence  &  friendship  with  which  it  is  replete. 
Whether  I  should  or  should  not,  be  at  liberty  to  accept  the 
liberal  offer  you  make  I  cannot  at  this  moment  decide.  I 
shall  not  however  lose  sight  of  the  object — &  so  much  I  am 
able  to  assert,  the  execution  of  the  Task  in  contemplation 
would  be  a  very  favourite  pursuit,  because  with  your  oral 
assistance  alone  it  could  be  completed  in  a  satisfactory  &  use 
ful  manner. — 

I  had  the  honour  of  writing  to  you  on  the  loth  of  May  & 
17  of  July  since  which  no  remarkable  events  have  taken  place 
in  Europe. 

The  public  tranquillity  seems  not  likely  to  be  soon  inter 
rupted  &  on  the  subject  of  peace  let  me  observe  that  there 
never  was  since  the  creation  of  the  world  a  moment  in  which  so 
little  hostility  existed  on  the  earth  as  at  present — indeed  I 
know  of  none  except  the  depredations  committed  by  the 
African  Pirates  on  some  of  the  Christian  nations — it  is  scandal 
ous  &  humiliating  beyond  expression  to  see  the  powerful 
maritime  kingdoms  of  Europe  tributary  to  such  a  contemptible 
Banditti — This  sinister  policy  will  force  us  in  some  degree  to 
the  same  measure — you  have  doubtless  heard  of  their  having 
taken  several  American  vessels,  the  number  has  been  exag 
gerated  by  English  lies — The  Emperor  of  Morocco  has  given 
up  the  prisoners  with  the  only  vessel  captured  by  his  cruisers 
&  seems  disposed  to  make  peace  with  us — the  Algerines  have 
lately  taken  two  vessels  (one  from  Boston  the  other  from 
Phila.)  this  is  the  most  potent  of  the  Barbary  States  &  will 
probably  be  the  most  insolent  &  intractable.  The  American 
Ministers  in  Europe  who  have  been  authorized  to  enter  into 
negotiation  with  them  are  at  this  moment  sending  Mr.  Barclay 
(Consul  Genl  in  France)  to  Morocco  &  Mr.  Lamb  of  Connecti 
cut  to  Algiers  as  agents  to  negotiate  Treaties  under  their 
Instructions. 

The  Marquis  la  Fayette  has  just  returned  from  Prussia 
highly  pleased  with  the  reviews — he  concurs  with  our  general 
information  that  the  English  Papers  have  inculcated  almost 


334  Humphreys  in  France 

universally  reports  very  much  to  the  prejudice  of  the  American 
character  &  politicks — it  rests  for  us  by  honour  &  honesty  to 
give  those  reports  the  lye.  Adieu  my  dear  Gen  be  pleased  to 
present  me  respectfully  to  Mrs.  Washington  &  believe  ever 
your  sincere  friend  &  most  Hble  Servt 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 
GEN.  WASHINGTON. 

The  statement  of  Col.  Humphreys  in  the  foregoing 
letter  that  the  American  Commissioners  in  Europe  were 
about  to  send  representatives  to  Algiers  to  negotiate 
treaties  with  the  Barbary  States  in  regard  to  the  depreda 
tions  committed  by  the  Algerine  pirates  is  confirmed 
by  the  endorsement  of  Mr.  Rideout  on  the  following  little 
note  from  Col.  Humphreys  which  fortunately  has  been 
preserved : 

(In  pencil)  Poet 
37  PARIS,  Nov.  ist,  1785. 

SIR, 

I  have  the  honour  to  receive  your  letter  of  the  15  ulto.  from 
Genl.  Washington  &  now  take  the  liberty  of  recommending 
to  your  care  an  Ansr.  to  it,  for  your  very  obliging  offer  of 
service  be  pleased  to  accept  the  thanks  of, 

Sir, 
Your  most  Obedt  &  very  hble  servt. 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 
Mr.  RIDEOUT. 

The  letter  is  thus  endorsed  :— 

DAVID  HUMPHREYS,  Esqr. 

Secretary  of  the  American  Embassy, 

PARIS  i,  Novr.  1785. 

Rec'd  to  d.  by  M''or  Lamb  &  Mr.  Paul  B.  Randall  on  their 
way  to  Algiers.  Answd  15  Novr.  1785.* 

1  Dreer  Collection.     Pennsylvania  Historical  Society,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 


Jefferson  to  Madison  335 

Jefferson  in  a  letter  to  Col.  Monroe  has  this  amusing 
reference  to  English  detraction  and  falsehood: 

At  a  large  table  where  I  dined  the  other  day,  a  gentleman 
from  Switzerland  expressed  his  apprehension  for  the  fate  of 
Dr.  Franklin,  as  he  had  been  informed  that  he  would  be  re 
ceived  with  stones  by  the  people  who  were  generally  dissatis 
fied  with  the  Revolution,  and  incensed  against  all  those  who 
had  assisted  in  bringing  it  about. 

I  told  him  his  apprehensions  were  just,  and  that  the  people 
would  probably  salute  Dr.  Franklin  with  the  same  stones  they 
had  thrown  at  Marquis  Fayette.1 

I  am  well  informed  [writes  Mr.  Jefferson  to  Mr.  Madison,] 
that  the  late  proceedings  in  America  have  produced  a  wonder 
ful  sensation  in  England  in  our  favor.  I  mean  the  disposition 
which  seems  to  be  becoming  general  to  invest  Congress  with  the 
regulation  of  our  commerce,  and,  in  the  meantime  the'measures 
taken  to  defeat  the  avidity  of  the  British  government  grasping 
at  our  carrying  business.  I  can  add  with  truth  that  it  was  not 
till  these  symptoms  appeared  in  America  that  I  have  been 
able  to  discover  che  smallest  token  of  respect  towards  the 
United  States  in  any  part  of  Europe.  There  was  an  enthu 
siasm  towards  us  all  over  Europe  at  the  moment  of  the 
peace. 

The  torrent  of  lies  published  unremittingly  in  every  day's 
London  paper  first  made  an  impression  and  produced  a  cool 
ness.  The  republication  of  these  lies  in  most  of  the  papers  of 
Europe,  (done  probably  by  the  authority  of  the  governments 
to  discourage  emigrations)  carried  them  home  to  the  belief  of 
every  mind.  They  supposed  everything  in  America  was  an 
archy,  tumult,  and  civil  war.  The  reception  of  the  Marquis 
Fayette  gave  a  check  to  these  ideas.  The  late  proceedings 
seem  to  be  producing  a  decisive  vibration  in  our  favor.2 

1  Letter  of  Gov.  Thomas  Jefferson  to  Col.  James  Monroe,  Paris,  August 
28,  1785.  Jefferson's  Works,  i.,  p.  407,  408. 

•Letter  of  Mr.  Jefferson  to  Mr.  James  Madison,  Paris,  September  i, 
1785.  Jefferson's  Works,  i.,  pp.  413,  414. 


336  Humphreys  in  France 

This  disposition  made  necessary  the  drafting  of  docu 
ments  and  the  preparation  of  dispatches  to  be  sent  to  what 
ever  court  seemed  to  be  willing  to  entertain  the  proposition 
of  our  commissioners.  The  time  of  Col.  Humphreys  was 
so  taken  up  that  Mr.  Jefferson  could  not  call  upon  him  to 
prepare  the  communications  peculiar  to  the  duties  of  the 
Minister  to  France.  In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Jay,  Gov.  Jeffer 
son  says:  "Colonel  Humphreys  finds  full  occupation, 
and  often  more  than  he  can  do,  in  writing  and  reading 
despatches  and  proceedings  of  the  general  commissions."1 

Late  in  the  fall  of  1785,  it  seemed  probable  that  satis 
factory  negotiations  could  be  carried  on  with  Great  Britain 
and  Portugal.  Col.  Smith,  Secretary  of  Legation  at 
London,  came  to  Paris  with  dispatches  and  confidential 
verbal  communications  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  After  a  con 
sultation  between  Mr.  Jefferson  and  the  Secretaries,  it 
was  thought  best  for  Col.  Humphreys  to  proceed  to  Lon 
don  with  Col.  Smith  and  there  to  await  the  opportunity  of 
furthering  the  work  of  the  Commission.  On  November 
28th,  he  left  Paris  bearing  dispatches  and  letters  for  Mr. 
Adams. 

1  Mr.  Jefferson  to  Mr.  Jay,  Paris,  Aug.  30,  1785,  Jefferson's  Works, 
i.,  p.  411. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

Humphreys  in  England 

Arrival  of  Humphreys  in  London — Letter  of  Jefferson  to  Adams  on  Amer 
ican  Commerce — Humphreys'  Reception  in  London — Letter  of  Jef 
ferson  to  Humphreys  on  the  Medal  for  Gen.  Gates — Humphreys' 
Reply — Letter  of  Humphreys  to  John  Jay  on  the  Attitude  of  English 
People  to  America — Publication  of  his  Poem  on  the  Happiness  of 
America — Sends  Description  of  his  Life  in  London  to  Washing 
ton — Progress  of  Negotiations  with  Portugal — Visit  of  Jefferson  to 
London — Coolly  Received  at  Court  —  Conclusion  of  Work  of 
Commission — Letter  of  Adams  to  Jay  Commending  Humphreys — 
Humphreys'  Return  to  Paris — Expiration  of  the  Commission — Let 
ter  of  Humphreys  to  Jefferson  Announcing  his  Intended  Return 
to  America — Letter  of  Jefferson  to  Jay  Announcing  Expiry  of  the 
Commission  and  Commending  Humphreys — Letter  of  Humphreys 
to  Jefferson —Sails  for  America. 

COL.  HUMPHREYS  arrived  in  London  early  in  De 
cember;  meanwhile,  Mr.  Jefferson  had  in  a  letter  of 
November  27,  1785,  to  Mr.  Adams,  expressed  his  satis 
faction  that  ' '  Portugal  is  stepping  forward  in  the  business 
of  treaty  and  that  there  is  a  probability  that  we  may  at 
length  do  something  under  our  Commission  which  may 
produce  a  solid  benefit  to  our  constituents.  I  conjecture 
from  your  relation  of  the  conference  with  the  Chevalier 
dePinto  that  he  is  well  informed  and  sensible.  "z 

He  then  comments  at  length  upon  the  mutual  benefit 
of  the  proposed  treaty.  He  considers  various  commodi 
ties  and  discusses  the  convenience  and  profit  of  their 

1  Letter  of  Mr.  Thomas  Jefferson  to  Mr.  Adams,  Jefferson's  Works, 
rol.  i.,  p.  492. 

VOL.    I — 22  337 


338  Humphreys  in  England 

exchange;  among  them  were  flour,  salt,  cotton,  wool, 
wines,  East  Indian  goods,  and  coffee.  He  suggests  that 
the  Portuguese  furnish  the  United  States  with  coffee 
from  Brazil.  The  whole  letter  shows  that  the  writer  un 
derstood  the  subject  and  that  he  was  thoroughly  aware 
of  the  commercial  possibilities  of  his  country. 

Col.  Humphreys  received  from  Mr.  Adams,  his  family, 
and  the  Americans  in  London,  a  most  cordial  welcome. 
Like  all  Americans  who  visited  England  at  that  time,  he 
found  that  the  "mother  country"  was  not  disposed  to  deal 
with  justice,  kindness  or  consideration  in  regard  to  the 
United  States.  So  confident  was  she  that  her  products 
must  be  used  in  America,  and  that  America  must  employ 
her  ships  in  the  carrying  trade  that  she  did  not  even  listen 
with  patience  to  any  proposition  for  the  mutual  advantage 
of  the  two  nations.  Mr.  Adams  was  cautious  and  per 
sistent  and  took  every  means  to  show  leaders  of  British 
commercial  opinion  the  benefit  of  the  proposition  made 
by  the  Commission.  The  presence  of  the  Secretary 
increased  his  activity  and  many  interviews  and  in 
formal  conferences  were  held  with  the  British  author 
ities  and  with  the  Portuguese  minister.  While  in 
London,  Col.  Humphreys  received  several  letters  from 
Mr.  Jefferson.  In  one  of  December  4,  1785,  he  called 
attention  to  the  fact  that  in  the  design  of  the  medal  for 
Gen.  Gates,  commemorating  the  victory  at  Saratoga,  the 
order  of  the  Cincinnati  is  shown  in  the  bust  of  Gen. 
Gates.  He  enclosed  a  letter  from  the  engraver  M. 
Gatteaux. r 

PARIS,  December  4,  1785. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  enclose  you  a  letter  from  Gatteaux  observing  that  there 
will  be  an  anachronism,  if  in  making  a  medal  to  commemorate 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Department,  Washington,  D.  C.,  also  Jefferson's 
Works,  vol.  i.,  pp.  496,  497. 


Jefferson  on  Medal  for  Gates  339 

the  victory  of  Saratoga,  he  puts  on  General  Gates  the  insignia 
of  the  Cincinnati,  which  did  not  exist  at  that  date.  I  wrote 
him,  in  answer,  that  I  thought  so  too  but  that  you  had  the 
direction  of  the  business;  that  you  were  now  in  London;  that 
I  would  write  to  you  and  probably  should  have  an  answer 
within  a  fortnight;  and,  that  in  the  meantime,  he  could  be 
employed  on  other  parts  of  the  die.  I  supposed  you  might 
not  have  observed,  on  the  print  of  General  Gates,  the  insignia 
of  the  Cincinnati,  or  did  not  mean,  that  that  particular  should 
be  copied.  Another  reason  against  it  strikes  me.  Congress 
have  studiously  avoided  giving  to  the  public  their  sense  of 
this  institution.  Should  medals  be  prepared  to  be  presented 
from  them  to  certain  officers,  and  bearing  on  them  the  in 
signia  of  the  order,  as  the  presenting  them  would  involve  an 
approbation  of  the  institution,  a  previous  question  would  be 
forced  on  them,  whether  they  would  present  these  medals? 
I  am  of  the  opinion  it  would  be  very  disagreeable  to  them  to  be 
placed  under  the  necessity  of  making  this  declaration.  Be  so 
good  as  to  let  me  know  your  wishes  on  this  subject,  by  the 
first  post- 
Mr.  Short  has  been  sick  ever  since  you  left  us.  Nothing 
new  has  occurred  here  since  your  departure.  I  imagine  you 
have  American  news.  If  so,  pray  give  us  some.  Present  me 
affectionately  to  Mr.  Adams  and  the  ladies  and  to  Colonel 
Smith ;  and  be  assured  of  the  esteem  with  which  I  am  dear  Sir 
your  friend  and  servant 

TH.  JEFFERSON. 
COL.  HUMPHREYS.1 

In  his  answer,  dated  simply  1786,  Humphreys  says: 

DEAR  SIR  :— 

I  have  been  duly  honoured  with  your  favour  of  Dec.  4th, 
and,  on  the  subject  of  Gatteau's  application  take  the  liberty 
to  inform  you  that  I  never  had  an  idea  of  his  engraving  the 
insignia  of  the  Cincinnati. 

I  clearly  see  the  impropriety  of  it.  I  should,  therefore,  be 
much  obliged  if  you  would  take  the  trouble  of  giving  him 

1  Jefferson's  Works,  vol.  i.t  p.  496. 


34°  Humphreys  in  England 

definitive  instructions  on  this  and  any  points  that  may  occur 
in  the  execution  of  the  Medal. 

A  vessel  which  has  just  arrived  in  24  days  from  Philadelphia 
brings  advice  that  Dr.  Franklin  had  been  unanimously  elected 
President  of  the  State. 

Mr.  Hardy  of  the  delegation  from  Virginia  died  at  New 
York  on  the  iyth  of  October.  There  is  no  other  transatlantic 
intelligence  worthy  to  be  transcribed. 

Mr.  Eden's  appointment  as  Envoy  Extraordinary  to  the 
Court  of  France  for  negotiating  commercial  arrangements  is  a 
topic  of  conversation  at  this  time.  It  is  thought  from  this 
circumstance  that  the  Administration  are  more  in  earnest  to 
make  a  commercial  treaty  with  France  than  they  have  hitherto 
been.  You  will  find  the  Anti-Ministerial  papers  are  filled 
with  paragraphs  respecting  Eden's  defection.— 

Upon  our  route  from  Paris  here  we  fell  in  company  & 
travelled  with  a  Mr.  Payne  who  has  been  in  a  public  character 
at  Morocco — he  informs  me,  in  negotiation  at  that  court  the 
novelty  of  a  present  is  frequently  of  more  consequence  than 
the  intrinsic  value  of  it.  He  mentioned  as  an  instance  in 
proof,  that  the  Emperor  appeared  more  pleased  with  a  hand- 
organ  than  any  other  present  which  he  gave  him.  He  speaks 
well  of  the  Emperor's  personal  character,  tho'  I  believe  he  has 
not  fully  succeeded  in  the  object  of  his  mission,  as  he  appeared 
in  doubt  how  he  should  be  received  on  his  return  here. 

I  am  sorry  to  hear  of  Mr.  Short's  illness  &  beg  my  best 
Compts  may  be  presented  to  him.  Those  of  Mr.  Adams'  family 
&  Col.  Smith  attend  you. 

I  am  with  the  sincerest  affection, 
Dear  Sir, 
Your  most  obedt  &  Hble  Servt. 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

London. 

Gloucester  Square,  No.  18. 
His  Exy, 

T.    JEFFERSON.1 
1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Humphreys  to  Jay  341 

In  a  letter  to  the  Hon.  John  Jay,  then  Secretary  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  Humphreys  gives  the  reason  for  his  visit 
to  London,  and  comments  on  the  attitude  of  the  English 
people  to  the  United  States. 

LONDON,  Decr  24,  1785. 

SIR, 

As  there  was  nothing  to  be  done  at  Paris  for  the  present 
under  the  Commission  to  which  I  am  Secry  it  was  judged  not 
inexpedient  that  I  should  come  to  this  place  where  there  was  a 
possibility  some  negotiations  for  treaties  of  Amity  &  Commerce 
might  be  carried  on  with  Great  Britain  &  Portugal.  I  arrived 
here  in  consequence  three  weeks  ago. — 

Until  my  arrival  here  I  was  not  fully  apprised  of  the  un 
favourable  discriptions  of  people — In  this  alone  Administra 
tion  &  opposition  coincide — The  Newspapers  of  both  parties 
have  co-operated  to  produce  a  belief  throughout  the  Continent 
that  the  United  States  are  on  the  brink  of  perdition.  To 
counteract  in  some  degree  these  unfavourable  sentiments  I 
have  written  in  my  leisure  hours  a  Poem  of  considerable  length 
addressed  to  the  Citizens  of  the  United  States  calculated  to 
show  their  superior  advantages  for  happiness  over  all  the  rest 
of  mankind,  whether  considered  in  a  physical,  moral,  or  po 
litical  point  of  view.  The  work  is  in  the  press  and  I  shall  have 
the  pleasure  of  transmitting  a  copy  to  you  as  soon  as  it  shall 
be  compleated. 

Not  having  the  honour  of  being  personally  known  to  you, 
I  should  not  have  troubled  you  with  this,  but  for  the  sake 
of  intimating  that  as  the  appointment  under  which  I  act 
expires  in  the  spring  unless  Congress  should  find  further 
occasion  for  my  services  in  Europe  I  shall  embark  for  America 
in  the  Month  of  April  next. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be 

With  perfect  respect 
Sir 

Your  Most  Obedt  &  Most  Hble  Servt 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 


342  Humphreys  in  England 

P.  S.  Mr.  Adams'  dispatches  having  been  closed  last  night, 
I  enclose  two  papers  of  to-day. x 

His  Address  to  the  Armies  had  been  praised  in  the  Eng 
lish  reviews  and  newspapers,  and  he  had  received  many 
private  letters  commending  it.  The  presence  of  the 
poet  in  London  gave  literary  society  an  opportunity  to 
show  attention  and  courtesy  to  a  transatlantic  author. 
That  society  had  lost  its  great  ornament  more  than  a  year 
before,  the  massive  and  learned  Dr.  Johnson.  There  still 
remained,  however,  the  eloquent  Edmund  Burke,  and  the 
witty  Richard  Brinsley  Sheridan,  and  other  lesser  lights. 

Robert  Burns  was  touching  the  hearts  of  the  Scotch 
with  his  songs,  and  in  obscurity  the  gentle  Charles  Lamb 
and  the  contemplative  William  Wordsworth  were  prepar 
ing  for  their  future  brilliant  careers.  While  there  was  at 
that  time  no  great  originality  in  the  work  of  English 
writers,  and  literature  was  passing  from  old  to  new  modes 
of  expression  and  subject,  it  was  an  agreeable  circle  into 
which  Col.  Humphreys  was  now  introduced. 

In  the  spring  of  1786,  the  poem  was  completed,  and  an 
edition  printed  in  London.  It  was  reprinted  in  the  same 
year  at  Hartford.  It  became  popular  and  "passed 
through  eight  editions  in  little  more  than  four  years. " 2 

Col.  Humphreys  in  February  sent  an  interesting  account 
of  his  life  in  London  to  Gen.  Washington. 

LONDON,  Febry  nth,  1786. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL  : 

I  wrote  to  you  by  the  ship  which  brought  me  your  affection 
ate  favour  of  the  25th  of  July;  since  which  I  have  been  hon- 

'  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

a  A  Poem  on  the  Happiness  of  America — Addressed  to  the  Citizens  of  the 
United  States,  London — 1786.  Hartford:  Hudson  and  Goodwin,  1786. 
For  other  editions  see  Bibliography. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  343 

cured  by  the  receipt  of  your  letters  of  the  ist  of  September  & 
3Oth  of  October — they  reached  me  a  few  days  ago  in  this  city, 
where  I  have  been  about  two  months. 

You  may  naturally  expect  I  should  give  some  little  account 
of  this  great  wonder  of  the  world,  and  the  reception  I  have 
experienced  in  it.  This  city  is  in  extent  as  well  as  population 
considerably  larger  than  Paris,  the  streets  are  wider  and  cleaner, 
and  the  appearance  of  some  particular  squares  perhaps  more 
elegant,  tho'  in  general  I  cannot  say  I  like  the  style  of  building 
here  as  well  as  in  France.  But  in  Horses  &  Equipages  I  must 
give  the  preference  infinitely  to  those  which  I  have  seen  in  this 
country.  The  Play  houses,  public  places  &  palaces  are  by 
no  means  equal  to  the  same  articles  in  France.  I  have  fre 
quented  the  Theatres  very  often  and  have  found  an  exquisite 
pleasure  in  seeing  the  famous  Mrs.  Siddons  perform  who  is  far 
superior  to  anything  I  have  ever  beheld  on  the  stage. 

I  have  been  three  times  at  Court,  first  at  the  Levee  to  be 
presented  (by  Mr.  Adams)  to  the  King,  then  at  the  Drawing 
Room  to  pass  thro'  the  same  ceremony  to  the  Queen,  and  the 
day  before  yesterday  on  the  splendid  occasion  of  the  Queen's 
birthday,  I  was  introduced  (not  as  a  public  character),  but  as 
Col.  H.  from  the  U.  S.  of  America  &  was  received  in  the  same 
manner  as  any  other  foreigner  would  have  been.  I  forbear 
to  give  you  a  detail  of  the  brilliancy  of  the  birthnight  ball,  as 
I  fear  I  should  make  a  bad  hand  of  describing  that  kind  of 
pageantry,  &  I  am  not  certain  you  would  take  much  pleasure 
in  reading  it,  supposing  the  description  to  do  justice  to  the 
exhibition — I  will  only  say  in  honour  of  America  that  Mrs. 
Adams  appeared  to  good  advantage,  being  an  extremely  decent 
Lady,  and  that  Miss  Adams  in  beauty  &  real  taste  in  dress  was 
not  excelled  by  any  young  lady  in  the  room.  Now  I  am  on 
the  subject  of  American  Ladies,  I  will  venture  to  add  that 
there  have  been  in  Europe  some  very  good  specimens  of  beauty 
from  America  since  I  have  been  on  this  side  the  water,  for 
example,  Mrs.  Platt  of  Hartford,  Miss  Hamilton  from  Phil 
adelphia — Mrs.  Loyd  I  have  not  seen,  she  is  in  the  Country, 
her  husband  I  saw  one  evening  quite  intoxicated,  since  which 
I  am  told  he  is  in  confinement  for  debt. 


344  Humphreys  in  England 

With  regard  to  the  present  temper  of  this  country  to  Amer 
ica,  I  can  say  nothing  decisively,  until  some  communication 
shall  come  from  the  part  of  Administration,  in  consequence 
of  overtures  for  a  Treaty  of  Commerce  which  have  been  made 
by  us  to  them — however  in  my  private  opinion  very  little, 
if  anything  will  be  done ;  A  spirit  of  infatuation  will  probably 
influence  their  Councils  until  they  shall  have  diverted  our 
commerce  irrevocably  into  some  other  channel. 

It  is  an  object  of  the  greatest  curiosity  for  an  American 
to  be  present  at  the  Debates  in  Parliament.  I  have  heard  most 
of  the  principal  speakers.  Mr.  Pitt  is  undoubtedly  a  man  of 
talents  as  well  as  elocution.  Oppositions  are  not  so  formidable 
as  they  have  been,  nor  does  the  session  promise  to  be  long  or 
violent  as  the  last.  There  appears  however  to  be  a  spirit 
awakened  in  India  which  may  bring  on  some  interesting  dis 
cussions,  which  may  be  productive  of  convulsions,  perhaps 
(one  day)  of  a  revolution  in  that  country.  I  have  met  with 
few  British  Gentlemen  with  whom  I  have  been  acquainted 
in  America,  such  as  I  have  seen  have  behaved  with  civility. 
As  have  several  members  of  Parliament,  literary  &  other 
respectable  characters  to  whom  I  have  been  introduced.  Sir 
George  Collier  (who  commanded  the  fleet  up  the  North  River 
in  1779)  in  a  large  company  where  Col.  Smith  &  myself  were 
present,  having  inadvertently  mentioned  the  "Rebel  Flag" 
upon  perceiving  his  mistake  came  up  to  us  &  apologized  for  it. 

I  shall  set  out  for  Paris  in  a  few  days,  &  possibly  for  America 
in  the  spring;  should  I  not  arrive  in  the  month  of  May  I  will 
still  hope  to  receive  letters  from  you,  as  in  that  case  my  resi 
dence  in  Europe  may  be  protracted  for  some  years  longer. 
With  the  warmest  wishes  for  the  health  and  happiness  of  Mrs. 
Washington  &  your  immediate  Connections  I  have  the  honour 
to  be,  Most  Sincerely  Your  friend  &  devoted  Servt. 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

GEN.  WASHINGTON.1 

The  progress  of  the  negotiations  with  Portugal  and 
some  signs  of  a  better  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  British 
1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Negotiations  with  Portugal  345 

foreign  office  made  it  necessary  for  Mr.  Jefferson  to  go  to 
London  in  March.  With  the  Chevalier  de  Pinto  the  work 
of  completing  a  treaty  was  pleasant  and  rapid.  The  only 
article  to  which  he  made  an  objection  was  that  of  admit 
ting  American  flour,  as  he  observed  that  although  he 
approved  of  it  himself,  "several  nobles  of  great  influence 
at  their  court,  were  owners  of  windmills  in  the  neighbour 
hood  of  Lisbon,  which  depended  much  for  their  profits 
on  manufacturing  our  wheat,  and  that  this  stipulation 
would  endanger  the  whole  treaty.  "x 

Mr.  Jefferson,  like  Mr.  Adams,  we  are  told,  found  his 
reception  at  court  chilling .  "On  my  presentation ,  as  usual , 
to  the  King  and  Queen,  at  their  levees,  it  was  impossible 
for  anything  to  be  more  ungracious  than  their  notice  of 
Mr.  Adams  and  myself.  "2 

As  the  term  of  the  Commission  expired  in  May  and 
there  seemed  to  be  no  more  work  possible  to  be  finally 
accomplished  the  Secretary  determined  to  sail  for  Amer 
ica  in  the  French  April  packet,  with  the  approval  of  the 
Commissioners.  He  left  London  in  February  bearing 
with  him  this  note  from  Mr.  Adams  to  the  American 
Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs : 

GROSVENOR  SQUARE,  Feb.  9,  1786. 
SIR:— 

Colonel  Humphreys  informs  me  that  he  expects  to  return 
to  America  in  the  Spring,  if  he  should  not  receive  orders  from 
Congress  to  remain  longer  in  Europe.  It  would  be  doing 
injustice  to  the  public  as  well  as  to  this  Gentleman  if  I  were 
to  let  him  return  home  without  the  best  Testimony  I  can  give 
him,  of  my  entire  satisfaction  in  his  conduct,  from  his  first 
arrival,  and  without  the  fullest  recommendations  of  him  to 
Congress.  This  gentleman  and  another  whom  Congress  have 
employed  in  Europe,  from  General  Washington's  Family 

1  Autobiography,  Jefferson's  Works,  i.,  p.  64.  a  Ibid.,  p.  63. 


346  Humphreys  in  England 

have  accomplishments  which  do  Honour  to  their  appointments 
and  to  the  great  Model  under  whom  they  were  formed  in  the 
Service  of  their  Country. 

With  great  Respects  and  Esteem  I  have  the  Honour  to  be 
Sir  your  Most  obedient  and  most  humble  Servant 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

His  Excellency 

JOHN  JAY,  Esq., 

Secretary    of   State   for   the    Department    of   foreign 
affairs. x 

Upon  his  return  to  Paris,  Col.  Humphreys  put  into  a 
form  for  convenient  reference  the  minutes  and  other  docu 
ments  relating  to  the  business  of  the  Commission,  he 
superintended  the  final  work  upon  the  presentation  swords, 
and  gave  final  directions  concerning  the  various  medals 
then  in  the  hands  of  the  engravers. 

On  March  2,  1786,  he  writes  from  Paris  to  Mr.  Jefferson 
concerning  the  expiration  of  the  Commission,  by  limita 
tion,  in  May,  and  his  wish  to  sail  for  home — .  "Unless  I 
should  receive  in  the  meantime  such  advices  as  might 
render  it  inexpedient."  He  mentioned  the  letter  given 
to  him  "by  your  very  dear  colleague"  and  Mr.  Adams 
had  given  his  consent  to  the  Colonel's  departure  and  also 
a  letter  to  the  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  indicative : 

of  my  not  having  left  Europe  with  your  displeasure,  nor  con 
ducted  myself  while  there  in  such  a  manner  as  to  reflect  dis 
grace  on  my  country.  Something  of  this  kind  might  be  the 
rather  necessary  from  the  unhappy  misunderstandings  which 
have  formerly  prevailed  among  the  public  characters  from 
America  in  Europe  of  which  at  present  there  is  happily  no 
vestige  remaining. 

Having  been  informed  this  day  that  the  Packet  will  sail 
from  L'  Orient  the  beginning  of  April  I  should  wish  to  make  use 
of  so  favourable  a  season — And  as  in  that  case  I  may  not 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  Stat;  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Humphreys  to  Jefferson  347 

probably  have  it  in  my  power  at  the  moment  of  my  departure 
to  express  all  my  gratitude  for  your  extraordinary  attentions 
&  kindness  to  me,  permit  me  on  the  present  occasion  to  return 
my  most  grateful  acknowledgements  for  them;  &  to  assure 
you,  wherever  I  may  be  I  shall  ever  retain  the  most  lively  &  un 
alterable  sense  of  my  obligations  for  the  flattering  instances  of 
friendship,  which  you  have  been  pleased  to  honour  me  with. 

Should  Mr.  Adams  and  yourself  have  any  joint  letter  to 
forward  to  America  on  the  subject  of  the  commission,  I 
should  also  be  happy  in  being  the  bearer  of  it,  if  it  could  be 
conveyed  here  by  the  last  week  in  March ;  or  if  it  should  be  in 
any  degree  necessary  I  would  willingly  cross  to  London  &  take 
my  passage  in  the  English  Packet. 

With  sentiments  of  the  sincerest  Attachment  &  considera 
tion  I  have  the  honour  to  be  Your  Excellency's  Most  obliged 

and  most  humble  servant, 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 
His  Excellency 
T.  JEFFERSON,  Esqr.1 

Mr.  Jefferson  did  not  allow  Col.  Humphreys  to  leave 
Paris  without  bearing  his  testimony  to  the  zeal  and  effi 
ciency  of  his  Secretary.  He  accordingly  gave  the  Colonel 
the  following  letter  of  commendation  which  he  was  to 
present  to  the  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs  on  his  return 
home. 

PARIS,  Mar.  5,  1786. 

SIR:— 

The  several  commissions,  to  which  Congress  were  pleased 
to  appoint  Col.  Humphreys  Secretary  of  Legation,  being 
shortly  to  expire,  and  a  French  packet  offering  him  a  conve 
nient  passage  in  the  month  of  April,  he  proposes  to  avail  himself 
of  that  occasion  of  returning  to  his  own  country  &  of  there 
representing  his  respects  and  thanks  to  Congress.  As  a 
member  of  the  several  commissions  with  which  his  office  was 

'  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


348  Humphreys  in  England 

connected  I  think  it  my  duty  to  bear  testimony  to  his  ready, 
able,  &  faithful  discharge  of  all  its  duties,  and  I  beg  leave 
through  you  to  present  this  testimony  to  Congress,  &  to  assure 
them  that  his  talents  and  dispositions  are  such  as  they  may 
repose  themselves  on  with  security  should  they  think  proper 
to  avail  our  country  of  them  on  any  future  occasion. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  with  sentiments  of  the  highest  re 
spect  &  esteem  Sir 

Your  most  obedient 

&  most  humble  servt. 

TH.    JEFFERSON.1 

Col.  Humphreys  writes  to  Mr.  Jefferson  from  Paris,  on 
March  17,  1786,  enclosing  "several  letters  which  Mr. 
Hanson  brought  from  Spain. ' '  That  gentleman  was  ' '  not 
very  sanguine  in  his  expectations  of  our  succeeding  in  the 
present  negotiations  with  the  Barbary  States."  He  can 
give  his  correspondent  no  particular  news.  "There  was, 
however,"  he  continued, 

something  at  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette's  which  put  one  in 
mind  of  the  freedom  of  investigation  in  America:  it  was  an 
assemblage  of  such  friends  of  America  as  these,  the  Due  de 
Rochefoucault,  the  Marquis  de  Condorcy  and  Chastellux, 
Messrs.  Metza,  Crevecoeur  &c.  to  hear  a  discussion  on  Amer 
ican  politics  and  commerce  by  a  M.  Marville;  the  tendency 
of  whose  performance  is  good,  some  of  the  observations  new, 
many  of  them  ingenious ;  but  perhaps  there  is  too  much  de 
clamation  blended  with  them. 

The  badness  of  the  weather  and  the  roads  made  us  anxious 
lest  you  should  have  suffered  by  your  Journey. 

Your  friends  all  enquire  when  you  may  be  expected. 

I  have  begun  to  translate  the  Travels  of  the  Marquis  de 
Chastellux  in  America,  and  expect  to  make  some  progress 
during  my  voyage  to  that  Continent. 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C.,  also  Jefferson's  Works, 
i-»  PP.  537,  538. 


Humphreys  to  Jefferson  349 

With  every  Sentiment  of  attachment  and  esteem, 
I  have  the  honour  to  be  Your  Excellency's  Most  Obedt 

&  most  Hble  Servt 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

I  pray  you  will  have  the  goodness  to  give  my  Complts  to 
Mr.  Paridise's  family  &  any  others  who  may  enquire  re 
specting  me. 

His  Excellency  MR.  JEFFERSON.* 

Early  in  April,  Col.  Humphreys  bade  his  friends  in 
Paris  good-bye,  and  set  out  on  his  long  journey,  by  car 
riage  or  horseback,  to  L' Orient  to  take  the  packet.  It 
was  his  intention,  as  he  wrote  Mr.  Jefferson,  to  continue, 
on  shipboard,  his  translation  of  the  travels  of  the  Marquis 
de  Chastellux  in  America.  How  far  he  proceeded  is  not 
known.  When  he  commenced  it  he  was  probably  unaware 
that  a  translation  was  already  made  and  about  to  be 
published  in  London,  with  many  explanatory  notes. 2 

In  a  note  by  the  Marquis,  Col.  Humphreys  is  styled 
"this  brave  and  excellent  soldier,"  and  called  "a  poet  of 
great  talents."  In  mentioning  the  Address  to  the  Army 
he  speaks  of  its  having  been  read  in  England  "after  the 
manner  of  the  ancients,"  and  that  "in  spite  of  the  national 
jealousy  and  the  affectation  of  depreciating  everything 
American."  The  English  translator  explains  that  the 
poem  is  admired  by  "that  numerous  and  enlightened  class 
of  free  spirits  who  have  always  supported  and  wished 
prosperity  to  the  glorious  struggle  of  America."3 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

1  Travels  in  North  America  in  the  Years  1780,  1781,  1782,  by  the  Mar 
quis  de  Chastellux. 

J  Chastellux'  Travels,  English  translation,  pp.  359,  360.     Note. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 
H-umpHreys*  IVeturn  to  America 

Humphreys'  Arrival  in  New  York  —  Announces  his  Arrival  to  Mr.  Jay  — 
Re-visits  New  England  —  Writes  his  Impressions  to  Jefferson  — 
Reaches  Mount  Vernon  —  Writes  to  his  Brother  John  —  Expresses  his 
Willingness  to  Enter  Politics  —  Letter  of  Jefferson  to  Humphreys  — 
Humphreys  Elected  Member  for  Derby  in  Connecticut  Assembly  — 
Sad  Financial  Condition  in  Connecticut  —  Letter  to  Washington  on 
Asgill  Case  —  The  Cincinnati  Meets,  and  other  Matters  —  Speech  of 
Humphreys  in  Assembly  —  Advocates  Production  of  Better  Agricul 
tural  Products  —  And  Development  of  Certain  Industries  —  Com 
mittee  on  Agriculture  and  Manufactures  Appointed. 

THE  passage  from  France  occupied   thirty-  two  days. 
1       Col.  Humphreys  announced  his  arrival  to  Mr.  Jay 
in  this  brief  letter  : 


NEW  YORK,  May  iQth,  1786. 
SIR:— 

I  take  the  earliest  moment  to  inform  you  of  my  arrival  in 
the  French  Packet  from  L'  Orient,  and  that  I  shall  have  the 
honour  of  waiting  upon  you  (as  soon  as  my  baggage  can  be 
brought  on  shore)  with  letters  from  American  Ministers  at  the 
Courts  of  London  and  Versailles.  In  the  meantime  I  have 
only  to  anticipate  that  as  the  Commissions  to  which  I  was 
Secretary  were  to  expire  on  the  I2th  instant  it  is  with  the 
approbation  of  those  Ministers  I  have  returned  to  this  Con 
tinent.  I  hope  that  my  letters  of  Dec.  &  Feb.  last  on  the 
subject  of  my  return  have  been  regularly  received. 

350 


Humphreys  to  Jay  351 

Perhaps  I  ought  also  to  inform  you  that  the  unparalleled 
tranquillity  which  prevails  throughout  the  world  prevents  me 
from  being  the  bearer  of  any  political  intelligence  of  great 
importance.  Some  late  foreign  papers  herewith  forwarded 
will  likewise  show  that  there  is  no  news  of  public  nature.  Nor 
had  anything  very  recent  come  to  hand  respecting  the  piratical 
States  of  Barbary.  Should  there  be  any  orders  on  the  part 
of  Congress,  I  shall  be  duly  honoured  with  them,  by  their 
being  transmitted  to  Mount  Vernon  in  Virginia,  where  (after 
a  very  few  days)  I  go  to  reside. 

With  the  highest  consideration  &  esteem 
I  have  the  honour  to  be  Sir 

Your  most  obedient  &  most  humble  Servant 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 
His  Excellency 
JOHN  JAY.  ' 

Humphreys  hastens  to  announce  his  arrival  to  General 
Washington : 

NEW  YORK,  May  23d,  1786. 

My  last  letter  to  you,  My  dear  General,  was  dated  in  Febry 
at  London  and  forwarded  by  Captain  Clagget  late  of  the 
Maryland  line;  in  that  I  had  the  honour  of  informing  you  of 
my  intention  to  return  to  America  in  the  Spring.  In  this, 
I  have  the  pleasure  to  announce  my  safe  arrival  from  L*  Orient 
after  a  pleasant  passage  of  32  days. 

I  am  charged  with  Compliments  &  messages  for  your  Excel 
lency  on  the  part  of  many  of  our  friends  in  France ;  but  have 
no  news  of  considerable  consequence  to  communicate. 

I  propose  setting  out  in  three  or  four  days  on  a  visit  to 
Connecticut  &  perhaps  as  far  as  Boston,  this  will  occupy  me  for 
some  weeks,  after  which  I  hope  to  have  the  pleasure  of  em 
bracing  you  at  Mount  Vernon,  and  of  remaining  with  you  at 
least  until  the  winter.  I  need  not  say  how  much  felicity  I 
anticipate  on  the  occasion,  nor  how  many  thousands  there  are 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


352         Humphreys'  Return  to  America 

who  would  be  envious  of  my  situation.  Nor  am  I  little 
flattered  with  it.  For  although  I  have  met  with  many 
flattering  circumstances  in  my  absence,  yet  certainly  no  grati 
fication  arising  from  them  could  come  in  competition  with  the 
consciousness  of  possessing  no  inconsiderable  share  in  your 
friendship.  My  horse  having  been  disposed  of,  in  my  absence, 
I  shall  come  either  in  the  stages  or  water,  and  will  not  hesitate 
to  trespass  on  your  goodness  by  asking  the  favour  of  one  of 
your  horses  when  I  may  want  to  take  the  air  on  horse  back. 

I  beg  my  best  respects  may  be  given  to  Mrs.  Washington, 
my  Compliments  to  the  rest  of  your  friends  &  that  you  will 
ever  consider  in  the  number  of  those  who  are  most  sincerely 
attached  to  you,  him  who  has  the  honour  to  be 
My  dear  General 

Your  Most  obedient  &  Most  humble  Servant 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

GEN.  WASHINGTON.1 

We  have  no  record  of  his  meeting  with  his  parents  and 
other  friends  on  his  return  home.  They  would  observe 
that  he  had  returned  with  undiminished  affection  for  the 
scenes  of  his  childhood;  with  added  grace  of  manner  and 
polish  of  speech;  but  with  the  same  strong  patriotism  and 
desire  for  America's  glory  as  when  he  had  fought  in  her 
battles.  Writing  to  Mr.  Jefferson  from  Hartford  he  gives 
his  impressions  of  the  state  of  the  country  and  the  changes 
that  even  two  short  years  had  made. 

HARTFORD,  June  5,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR:— 

By  means  of  a  merchant  vessel  that  sails  from  this  place  for 
L'Orient  I  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  of  my  safe  arrival 
after  an  agreeable  passage  of  32  days;  altho'  I  cannot  give  so 
high  commendations  on  the  high  accomodations  of  the  French 
Packet  as  I  could  have  done  on  a  former  occasion.  The  fine- 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Humphreys  to  Jefferson  353 

ness  of  the  weather  &  the  hilarity  of  the  passengers,  however, 
atoned  for  some  circumstances  not  perfectly  satisfactory. 

As  I  have  been  but  one  week  in  N.  York,  &  another  in  this 
town,  I  cannot  undertake  to  give  with  precision  a  state  of  the 
politics  in  this  country;  but  if  I  may  rely  in  some  measure 
on  the  opinions  of  almost  every  person  with  whom  I  have  con 
versed,  our  federal  concerns  are  not  in  a  very  promising  situa 
tion.  For  notwithstanding  the  States  of  Rhode  Island  &  New 
York  have  at  length  come  into  the  5  pr  cent,  impost,  yet, 
I  am  informed  the  restrictions  are  such  as  makes  it  doubtful 
whether  their  offers  can  be  accepted.  These  &  several  other 
States  have  at  their  late  session  emitted  paper  money. 

Pennsylvania  has  prohibited  the  collection  of  the  impost 
until  the  supplementary  requisitions  shall  have  been  adopted 
by  all  the  States.  This  I  fear  will  not  be  done  by  the  Legis 
lature  of  Connecticut  who  are  now  sitting. 

In  the  meantime  there  is  not  a  single  farthing  in  the  public 
treasury,  the  civil  list  is  unpaid  and  the  few  troops  at  the  west 
ward  in  danger  of  disbanding  for  want  of  money  &  supplies. 
Desertions  have  been  so  frequent  that  a  Major  Wyllys  of  this 
State  has  lately  ordered  some  prompt  executions  for  which 
he  is  in  arrest  by  Order  of  Congress.  Thos.  Hutchins  &  the 
Surveyors  are,  however,  just  setting  out  for  the  Western 
country.  Congress  accepted  last  week  the  cession  of  Con 
necticut. 

The  refusal  of  the  British  to  deliver  up  the  frontier  posts  is 
not  generally  known  but,  so  far  as  I  have  heard  it  spoken  of, 
it  seems  to  excite  a  spirit  of  indignation.  Some  hostilities  have 
lately  been  committed  by  the  savages.  The  public  mind  is  in 
anxious  expectation  respecting  the  piratical  powers.  Lamb's 
conduct  in  obtaining  his  appointment  is  considered  as  very 
extraordinary :  his  character  is  perhaps  much  lower  here  than 
we  could  have  conceived. 

Congress  have  not  yet  done  anything  on  foreign  affairs. 
An  attempt  was  made  last  week  to  appoint  a  Minister  to  the 
Hague.  Mr.  Izard  had  six  states,  but  no  choice  could  be  made. 
Congress  will  continue  together  through  the  Summer. 

I  believe  the  country  is  much  altered  in  many  respects 

VOL.    1—33 


354         Humphreys'  Return  to  America 

since  we  left  it.  Gov.  Clinton  is  said  to  have  become  an 
anti-federalist.  He  was  not  in  N.  York  when  I  was  there. 
Certain  it  is,  the  issue  of  a  paper  currency  in  that  State  de 
pended  upon  him.  Many  people  appear  to  be  uneasy  &  to 
prognosticate  revolutions  they  hardly  know  how  or  why. 
A  scarcity  of  money  is  universally  complained  of.  But  to 
judge  by  the  face  of  the  country,  by  the  appearance  of  ease 
&  plenty  which  are  to  be  seen  everywhere  one  would  believe  a 
great  portion  of  the  poverty  &  evils  complained  of,  must  be 
imaginary. 

I  will  write  to  Mr.  Mazzei  by  the  French  Packet.  I  beg 
my  best  compts  to  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette,  Mr.  Short  & 
all  our  friends. 

With  the  sincerest  esteem  &  friendship  I  have  the  honour  to 
be 

Yr  Most  obedt  &  humble  Servt. 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

P.  S.  Monroe  is  married  to  a  Miss  Courtwright. — King  to 
Miss  Alsop  &  Osgood  to  Mrs.  Franklin,  a  quaker  widow.1 

An  item  in  the  Connecticut  Courant  announced  the 
arrival  of  Col.  Humphreys,  and  said  that  "he  brought  with 
him  a  number  of  elegant  swords  made  agreeably  to  differ 
ent  resolves  of  the  honourable  the  Congress  to  be  presented 
to  a  number  of  gentlemen,  who  by  acts  of  heroism  and 
valour,  distinguished  themselves  in  the  late  Revolution." 
The  letter  of  Gen.  Knox,  Secretary  at  War,  presenting  the 
sword  for  Col.  Marinus  Willett,  awarded  for  his  bravery 
in  a  successful  rally  on  the  enemy  investing  Fort  Schuyler," 
is  printed  in  full.  The  names  and  deeds  of  the  other 
eight  officers  to  whom  the  swords  were  awarded  are  also 
given.  Among  them  were  the  two  aides  to  Washington, 
Cols.  Humphreys  and  Tilghman. 2 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

3  Connecticut  Courant,  Monday,  June  5,  1780,  No.  1115,  under  items 
headed  New  York,  June  I . 


Humphreys  to  Knox  355 

The  following  interesting  correspondence  is  taken  from 
the 

COLUMBIAN    HERALD    OR   THE    INDEPENDENT    COURIER    OF 
NORTH  AMERICA 

CHARLESTON,   S.   C.  3rd  August,  1786. 

Col.  Humphreys,  having  been  charged  to  procure  in  Europe 
the  honorary  presents  which  had  been  voted  by  Congress  to 
different  officers,  during  the  late  war,  on  his  return  to  America, 
addressed  the  following  letter  to  the  Secretary  at  War : 

NEW  YORK,  May  22,  1786. 

SIR, 

I  have  the  honor  to  forward  herewith  the  ten  swords 
which  I  have  procured  to  be  executed  in  France,  by  the  orders 
of  Congress.  You  will  find  the  names  of  the  officers,  to  whom 
these  honorary  presents  were  voted,  engraved  on  the  differ 
ent  swords.  Receipts  for  the  monies  paid  to  the  sword-cutter 
are  likewise  enclosed. 

The  medals  not  having  been  completed  at  the  time  of  my  de 
parture  from  France,  I  have  left  the  business  with  Mr.  Jefferson, 
and  prayed  him  to  have  them  transmitted  to  you,  agreeably 
to  the  instructions  I  had  received.  Some  further  information 
respecting  the  number  of  the  British  killed,  taken  prisoners, 
&c.  will  be  necessary,  before  the  medal  for  Gen.  Morgan 
can  be  finished.  It  would  be  very  interesting  for  the  engraver 
to  have  a  good  profile  of  General  Greene,  as  he  has  not  been 
able  to  form  a  strong  resemblance  from  the  miniature  picture 
I  put  into  his  hands.  The  likenesses  of  General  Washington 
and  General  Gates,  I  flatter  myself,  will  be  perfect. 

I  cannot  omit  to  mention  here  the  alacrity  of  The  Royal 
Academy  of  inscriptions  and  belles  lettres  of  Paris,  in  furnishing 
me  with  devices  and  inscriptions  proper  to  perpetuate  the 
remembrance  of  the  great  events,  on  occasion  of  which  those 
several  medals  were  ordered  to  be  struck.  Their  zeal,  in  this 
instance,  is  an  additional  proof  of  the  good  disposition  which 


356         Humphreys'  Return  to  America 

prevails  among  the  literati  of  that  kingdom  for  our  rising 
empire. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be, 

Sir,  your  most  obedient, 

And  most  humble  servant, 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 
The  HON  MAJOR  GEN.  KNOX 
Secretary  at  War. 

Answer  of  the  Secretary  at  War 

WAR-OFFICE,  May  25,  1786. 

SIR, 

I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  favor 
of  the  22nd  instant,  accompanying  ten  elegantly  mounted 
swords,  which  you  procured  to  be  executed  in  France,  by  the 
order  of  Congress.  The  names  of  the  officers,  for  whom  these 
presents  are  designed,  are  engraved  thereon,  agreeably  to 
the  dates  of  the  respective  resolutions  of  Congress  on  the 
subject. 

I  return  you  the  receipts  for  the  monies  paid  to  the  sword- 
cutter,  and  request  you  to  lodge  them  with  the  Comptroller- 
General. 

I  shall  transmit  a  copy  of  your  letter  to  Congress,  and  the 
swords,  that  they  may  know  the  honorable  manner  in  which 
you  have  executed  their  intentions;  and  also,  that  they  may  be 
acquainted  with  the  zeal,  and  good  disposition  which  actuated 
that  learned  body,  The  Academy  of  inscriptions  and  belles 
lettres  of  Paris,  in  furnishing  you  with  devices  and  inscriptions 
for  the  medals  ordered  by  Congress,  and  which  are  yet  to  be 
executed. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be 

With  perfect  respect,  sir, 

Your  very  humble  servant, 

H.  KNOX. 

COL.  DAVID  HUMPHREYS. 


Knox  to  Humphreys  357 

WAR-OFFICE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

NEW  YORK,  May  25,  1786. 

SIR, 

The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  having  been 
pleased,  by  their  act  of  the  7th  of  November  1781,  to  direct 
that  an  elegant  sword  be  presented  to  you,  in  their  name,  as  a 
testimony  of  your  fidelity  and  ability,  I  have  the  honor,  sir, 
to  deliver  to  you  this  illustrious  memorial  of  the  approbation 
of  your  country. 

The  unequivocal  declaration  of  your  merit,  by  the  supreme 
authority  of  the  United  States,  and  the  honorable  pledge 
thereof,  must  be  highly  gratifying  to  a  mind  conscious  of 
unremitted  zeal  and  patriotism. 

This  occasion,  sir,  affords  me  the  pleasure  of  assuring  you 
that  I  am, 

With  great  respect  and  sincerity 
Sir,  your  most  obedient 

And  most  humble  servant, 

H.  KNOX. 
COL.  DAVID  HUMPHREYS. 

It  was  late  in  July  when  Col.  Humphreys  turned  his 
face  southward.  Writing  to  his  brother  John  from  Mount 
Vernon  on  August  4,  1786,  he  says: 

My  journey  was  more  agreeable  than  could  have  been, 
expected  at  such  a  sultry  season.  It  was  a  fortunate  circum 
stance  that  we  had  such  a  plenty  of  rain  as  never  to  be  in 
commoded  by  the  dust.  By  setting  off  at  two  or  three  o'clock 
in  the  morning  we  also  eluded  the  intensity  of  the  heat.  The 
variety  of  characters  to  be  met  within  the  stages  is  truly  amus 
ing.  I  rested  some  days  at  the  principal  places  on  my  route 
where  I  received  uncommon  marks  of  attention.  Indeed  I 
have  found,  by  recent  experience,  as  well  as  by  former  travel 
ling,  a  great  deal  in  the  world,  that  a  Poet  like  a  Prophet  is 
not  without  honour  except  in  his  own  country. 


358         Humphreys'  Return  to  America 

Here  I  am  domesticated  in  the  family  of  the  greatest  of  men. 
My  reception  was  the  most  cordial  that  can  possibly  be  con 
ceived.  My  situation  is  such  as  would  excite  the  envy  of 
thousands. 

He  alludes  to  Gen.  Washington's  request  that  he  should 
write  a  history  of  the  Revolution,  and  remarks: 

Whatever  I  may  decide  for  the  moment,  I  shall  not  absolutely 
lose  sight  of  the  object.  In  the  meantime  it  affords  me  no 
unpleasant  reflection,  to  be  convinced  that  the  man  in  the 
United  States  who  entertains  the  most  favourable  sentiments 
of  my  morals  and  abilities  is  precisely  the  greatest  man  in 
them.  Nor  is  it  derogatory  to  one's  reputation  to  hold  so 
high  a  place  in  the  confidence  &  friendship  of  Gen.  Washing 
ton.  These  are  the  circumstances  that  would  be  flattering  to 
the  vanity  of  almost  any  man.  For  myself  I  feel  a  rational 
satisfaction  that  my  honest  endeavours  to  do  my  duty  have 
met  with  success  &  merited  his  approbation. 

He  adds  an  interesting  account  of  the  daily  life  of  the 
retired  commander. 

He  rises  about  5  o'clock  &  passes  a  great  part  of  his  time  in 
superintending  his  plantations;  you  may  judge  how  extensive 
they  are  when  I  tell  you  he  has  about  800  acres  of  wheat  & 
700  of  corn  this  year.  Besides  this  attention  to  the  improve 
ment  of  his  estate  he  is  a  good  deal  occupied  in  opening  the 
navigation  of  the  Potomac,  and  in  answering  the  letters  of  his 
numerous  correspondents  in  Europe  as  well  as  in  America. 

Col.  Humphreys  alludes  to  a  letter  just  received  by  the 
General  in  which  the  French  translation  of  the  Address 
to  the  Armies  was  mentioned  favourably;  and  that  it 
"had  been  received  with  much  applause,  that  the  King 
and  Queen  having  read  it  with  great  satisfaction  have 
testified  their  suffrage  in  favour  of  the  author."  He  ex 
pected  to  be  back  at  Yale  in  time  for  the  Commencement. 


Humphreys  at  Mount  Vernon          359 

In  reference,  possibly,  to  certain  overtures  that  had  been 
made  to  him,  he  says : 

I  have  no  objections  to  its  being  known  by  my  friends  who 
are  freemen  of  your  town  that  I  shall  be  on  the  spot,  and  if  they 
should  think  proper  to  appoint  me  one  of  their  representatives 
I  will  serve  them  as  such — indeed  you  may  show  this  letter 
where  you  think  you  can  do  it  with  discretion  and  propriety. z 

While  at  Mount  Vernon  Col.  Humphreys  was  busy 
looking  over  the  materials  for  the  contemplated  Memoirs 
of  the  Revolution,  enjoying  the  pleasant  society  which  the 
General  and  Mrs.  Washington  gathered  round  them,  and 
accompanying  his  host  on  rides  through  the  estate. 
During  his  residence  there  he  received  a  cordial  letter 
from  Mr.  Jefferson  written  from  Paris,  May  7,  1786. 

PARIS,  May  7,  1786. 

DEAR  SIR:— 

My  stay  in  London  having  been  considerably  longer  than 
I  had  expected,  I  did  not  arrive  in  this  place  till  the  last  day 
of  April.  I  found  here  your  kind  letter  of  the  4th  of  that 
month  acknowledging  much  more  than  they  deserved,  my  little 
attentions  to  you.  Their  only  merit  was  their  being  faithful 
testimonies  of  a  sincere  regard  for  you.  The  obligations  have 
in  fact  been  on  my  side,  and  I  shall  ever  consider  it  as  such. 
I  sincerely  wish  that  on  your  arrival  in  America  your  own 
preference  may  be  gratified  by  an  appointment  on  that  side 
of  the  water  to  which  your  inclinations  lead  you.  I  have 
received  the  books  &  papers  you  mention  &  will  undertake  to 
have  finished  what  you  left  undone  of  the  medals,  or  at  least 
will  proceed  in  it,  till  the  matter  shall  be  put  into  better  hands. 
My  principal  object  in  my  journey  to  London  was  accom 
plished  by  arrangements  with  Portugal.  They  are  almost 
exactly  in  the  terms  of  those  with  Prussia,  except  that  the 

1  This  letter  is  given  in  full  in  Prof.  Johnston's  Yale  in  the  Revolution, 
PP-  153-155. 


360         Humphreys'  Return  to  America 

general  license  to  trade  is  restrained  to  those  places  where  any 
foreign  nation  is  admitted.  The  Tripoline  offered  peace  for 
30,000  guineas  for  Tripoli,  &  as  many  for  Tunis.  Calculating 
on  this  scale  Morocco  should  ask  60,000  &  Algiers  120,000, 
England  declines  all  arrangements  with  us.  They  say  their 
commerce  is  so  necessary  to  us  that  we  shall  not  deny  it  to 
ourselves  for  the  sake  of  the  carrying  business.  As  the  only 
trade  they  leave  us  is  that  with  Great  Britain  immediately,  & 
this  is  a  losing  one.  I  hope  we  shall  show  them  to  have  sense 
and  spirit  enough  to  suppress  that,  or  at  least  to  exclude 
them  from  any  share  in  the  carriage  of  our  commodities. 
Their  spirit  towards  us  is  deeply  hostile,  and  they  seem  as  if 
they  did  not  fear  a  war  with  us.  Should  such  an  event  become 
necessary,  we  have  need  of  but  only  one  resolution  to  place  us 
on  sure  ground.  That  is  to  abandon  that  element,  where  they 
are  strong,  and  we  nothing,  &  to  decide  the  contest  on  terra 
firma  where  we  have  all  to  gain  &  can  lose  nothing.  The 
death  of  the  King  of  Prussia  is  constantly  expected;  perhaps 
that  event  may  bring  on  a  general  broil.  I  am  too  lately  re 
turned  here  to  be  able  to  give  you  any  of  the  news  of  the  place. 
I  shall  hope  to  hear  from  you  soon  &  often  and  am  with 
sincere  esteem  Dear  Sir 

Your  friend  &  servt 

TH.    JEFFERSON.1 

Mr.  Jefferson  also  writing  on  the  same  day  to  Mr- 
Elbridge  Gerry  of  Massachusetts,  spoke  thus  of  the  late 
Secretary :  ' '  I  am  induced  from  my  own  feeling,  to  recom 
mend  Colonel  Humphreys  to  your  care.  He  is  sensible, 
prudent  and  honest,  and  may  be  very  firmly  relied  on  in 
any  office  which  requires  these  talents.  "a 

At  the  election  in  Derby  in  the  fall  of  1786,  Col.  Hum 
phreys  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Assembly.  His 
colleague  was  Lieut.  Samuel  Hull,  a  brother  of  Col. 
William  Hull.  The  state  of  New  England,  socially  and 
politically,  was  very  turbulent  at  this  time.  The  lack 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 
1  Jefferson's  Works,  p.  557. 


State  of  New  England  361 

of  money  resulting  in  a  great  measure  from  the  exhaustion 
of  the  soil  by  neglect  during  the  years  of  war  and  the 
deprivation  of  income  by  exports  was  a  fertile  cause  of 
discontent.  The  emission  of  bills  of  credit  by  the  several 
States,  their  depreciation  in  value,  and  the  refusal,  or 
inability,  of  the  States  to  provide  for  their  payment 
caused  much  hardship  to  deserving  citizens. 

The  sad,  but  inevitable,  consequence  of  this  shrinkage 
was  that  men  who  had  money  owing  to  them  were  forced 
in  self  interest,  and  because  they  themselves  were  being 
pursued  by  their  creditors,  to  in  turn  take  the  hardest 
measures  to  recover,  if  possible,  the  monies  owing  to  them. 
The  laws  of  debtor  and  creditor  were  stringent,  but  the 
laws  could  not  make  money.  Nevertheless  it  was  an  era 
of  litigation.  The  volume  of  this  sort  of  business  before 
the  courts  was  so  great  that  no  other  cases  could  be  heard. 
At  that  time  the  law  allowed  imprisonment  for  debt  and 
many  a  father  was  taken  from  his  starving  family  to  linger 
for  years  behind  prison  bars.  Very  forcibly  is  this  state 
of  affairs  put  by  the  historian  of  Pittsfield : 

There  are  many  yet  living  who  remember  how  their  young 
eyes  were  shocked  by  the  gaunt  forms,  long  unkempt  hair, 
grizzly  beard,  and  claw-like  hands  of  men  who  with  sunken 
eyes  peered  from  behind  grated  windows  where  they  had  lain 
for  years,  guilty  of  no  worse  crime  than  the  incurring  of  a 
trifling  debt,  which,  perhaps,  some  unforeseen  political  or 
commercial  convulsion  had  rendered  them  unable  to  pay ; 
and  in  1786  not  a  few  of  these  poor  creatures,  blue  with  prison 
mould,  were  those  who  had  fought  for  freedom  and  were  still 
largely  the  creditors  of  the  country  whose  laws  made  them 
tenants  of  a  debtor's  "Jail. '" 

1  History  of  Pittsfield  t  Berkshire  County  Mass.,  from  the  Year  1734  to  1800. 
Compiled  and  Written  under  the  general  direction  of  a  Committee,  by 
J.  E.  A.  Smith,  by  Authority  of  the  town.  Boston:  Published  by  Lee  & 
Shepard,  149  Washington  Street,  1869,  p.  393. 


362         Humphreys'  Return  to  America 

Out  of  all  this  poverty,  imprisonment,  and  consequent 
distress  grew  what  is  known  as  "Shays's  Rebellion." 

In  addition  to  these  national  troubles  there  was  the 
Asgill  case  continually  cropping  up  which  affected  the 
private  reputation  of  his  Chief. 

Humphreys  therefore,  according  to  his  custom,  writes 
fully  and  frankly  on  all  these  matters  to  Washington. 

HARTFORD,  Sept.  24,  1786. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL:— 

I  had  the  pleasure  before  I  left  New  York  to  receive 
your  favour  containing  the  enclosures  respecting  Asgill's 
affair  and  am  taking  measures  for  their  publication.  In 
terested,  as  I  feel  myself  in  your  welfare  &  happiness,  I 
could  not  but  be  extremely  affected  by  the  account  of  your 
ill-health,  and  beg  you  will  let  me  know  in  what  condition 
your  health  is,  as  I  shall  not  find  myself  at  ease  until  I  hear  of 
its  re-establishment. 

Not  having  found  in  my  journey  Genl.  Knox  (who  was  at 
the  eastward)  or  any  of  our  particular  friends,  with  whom  I 
might  converse  unreservedly  on  the  subject  of  the  Cincinnati; 
I  have  delayed  writing  to  you  until  I  could  have  an  opportu 
nity  of  advising  with  Col.  Trumbull,  Col.  Wadsworth  £  Mr. 
Trumbull,  of  this  town.  And  now,  I  have  to  inform,  that  it  is 
their  unanimous  sentiment,  it  would  not  be  of  any  good  con 
sequence  or  even  advisable  for  you  to  attend  the  next  General 
Meeting.  Agreeably  to  your  desire  in  this  case,  I  forward  you 
the  draft  of  a  circular  letter,  of  which  you  will  of  course,  my 
dear  General,  make  such  use  as  you  shall  judge  most  expedient, 
either  by  altering,  suppressing,  or  communicating  it.  I  am 
sensible  the  subject  is  a  very  delicate  one,  that  it  will  be  dis 
cussed  by  posterity  as  well  as  by  the  present  age,  and  that 
you  have  much  to  lose  &  nothing  to  gain  by  it  in  their  estima 
tion.  Under  this  persuasion,  caution  was  the  primary  point, 
it  has  consequently  been  the  object  to  avoid  as  much  as 
possible  everything  that  will  be  obnoxious  to  censure  on  the 


Humphreys  to  Washington  363 

part  of  the  public  as  well  as  of  the  Society.  Whatever  com 
munication  is  made,  it  ought  to  have  the  property  of  a  two 
edged  weapon  £  to  cut  both  ways.  We  have  had  a  State 
meeting  at  New  Haven  since  my  return,  in  which  I  found  there 
was  no  disposition  to  adopt  the  Institution  as  altered  and 
amended.  I  moved  therefore  to  postpone  the  discussion  until 
after  the  next  General  Meeting,  this  was  unanimously  carried, 
and  they  appointed  Gen.  Parsons,  Col.  Wadsworth,  Mr. 
Pomeroy,  Dr.  Styles  (Presidt  of  the  College)  &  myself  their 
Delegates.  Having  learnt  it  was  wished  &  expected  the 
General  Meeting  would  be  holden  in  New  York,  I  have  ven 
tured  to  propose  that  place  accordingly. 

As  to  the  subject  of  politics,  they  wear  so  unpleasing  an 
aspect,  I  hardly  dare  enter  into  a  disquisition  of  them.  You 
will  have  seen  by  the  public  papers,  that  everything  is  in  a 
state  of  confusion  in  Massachusetts.  Our  friend  Cobb,  who 
is  both  a  General  of  militia  &  a  judge  of  the  Court  in  the 
County  where  he  resides,  is  much  celebrated  for  having  said 
"he  would  die  as  a  General,  or  sit  as  a  Judge."  This  was 
indeed  a  patriotic  Sentiment. 

His  firmness  in  principles,  £  example  in  conduct  effected 
a  suppression  of  the  mob — but  the  Court  was  adjourned  in 
consequence  of  the  Governor's  order.  I  have  just  now  seen 
an  account  of  the  tumults  in  New  Hampshire;  Gen.  Sullivan 
has  behaved  nobly  &  put  a  period  to  a  very  considerable  in 
surrection  without  the  effusion  of  blood. 

Rhode  Island  continues  in  a  State  of  phrenzy  &  division  on 
account  of  their  paper  currency.  A  useful  example  to  such  of 
their  neighbours  as  wish  to  profit  by  it. 

This  State  which  seems  rather  more  tranquil  &  better  dis 
posed  than  those  before  mentioned  has  had  an  election  of 
representatives  for  the  Assembly  since  my  arrival.  More 
gentlemen  late  belonging  to  the  Army  have  been  elected  than 
on  any  former  occasion.  Amongst  these  are  Gen.  Huntington, 
Col.  Wadsworth,  Wyllys,  Bradly,  myself  &  many  others  who 
may  be  personally  unknown  to  you.  But  what  appears  most 
singular  &  proves  some  revelation  of  sentiment,  is  that  Major 
Judd,  who  3  years  ago  was  driven  by  an  armed  Mob  out  of 


364         Humphreys'  Return  to  America 

the  town  to  which  he  belonged  on  account  of  commutation, 
should  now  have  a  seat  in  the  Assembly  from  the  same  town. 
The  Assembly  will  sit  at  New  Haven  through  the  months  of 
OctT  &  Nov*  at  which  place,  I  request  you  will  advise  me  of  the 
receipt  of  this  letter.  Col.  Trumbull  is  in  town  &  desires  to 
be  presented  most  affectionately  to  yourself,  Mrs.  Washington 
&  the  family  at  Mt.  Vernon.  For  myself,  having  wrote  a 
poem1  expressive  of  the  satisfaction,  I  experienced  in  my  resi 
dence  there  &  having  since  been  told  by  some  better  judges 
than  myself,  it  is  not  destitute  of  merit ;  I  take  the  liberty  of 
offering  a  Copy  &  wish  it  may  be  acceptable  to  my  amiable  & 
dear  friends  under  your  roof.  They  are  entitled  to  all  my 
gratitude  for  their  hospitality  &  friendship.  To  you  My  dear 
Gen.  I  need  only  say  that  no  one  is  more  entirely  &  sincerely 
devoted  than  your  faithful  friend  &  hble  Servt. 

D.    HUMPHREYS.2 

The  October  session  of  the  Assembly  was  held  according 
to  the  usual  custom  in  the  State  House  on  New  Haven 
Green.  The  Hon.  Samuel  Huntington  of  Norwich  was 
the  Governor.  In  his  opening  Address  to  the  Assembly 
he  spoke  especially  of  the  necessities  of  the  people  in  the 
way  of  increased  facilities  for  obtaining  a  livelihood  by 
better  methods  of  agriculture  and  the  encouragement  of 
manufactures.  The  subject  was  considered  by  the  House 
on  Thursday,  October  12. 

The  Connecticut  C our  ant  gives  this  summary  of  the 
debate. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  Hopkins  the  house  entered  generally  into 
the  subject  of  the  encouragement  of  agriculture  and  manufac 
tures.  Colonel  Wadsworth  and  Mr.  Dodman  spoke  on  the 
subject ;  in  the  course  of  which  it  was  observed  that  our  woollen 
manufactures  wanted  no  encouragement  as  no  wool  was  ex- 

1  See  Connecticut  Courant,  October,  1786,  also  Miscellaneous  Works  of 
Humphreys,  edition  of  1804. 

3  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Conditions  in  New  England  365 

ported  but  the  whole  was  manufactured  in  the  State.  The 
example  of  Massachusetts  was  urged  in  encouragement  of 
the  manufacture  of  nails  which  it  was  asserted  were  made  at 
Taunton,  cheaper  and  of  better  quality  than  those  imported. 
Colonel  Wadsworth  spoke  on  encouragement  of  manufactures 
especially  nails  which  were  made  at  large  profit.  Navigation 
and  commerce  need  encouragement.  He  cited  products  sent 
to  the  West  Indies;  horses,  cattle,  provisions,  lumber;  France 
and  Spain,  fish  and  oil.  Our  Tobacco  in  West  Indies  is  pre 
ferred  to  other  kinds.  On  Thursday,  October  17,  agreeably 
to  the  order  of  the  day,  Colonel  Humphreys  arose,  and  ad 
dressed  the  Chair  in  substance  as  follows:  Mr.  Speaker,  I 
rise  to  call  the  attention  of  the  House  to  this  subject  which  has 
been  assigned  for  its  consideration  this  morning.  I  mean  that 
article  in  his  Excellency,  the  Governor's  speech  which  recom 
mends  the  encouragement  of  agriculture  and  manufactures.  It 
will  be  unnecessary  to  go  over  all  the  ground  which  has  been 
trodden  in  the  course  of  the  former  debate,  or  rather  conversa 
tion,  on  these  interesting  topics.  It  appeared  then,  so  far  as  we 
were  able  to  collect  the  sentiments  of  the  gentlemen  from  their 
cursory  observations  to  be  the  unanimous  sense  of  this  house, 
that  something  ought  to  be  done  in  the  premises,  which  the 
collected  wisdom  and  prejudice  of  the  legislature  could  dictate 
and  the  circumstances  of  the  State  permit  to  be  carried  into 
execution,  what  that  is  will  require  all  our  attention,  candour, 
and  ability  to  investigate  and  decide.  This  may  probably 
(after  the  present  discussion)  be  best  effected  in  a  committee, 
which  I  shall  therefore  beg  leave  to  move  may  be  appointed. 
But  since  I  am  now  upon  my  legs,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  wish  to  be 
indulged  in  making  a  few  general  observations  on  this  impor 
tant  subject,  especially  as  I  have  not  risen  before  in  this  debate, 
and  as  I  shall  endeavour  to  express  them  in  as  concise  terms 
as  possible.  This  State,  Sir,  it  is  well  known,  is  from  its 
local  situation  and  manner  of  settlement,  peculiarly  calculated 
for  and  favourable  to  agriculture.  On  this  the  wealth,  the 
freedom  and  the  happiness  of  the  citizens  in  a  great  measure 
depend.  That  its  cultivation  is  susceptible  of  being  much 
improved  and  extended  cannot  be  doubted.  It  will  then 


366         Humphreys'  Return  to  America 

become  the  duty  of  our  Committee  to  suggest  the  most 
efficacious  means  of  accomplishing  this  desired  object.  To 
fall  upon  measures  for  increasing  the  quantity  of  hemp,  flax, 
and  wool  will  claim  their  first  attention.  Other  branches  will 
undoubtedly  occur.  And  let  me  ask,  whether  fixing  a  real 
value  upon  our  several  articles  of  exportation  by  having  them 
properly  inspected,  will  not  be  a  matter  worthy  their  notice. 
It  is,  I  am  informed,  by  similar  regulations,  that  the  flour  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  the  Tobacco  of  Virginia  command  so  good 
a  price.  It  is  for  want  of  them  that  our  produce  is  frequently 
held  in  contempt  and  sometimes  suffered  to  perish  unsold. 
This,  a  gentleman  well  acquainted  with  commercial  affairs 
whom  I  do  not  see  in  his  place,  has  told  you  is  the  case  with 
our  tobacco:  this,  I  have  been  told  in  Philadelphia  is  the  case 
with  our  salted  provisions.  As  to  manufacture,  Sir,  I 
will  only  mention  two  or  three  reflections.  So  long  as  we 
continue  an  agricultural  people  (and  such  we  shall  be  while 
lands  are  so  plenty  and  cheap)  we  cannot  expect  to  carry  our 
manufactures  to  any  high  degree  of  perfection.  It  is  certainly 
worth  our  while,  however,  to  promote  those  of  nails,  cordage, 
coarse  woollens,  linens,  &c.  But  should  we  attempt  great 
establishments,  or  finer  fabrics,  by  procuring  workmen  from 
abroad,  the  moment  they  should  have  acquired  a  little  property 
they  will  all  become  cultivators  of  the  earth,  so  much  more 
agreeable  is  that  profession.  To  diminish  our  importations 
and  augment  our  articles  for  exportation  has  been  mentioned 
as  a  very  important  object,  and  such  indeed  it  is.  How  this 
can  be  done  by  premiums,  on  one  hand,  and  impositions  on  the 
other,  will  also  claim  your  Committee's  attention.  After 
that  part  of  our  commerce  which  consists  in  the  importation 
of  foreign  luxuries  and  superfluities  had  been  remarked  upon 
and  justly  reprobated,  it  was  proposed  that  we  should  turn 
our  navigation  into  a  more  useful  channel,  by  giving  encour 
agement  to  the  whale  and  cod  fisheries.  The  sea  Sir,  is  an 
inexhaustible  mine.  There  we  have  as  good  a  claim  as  others. 
In  fact  we  have  superior  advantages,  could  we  once  make  a 
beginning,  in  materials  for  ship  building,  in  the  supply  of 
provisions,  and  in  a  hardy  adventurous  race  of  men.  Every 


Conditions  in  New  England  367 

shilling  obtained  from  this  source  would  be  a  clear  acquisition 
to  the  state.  But  as  encouragement  is  necessary  in  the  first 
instance,  and  as  bounties  cannot  be  drawn  from  an  exhausted 
treasury  I  beg  leave  only  to  propose  whether,  for  this  and  simi 
lar  objects,  a  state  lottery  might  not  answer  a  good  purpose. 
We  are  all  here  present,  I  hope,  and  presume,  Mr.  Speaker, 
with  dispositions  to  consult,  advise  and  determine  in  the  most 
candid  and  harmonious  manner  upon  whatever  may  tend  to 
promote  the  interests  of  our  constituents.  Let  us  then,  Sir, 
in  the  discharge  of  our  duty  to  our  country  and  our  consciences 
make  use  of  every  resource  which  God  and  Nature  have  put 
in  our  hands  for  becoming  by  honesty,  and  economy  and  in 
dustry  a  great  and  respectable  people. 

In  the  debate  which  followed  Col.  Humphreys'  re 
marks,  Col.  Burrall  of  Canaan,  Mr.  Hopkins  of  Waterbury, 
and  his  colleague  Capt.  John  Welton  took  part  supporting 
the  positions  taken  by  Col.  Humphreys.  As  a  result  of 
Humphreys'  speech  a  Committee  '  *  On  the  Encouragement 
of  Agriculture  and  Manufactures ' '  was  appointed  consist 
ing  of  Mr.  Solomon  Griswold  of  Windsor,  Col.  Humphreys, 
Gen.  Jedidiah  Hunting  ton  of  New  London,  Col.  Elijah 
Abell  of  Fairfield,  Col.  Burrall,  Mr.  Ebenezer  Bacon  of 
Middletown  and  Capt.  Daniel  Ingraham  of  Hebron. 

We  see  how  the  active  mind  of  Humphreys  even  in  his 
moments  of  comparative  leisure  was  planning  for  the 
future  of  his  country.  Later  on,  when  the  public  service 
to  the  nation  was  finished,  we  shall  see  that  he  was  not  a 
man  of  words  only,  but  that  he  put  into  practice  the 
counsels  which  he  now  advocated  and  laid  the  foundation 
of  one  of  our  great  industries. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

Tumxilts  and  Controversies  of  1786 

Delay  of  British  in  Surrendering  Western  Outposts — Disaffection  of  the 
Indians — Creation  of  Standing  Army — Establishment  of  Forts  among 
the  Indians — Increase  of  Army  Imperative — Colonel  Humphreys 
Appointed  in  Command  of  Connecticut  Regiment — Makes  Hartford 
his  Recruiting  Headquarters— His  Despondent  Letter  to  Washington 
— Washington's  Attitude — His  Reply  to  Humphreys — Humphreys' 
Answer — The  Asgill  Case — Humphreys'  Vindication  of  Washington 
in  this  Affair — Sends  Washington  Description  of  State  of  Affairs  in 
New  England — The  Anarchiad — Its  Purpose — Its  Contributors — 
Washington  Reviews  the  Asgill  Case — His  Letter  to  Humphreys 
on  it. 

r  I  ''HE  course  of  events  on  the  western  frontier  of  the 
United  States  bordering  on  the  Mississippi  was 
watched  with  great  anxiety  by  the  members  of  Congress 
and  the  people  in  general.  A  brave  and  determined  stand 
was  taken  by  the  settlers  in  Ohio,  Kentucky  and  Illinois, 
who  were  desirous  of  making  pleasant  homes  for  them 
selves  in  the  virgin  forests  on  the  rich  alluvial  lands. 
They  were  however  exposed  to  many  dangers. 

The  treaty  of  Paris,  it  is  true,  had  made  compulsory 
the  surrender  of  the  outposts  by  the  British  in  the  western 
country,  of  which  the  most  important  were  Detroit  and 
Niagara,  but  they  delayed  the  transfer  upon  various  pre 
texts,  but  principally,  as  they  alleged,  because  the  United 
States  had  ignored  the  article  concerning  the  payment  of 

368 


Uneasiness  of  the  Indians  369 

debts  due  British  subjects,  and  the  restitution  of  all  con 
fiscated  estates  of  loyalists. 

Among  the  Delawares,  Shawnees,  Wyandottes,  Chippe- 
ways  and  other  Indians  living  in  the  Ohio  country  there 
were  still  many  British  agents  and  traders.  The  great 
influence  of  the  Six  Nations  extended  beyond  the  borders 
of  their  original  home  in  New  York  and  their  firm  allegi 
ance  to  the  British  caused  the  western  Indians  to  look  with 
a  natural  suspicion  upon  the  Americans.  They  bitterly 
resented  the  invasion  of  the  hunting  grounds  and  homes 
in  the  fertile  valleys  of  the  Muskingum,  Mahoning  and  the 
farther  West.  This  hostile  attitude  had  made  it  necessary 
for  Congress  to  authorize  a  small  army  to  be  formed  not 
withstanding  the  repugnance  of  the  people  to  a  standing 
army.  A  regiment  of  seven  hundred  men  was  organized 
in  April,  1785.  The  command  was  given  to  Lieutenant 
Josiah  Harmar  of  Pennsylvania,  a  brave  and  experienced 
officer  of  the  Revolutionary  War.  Col.  Harmar  estab 
lished  his  headquarters  at  Fort  Pitt,  the  site  of  the  present 
city  of  Pittsburgh  Forts  were  built  in  the  region  beyond 
on  the  Ohio,  Miami  and  elsewhere,  the  most  important 
being  Fort  Washington,  now  Cincinnati,  Fort  Vincennes, 
and  Fort  Venango,  and  garrisons  were  placed  in  them.  As 
need  required,  small  detachments  were  sent  into  various 
parts  of  the  country,  and  every  endeavour  made  to  bring 
the  Indians  into  friendly  relations  with  the  United  States. 
These  small  parties  not  only  explored  but  also  guarded  the 
region  and  taught  the  Indians  that  a  new  and  independent 
nation  had  arisen  capable  of  enforcing  its  claims.  Col. 
Harmar  had  found  it  necessary  in  the  summer  of  1786 
to  establish  himself  at  the  mouth  of  the  Muskingum,  where 
a  fort  was  built  and  called  after  him,  Fort  Harmar. I 

The  Indians  were  evidently  preparing  for  some  hostile 

1  This  was  on  the  bank  of  the  river  opposite  Marietta,  where  in  April, 
1788,  the  first  settlement  was  made  under  the  Ohio  Company. 

VOL.    I — 24 


370      Tumults  and  Controversies  of  1786 

demonstration,  as  it  was  soon  noticed  that  messengers 
were  constantly  passing  between  the  boundaries  and  the 
Canadas.  In  the  report  to  Congress  written  from  "Fort 
Harmar  at  the  mouth  of  the  Muskingum ' '  on  August  4, 
1786,  the  commandant  says  that  he  was  trying  everything 
in  his  power  to  conciliate  the  minds  of  the  Indians,  and 
had  several  of  the  Delawares,  Chippeways,  and  other 
tribes  with  him  at  Fort  M'Intosh1  and  at  Fort  Pitt  to  pay 
him  a  friendly  visit. 

"They  have  returned, "  he  says,  "well  satisfied  with  the 
good  treatment  they  have  received,  and  I  am  convinced 
will  make  a  very  favourable  report  thereof  to  their  nations 
on  their  arrival."  He  enclosed  a  report  of  Cadet  Philip 
Liebert  of  the  Artillery  Corps,  who  had  been  sent  as  a 
special  envoy  to  learn  the  intentions  of  the  Indians,  and 
had  left  the  Fort  on  March  18,  and  traversed  the  Indian 
country,  visiting  the  chief  towns,  and  sitting  often  by  the 
council  fires,  and  smoking  the  pipe  of  peace.  He  had 
in  every  town  assured  the  chiefs  "that  the  thirteen  great 
fires  were  determined  to  hold  fast  the  chain  of  friendship." 
He  had  observed  messengers  from  the  Six  Nations  in 
several  places  and  learned  that  they  were  bearers  of  a 
letter  for  Capt.  Eliot,  a  well  known  and  influential  British 
trader  and  agent,  and  had  come  to  invite  the  Western 
Indians  "to  join  hands  and  be  strong  to  prevent  the  Long 
Knife  from  taking  their  lands. ' '  They  were  painted  black, 
and  told  the  Shawnees  they  would  set  the  example  and 
were  going  to  war.  After  the  council  they  were  joined  by 
some  of  the  Cherokees,  and  a  few  of  the  Shawnees.  He 
noted  that  the  Delawares  and  Wyandottes  appeared 
friendly.  A  letter  from  William  North  from  "the  Camp 

1  This  fort  had  been  built  by  a  small  company  from  the  American  garri 
son  at  Fort  Pitt  in  1778.  It  was  situated  twenty  miles  north-west  of  Fort 
Pitt  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Ohio  River,  and  a  little  below  the  mouth  of 
Beaver  River. 


Uneasiness  of  the  Indians  371 

at  the  Rapids  "  enclosed  information  from  faithful  Indian 
scouts  and  confidential  agents.  Joseph  Saunders  said 
that  the  Indians  would  be  encouraged  by  the  British 
"to  kill  the  first  man  who  attempted  to  survey  in  their 
country." 

Major  North  had  ascertained  that  the  Shawnees, 
Mingoes,  Delawares,  Pottawatomies,  Sacs  and  Cherokees 
"were  plundering  and  killing  all  Americans  in  that  region." 
The  British  agents  were  influencing  the  Indians  who  had 
made  treaties  with  us  "to  set  them  upon  us. "  They  were 
also  made  to  believe  ' '  that  the  Americans  are  their  greatest 
enemies,  that  they  are  unjustly  deprived  of  their  lands, 
and  in  fact  that  we  are  a  weak  and  contemptable  nation 
who  may  be  insulted  with  impunity."  Wingo  Hatton, 
a  trusty  Indian,  reported  the  movements  of  the  Indians 
and  their  apparent  design  to  collect  a  war-party. 

A  second  letter  from  Col.  Harmar  dated  September  17, 
1786,  gave  a  report  of  "Captain  -  — ,  a  trusty  Indian" 
concerning  the  return  of  the  several  chiefs  from  the  British 
at  Niagara,  and  the  councils  in  the  Shawnees'  towns. 
He  mentions  the  promise  of  the  British  that  three  ships 
laden  with  goods  were  to  be  sent  by  way  of  the  Great 
Lakes  for  the  Indians.  He  had  ascertained  that  it  had 
been  determined  "to  take  up  the  hatchet  against  the 
Long  Knife,"  and  that  one  thousand  warriors  were  as 
sembling  to  march  in  three  bands  against  Forts  Harmar, 
Wheeling,  and  Miami. x 

Col.  Harmar 's  dispatches  and  other  communications 
from  the  war-office  were  referred  to  a  special  committee, 
Mr.  Pettit,  Mr.  Lee,  Mr.  Pinckney,  Mr.  Henry,  and  Mr. 
Smith. 

1  This  abstract  of  the  condition  of  Indian  affairs  is  taken  from  a  copy  of 
Col.  Harmar's  dispatches  officially  attested  by  Charles  Thompson,  Secre 
tary  of  Congress,  under  date  of  October  20,  1788.  It  was  published  in  the 
Connecticut  Courant,  Monday,  November  6,  1788,  No,  1137. 


372      Tumults  and  Controversies  of  1786 

In  a  report  made  by  this  committee  on  Friday,  Octo 
ber  2Oth,  it  was  said  that  there  was  "the  strongest  reason 
to  believe  that  unless  the  speediest  measures  are  taken 
effectually  to  counteract  and  defeat  this  plan,  the  war  will 
become  general  and  be  attended  with  the  most  dangerous 
and  lasting  consequences." 

The  Committee  recommended  that  "the  troops  in  the 
service  of  the  United  States  be  immediately  augmented, 
not  only  for  the  protection  and  support  of  the  frontiers  of 
the  States  bordering  on  the  Mississippi  but  to  establish 
the  possession  and  facilitate  the  survey  and  settling  of 
those  intermediate  lands  which  have  been  so  much  relied 
on  for  the  reduction  of  the  debts  of  the  United  States. " 

A  resolution  was  appended  that  thirteen  hundred  and 
forty  non-commissioned  officers  and  men  be  enlisted  for 
the  term  of  three  years.  The  quotas  for  the  New  England 
States  were: 

New  Hampshire  200 

Massachusetts  660 

Rhode  Island  120 

Connecticut  I  So1 

Upon  this  requisition  of  Congress  the  General  Assembly 
of  Connecticut  acted  promptly  and  made  these  appoint 
ments  : 

Colonel  David  Humphreys  to  be  Commandant  of  the 
regiment;  Captains — Lemuel  Clift,  John  Buell,  Peter 
Robinson,  John  Throop;  Lieutenants — John  Jeffries, 
Jeremiah  Keeler,  Edward  Miller;  Surgeon's  Mate — Dr. 
Eneas  Munson,  Jr.a 

Colonel  Humphreys  selected  Hartford  "as  the  rendez 
vous  for  the  recruits  to  be  raised  in  this  State."3 

1  Journals  of  Congress,  1785-1786.     Printed  by  John  Dunlap. 
'The  Connecticut  Courant,  Monday,  November  13,  1786,  No.  1138. 
3  Ibid. 


Army  Increased  373 

Col.  Humphreys  actively  commenced  his  new  duties. 
He  wrote  from  New  Haven  to  General  Washington,  refer 
ring  to  his  previous  letter  concerning  the  attendance  of  the 
General  at  the  next  General  Meeting  of  the  Cincinnati, 
and  with  the  natural  irritation  of  a  soldier  comments  on  the 
supineness  of  the  civil  authorities  in  the  present  crisis 
both  on  the  frontiers  and  in  Massachusetts.  This  letter 
throws  a  lucid  light  on  the  miserable  state  of  affairs  in 
America,  and  shows  how  keenly  Washington's  comrades 
felt  the  disgrace  inflicted  on  their  commander  in  that  they 
actually  had  in  contemplation  the  withdrawal  of  Washing 
ton  to  Europe.  It  would  be  interesting  to  know  where 
they  would  have  advised  him  to  take  shelter — in  England 
or  France? 

NEW  HAVEN,  Nov.  ist  1786. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL, 

I  wrote  your  Excellency  some  time  ago  from  Hartford  & 
enclosed  you  the  draft  of  a  letter  on  the  subject  we  talked  of 
when  I  left  Mount  Vernon.  I  hope  you  have  duly  received  it, 
tho'  I  shall  not  be  free  from  anxiety  until  I  know  with  certainty 
that  has  been  the  case. 

When  I  wrote  that  letter  I  was  in  hopes  that  it  might  have 
been  in  my  power  before  this  time,  to  give  you  a  favourable 
account,  of  the  complexion  of  politics  in  this  State.  It  is  true 
we  have  done  some  negative  good — we  have  prevented  an 
emission  of  Paper  Money  and  Tender  Acts  from  taking  place : 
But  I  am  sorry  to  say  we  have  done  nothing  in  aid  of  the 
federal  Government.  The  only  Requisition  of  Congress  we 
have  complied  with  is  a  recent  one  for  raising  Troops  on 
account  of  an  Indian  conjecture  for  other  purposes.  The 
Assembly  has  this  day  given  me  the  Command  of  a  Regt  part 
to  be  raised  in  this  State  &  a  part  in  the  other  New  England 
States.  I  have  been  advised  by  our  friends  to  accept  it  for 
the  present,  which  I  shall  accordingly  do. — 

The  troubles  in  Massachusetts  still  continue.  Government 
is  prostrated  in  the  dust.  And  it  is  much  to  be  feared  that 


374      Tumults  and  Controversies  of  1786 

there  is  not  energy  enough  in  that  State  to  re-establish  the 
Civil  Powers.  The  leaders  of  the  Mob,  whose  fortune  & 
measures  are  desperate,  are  strengthening  themselves  daily 
&  it  is  expected  that  they  will  soon  take  possession  of  the 
Continental  Magazine  at  Springfield :  in  which  there  are  from 
ten  to  fifteen  thousand  stand  of  Arms  in  excellent  order. 

A  general  want  of  compliance  with  the  requisitions  of  Con 
gress  for  money  seems  to  prognosticate  that  we  are  rapidly 
advancing  to  a  Crisis.  The  wheels  of  the  great  political 
Machine  can  scarcely  continue  to  move  much  longer  under 
their  present  embarrassment.  Congress  I  am  told  are  seri 
ously  alarmed,  &  hardly  know  which  way  to  turn  or  what  to 
expect.  Indeed,  my  dear  General,  nothing  but  a  good  Provi 
dence  can  extricate  us  from  our  present  difficulties  £  prevent 
some  terrible  convulsion. 

In  case  of  civil  discord,  I  have  already  told  you  it  was  se 
riously  in  my  opinion,  that  you  could  not  remain  neuter — and 
that  you  would  be  obliged,  in  self  defence,  to  take  part  on  one 
side  or  the  other:  or  withdraw  from  the  Continent.  Your 
friends  are  of  the  same  opinion  and  I  believe  you  are  convinced 
that  it  is  impossible  to  have  more  disinterested  &  zealous  friends 
than  those  who  have  been  about  your  person. 

I  write  with  the  more  confidence,  as  this  letter  will  be 
delivered  by  Mr.  Austin  &  Mr.  Morse,  two  young  Clergymen 
educated  at  this  University  who  are  travelling  to  the  southern 
part  of  the  Union,  for  the  sake  of  acquiring  knowledge  of  their 
own  Country.  I  beg  leave  to  recommend  them  to  your 
Civilities  &  to  assure  you  in  offering  my  best  respects  to  Mrs. 
Washington  &  the  family,  how  sincerely  I  am  My  dear  Gen 
your  friend  &  Hble  Servt. 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

GEN.  WASHINGTON.1 

Amid  all  the  contention  and  strife  over  office,  the  inca 
pacity  of  Congress,  and  the  general  discontent,  Washing 
ton  had  studiously  refrained  from  influencing  action  in 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  375 

any  public  or  marked  manner.  He  was  too  great  to  show 
to  strangers  his  chagrin  or  to  wear  his  heart  on  his  sleeve. 
He,  like  Cincinnatus  of  old,  played  the  part  of  the  country 
squire.  He  looked  after  his  plantations,  he  elaborated 
plans  for  the  improvement  of  the  Potomac,  he  mapped 
out  how  canals  might  bring  the  produce  of  the  western 
lands  and  incidentally  open  up  large  tracts  for  settlement 
and  cultivation.  Then  again  he  busied  himself  with  his 
correspondence,  answering  the  letters  which  came  to  him, 
mostly  from  strangers.  He  was  too  true  a  Virginian  not 
to  be  an  admirable  host,  and  thus  he  lived  outwardly  the 
life  of  a  country  gentleman,  though  his  heart  was  with  the 
interests  of  the  nation  he  had  founded.  The  fewT  who 
knew  the  real  worth  of  the  man  were  in  despair.  They 
wanted  him  at  the  helm.  The  opinion  of  the  General's 
old  friends  and  associates  that  a  crisis  had  come  is  ex 
pressed  by  Col.  Humphreys  in  his  letter  of  the  first  of 
November. 

Outwardly,  Washington  was  the  country  squire,  but 
from  his  eagle's  nest  at  Mount  Vernon  he  was  keenly  alert 
to  everything.  He  was  deeply  stirred  by  the  contents  of 
Humphreys'  letter  of  the  24th  of  September,  and  replied 
without  loss  of  time. 

MY  D*  HUMPHREYS, 

Your  favour  of  the  24th  ulto.  came  to  my  hand  about  the 
middle  of  this  month.  For  the  enclosures  it  contained  I  pray 
you  to  receive  my  warmest  acknowledgement  &  thanks. 

The  Poem,  tho'  I  profess  not  to  be  a  connoiseur  in  these  kind 
of  writings,  appears  pretty  in  my  eye,  &  has  sentiments  & 
elegance  which  must  I  think  render  it  pleasant  to  others. 

With  respects  to  the  circular  letter,  I  see  no  cause  for 
suppressing  or  altering  any  part  of  it  except  as  to  the  place  of 
meeting.  Philadelphia,  on  three  accounts,  in  my  opinion  must 
be  more  convenient  to  the  majority  of  the  delegation,  than 
New  York — ist,  as  most  central,  2nd,  because  there  are  regu- 


3?6      Tumults  and  Controversies  of  1786 

larly  established  packet-boats  well  accomodated  for  Passengers, 
to  it  from  the  Southern  States ;  &  3rdly ,  because  it  appears  to 
me  that  the  seat  of  Congress  would  not  be  so  well  for  this 
meeting.  When  you  have  digested  your  thoughts  for  publica 
tion  in  the  case  of  Captn.  Asgill  I  would  thank  you  for  a  copy 
of  them;  having  arrested  the  account  I  furnished  Mr.  Tilgh- 
man,  with  an  assurance  of  a  more  authentic  one  for  his  friend 
in  England. 

I  am  pleased  with  the  choice  of  Delegates  which  was  made 
at  your  State  meeting,  &  wish  the  Representatives  of  all  the 
States  societies  may  appear  at  the  Genl.  Meeting,  with  as  good 
disposition  as  I  believe  they  will.  It  gives  me  pleasure  also 
to  hear  that  so  many  Officers  are  sent  to  your  Assembly:  I 
am  persuaded  they  will  carry  with  them  more  liberality  of 
sentiment  than  is  to  be  found  among  any  other  class  of 
Citizens. 

The  speech  of  our  friend  Cobb  was  noble,  worthy  of  such  a 
patriot  as  himself;  as  was  the  conduct  of  Genl.  Sullivan.  But 
for  God's  sake  tell  me  what  is  the  cause  of  all  these  commo 
tions;  do  they  proceed  from  licentiousness,  British  influence 
disseminated  by  the  Tories,  or  real  grievances  which  admit  of 
redress?  If  the  latter  why  were  they  delayed  'till  the  public 
mind  has  become  so  much  agitated?  If  the  former  why  are 
not  the  powers  of  Government  tried  at  once  ?  It  is  as  well  to 
live  without,  as  not  to  be  under  their  exercise.  Commotions 
of  this  sort,  like  snow  balls  gather  strength  as  they  roll,  if  there 
is  no  opposition  in  the  way  to  divide  &  crumble  them — 

Do  write  me  fully,  I  beseech  you,  on  these  matters;  not 
only  with  respect  to  facts,  but  as  to  opinions  of  their  tendency 
&  issue — I  am  mortified  beyond  expression  that  in  the  moment 
of  our  acknowledged  independence  we  should  by  our  conduct 
verify  the  predictions  of  our  transatlantic  foe,  &  render  our 
selves  ridiculous  &  contemptible  in  the  eyes  of  all  Europe. 
My  health  (I  thank  you  for  the  inquiry)  is  restored  to  me ; 
&  all  under  this  roof  join  me  in  most  affectionate  regards  & 
in  regretting  that  your  letter  has  held  out  no  idea  of  visiting 
it  again  this  winter,  as  you  gave  us  hope  of  doing  when  you 
left  us. 


Washington  to  Humphreys  377 

To  all  the  Gent?  of  my  acquaintance  who  may  happen  to  be 
in  your  circle,  I  beg  to  be  remembered  with  sincere  regard. 
To  assure  you  of  the  sincerity  of  my  friendship  for  you,  would 
be  unnecessary  as  you  must,  I  think,  be  perfectly  satisfied  of 
the  high  esteem  and  affection  with  which, 

I  am  &c.  &c. 

G?  WASHINGTON. 
MOUNT  VERNON 
22d  Octor  I786.1 

Humphreys'  reply  to  this  passionate  appeal  is  as  follows: 

NEW  HAVEN,  Nov.  9th,  1786. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL, 

I  have  this  moment  been  honoured  with  your  letter  of  the 
22nd  of  Octr.  I  am  thereby  relieved  from  some  anxiety  for  fear 
mine  of  the  24  of  September  had  miscarried.  For  the  reasons 
you  mention,  I  think  it  will  be  best  that  the  General  Meeting 
of  the  Cincinnati  should  be  holden  at  Philadelphia.  I  am  happy 
that  the  enclosures  have  met  with  your  approbation. 

A  few  days  ago  I  addressed  a  letter  to  you  by  Messrs. 
Morse  &  Austin.  The  latter  has  since  concluded  not  to  go 
Southward.  By  the  former  I  expect  still  to  have  an  opportu 
nity  of  forwarding  this.  Having  been  pressed  in  time  &  not 
having  kept  any  copy  I  can  hardly  recollect  distinctly  what  I 
have  written  in  the  letter  before  referred  to. 

I  only  remember  that  I  had  been  much  mortified  by  the 
ignorance  &  perverseness  of  some  of  the  leading  members, 
or  Demagogues,  in  our  Assembly;  and  that  I  gave  no  very 
favourable  picture  of  our  situation  or  prospects.  As  to  your 
question,  my  dear  General,  respecting  the  cause  and  origin 
of  those  commotions ;  I  hardly  find  myself  in  condition  to  give 
a  certain  answrer.  If  from  all  the  information  I  have  been 
able  to  obtain,  I  might  be  authorized  to  hazard  an  opinion  I 
should  attribute  them  to  three  causes  which  you  have  sug 
gested.  In  Massachusetts  particularly  I  believe  there  are  a 
few  real  grievances:  and  also  some  wicked  agents,  or  emissaries, 

«  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


378      Tumults  and  Controversies  of  1786 

who  have  been  busy  in  magnifying  the  positive  evils;  &  fo 
menting  causeless  jealousies  &  disturbances,  but  it  rather 
appears  to  me  that  there  is  a  licentious  spirit  prevailing  among 
many  of  the  people;  a  levelling  principle;  a  desire  of  change; 
&  a  wish  to  annihilate  all  debts  public  &  private.  The  As 
sembly  of  that  State  are  occupied  in  removing  all  the  real 
subjects  of  hardship  &  complaint.  They  have  likewise  passed 
a  new  Riot  Act,  &  given  some  indication  of  spirit  in  support  of 
Government. 

But  still  the  preparations  &  systematic  arrangements  on 
the  part  of  the  Mob  do  not  cease. 

You  will  have  seen  by  the  speech  of  Mr.  King  before  that 
Legislature  that  Congress  consider  themselves  as  the  Guar 
antee  of  each  State  of  Government  &  bound  to  interfere  in  its 
support  under  certain  circumstances. 

I  refer  you  to  Mr.  Morse  the  bearer  of  this  for  particulars1 
concerning  this  State — I  will  send  by  the  next  Post  the  papers 
respecting  Asgill.  Tho'  I  shall  not  see  Mt.  Vernon  this  winter 
my  affections  are  centred  there,  being  in  sincerity  your  most 
zealous  friend  £  humble  Servant, 

D.    HUMPHREYS.2 

Col.  Humphreys'  vindication  of  Washington  from  the 
malicious  gossip  in  America  and  Europe  and  the  erroneous 
statements  that  had  been  printed  respecting  his  treatment 
of  Captain  Asgill  appeared  in  the  issue  of  The  New  Haven 
Gazette  and  Connecticut  Magazine  for  Thursday,  November 
1 6,  1786,  under  the  title:  "The  conduct  of  General 
Washington  Respecting  the  Confinement  of  Captain 
Asgill  placed  in  the  true  Point  of  Light." 

In  a  prefatory  statement  Humphreys  says:  "When  I 

1  Mr.  Morse  afterwards  became  well  known  as  an  estimable  clergyman 
of  Cambridge,  Mass.,  the  author  of  the  first  American  Geography,  as 
well  as  other  books.  To  the  present  generation  he  is  known  as  the 
father  of  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse  who  applied  to  practical  use  the  magnetic 
telegraph. 

3  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  379 

was  in  England  last  Winter,  I  heard  suggestions  that  the 
treatment  Captain  Asgill  experienced  during  his  confine 
ment  was  unnecessarily  rigorous,  and  as  such  reflected 
discredit  upon  Americans. " 

He  proceeds  to  state  that  his  membership  in  the  Gen 
eral's  family  and  knowledge  of  the  minutest  circumstance 
of  that  unpleasant  affair  enable  him  to  deny  that  there 
was  a  particle  of  veracity  in  those  illiberal  suggestions. 

When  he  was  at  Mt.  Vernon  he  continues,  ''this  summer 
the  subject  was  mentioned  to  the  General,"  who  showed 
him  a  communication  from  London  addressed  to  Col. 
Tilghrnan  which  arrived  just  after  his  death,  and  also  the 
reply  made  by  Washington.  He  had,  he  says,  received 
from  Washington  transcripts  of  "all  the  original  letters 
and  orders  respecting  Capt.  Asgill"  and  also  copies  of  the 
letters  of  Mr.  Tilghrnan  and  Washington.  He  states  that 
it  is  solely  from  a  wish  that ' '  the  circulation  of  truth  should 
be  co-extensive  with  falsehoods  which  may  be  placed  in  a 
true  point  of  view  before  the  eye  of  the  present  age  and 
even  of  posterity"  that  without  consulting  any  one  he 
charges  himself  with  their  publication.  The  documents 
included  "the  post  script  to  a  letter  from  James  Tilghman 
Esqr.  to  his  Excellency  General  Washington,  May  26, 
1786, ".  General  Washington's  answer,  "Mount  Vernon, 
June  5,  1786,"  and  the  official  letters,  orders  and  other 
documents.  They  amply  refute  the  charge  and  show  that 
the  young  captain  was  treated  with  great  leniency  con 
sidering  he  was  under  sentence  of  death  until  satisfaction 
was  given  for  the  murder  of  Captain  Huddy. r 

Copies  of  the  Gazette  with  the  "Vindication"  were  sent 
immediately  to  Gen.  Washington  by  Col.  Humphreys, 
accompanied  by  this  frank  and  straightforward  letter : 

1  The  "  Vindication  "  was  reprinted  in  the  Columbian  Magazine  for  Jan 
uary  and  February,  1787,  pp.  205-209,  233,  235.  Also  reprinted  by  the 
Holland  Club  of  New  York,  with  a  preface  and  appendix,  1859, 


380      Tumults  and  Controversies  of  1 786 

NEW  HAVEN,  Nov.  16,  1786. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL, 

I  have  written  you  twice  within  these  few  days,  and  agree 
ably  to  the  promise  in  my  last,  I  have  now  the  honour  of  en 
closing  papers  containing  the  state  of  facts  respecting  Capt. 
Asgill's  confinement.  I  have  no  fear  but  that  the  truth  will 
become  generally  known. 

I  hope  it  is  digested  &  printed  in  a  manner  that  will  be 
acceptable  to  you.  I  would  have  sent  you  several  of  the  late 
papers  from  the  same  press,  which  contained  performances 
written  by  Mr.  Trumbull,  Mr.  Barlow,  &  myself,  in  a  style 
&  manner,  I  believe  somewhat  superior  to  common  newspaper 
publications:  but  the  demand  has  been  so  uncommonly  great 
for  those  papers  that  there  is  not  a  single  one  to  be  obtained. 
In  some  instances  the  force  of  ridicule  has  been  found  of  more 
efficacy  than  the  force  of  argument,  against  the  Anti-federal 
ists  &  Advocates  for  Mobs  &  Conventions.  It  was  pleasant 
enough  to  observe  how  some  leading  Men,  of  erroneous  politics, 
were  stung  to  the  soul  by  shafts  of  satire.  I  perceive  Sir  Guy 
Carleton,  who  is  made  Lord  Dorchester,  has  just  arrived  in 
Canada,  with  Billy  Smith  for  Chief  Justice  of  that  Province: 
this,  does  not  appear  to  forbode  any  great  good  to  us.  It 
continues  to  be  suggested  in  conversation  &  print,  that  Emis 
saries  are  employed  to  scatter  the  seeds  of  discord  among  the 
citizens  of  the  United  States.  Tho'  I  do  not  think  the  British 
too  virtuous  or  liberal  for  such  conduct,  I  cannot  say  I  have 
sufficient  evidence  to  convince  me  that  their  Cabinet  has 
adopted  that  system;  it  is  not  improbable,  however,  that 
officious  individuals  while  they  gratified  their  own  private 
revenge,  should  have  thought  this  work  would  not  be  disagree 
able  to  their  Government  even  if  unsanctified  by  it. 

The  Assembly  of  Massachusetts  seem  disposed  to  redress  all 
the  real  &  even  pretended  grievances  under  which  their  Con 
stituents  are  supposed  to  labour;  after  which  it  is  hoped  & 
expected  they  will  adopt  a  line  of  conduct  pointedly  vigorous 
&  decided.  On  the  strength  of  this  expectation,  or  something 
else,  the  Governor  already  talks  very  big. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  381 

I  am  informed  that  Gen.  Harry  Jackson  is  appointed  Com 
mandant  of  the  Continental  Regt.  to  be  raised  in  that  State, 
&  that  Gibbs  is  appointed  one  of  the  Majors.  I  have  not  heard 
who  are  subjects  of  other  appointments. 

The  Rendezvous  of  my  Regt.  is  at  Hartford,  where  I  may 
probably  be  the  greater  part  of  the  Winter.  Tho'  I  shall  not 
have  the  facility  of  eating  Christmas  pies  at  Mount  Vernon, 
I  hope  &  trust  my  former  exploits  in  that  way  will  not  be  for 
gotten.  To  the  two  Mrs.  Washingtons,  to  my  friends  the 
Major  &  Mrs.  Lear,  be  pleased  to  present  me  affectionately. 
At  one  time,  or  another,  I  hope  to  have  the  satisfaction  of 
testifying  personally,  how  much  &  how  ardently  I  have  the 
honour  to  be 

Your  sincere  friend  &  Humble  Servant, 

D.    HUMPHREYS.1 

Tumults  and  controversies  created  a  widespread  feeling 
of  unrest.  The  change  of  political  sentiment,  the  argu 
ments  over  the  rights  of  the  people  and  the  supremacy 
of  each  individual  State,  the  retention  by  the  authorities 
of  all  power  in  face  of  the  express  terms  of  the  Articles  of 
Confederation,  were  distressing  to  all  right  minded  men 
who  desired  a  stable  and  strong  government.  Not 
withstanding  the  fact  that  Congress  had  in  it  men  of 
ability,  yet  its  power  was  waning  daily.  No  State  paid 
the  slightest  heed  to  any  recommendations  unless  they 
coincided  with  its  wishes.  Very  frequently,  when  it 
was  desired  to  take  action  in  Congress  upon  important 
subjects,  there  would  not  be  enough  States  represented 
to  enable  the  measure  to  be  passed.  The  cause  of  the 
Federalists,  as  even  then  those  who  desired  a  central 
controlling  power  were  called,  might,  it  was  thought,  be 
helped  by  its  partisans  by  squibs  and  broadsides.  The 
evident  tendency  to  "conventions  and  mobs"  might  be 
counteracted,  it  was  hoped,  by  these  means.  This  idea 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


382      Tumults  and  Controversies  of  1 786 

came  from  the  fertile  mind  of  Humphreys,  who  while  in 
England  the  previous  winter  had  been  a  witness  to  the 
success  of  the  Rolliad  to  which  Fox,  Sheridan,  and  the 
other  wits  of  the  day  had  contributed.  The  constant 
attacks  upon  the  Cincinnati  cut  Humphreys  to  the  quick, 
and  this,  more  than  any  other  cause,  impelled  him  to  be 
revenged  on  its  detractors. 

The  Anarchiad  made  its  appearance,  its  title  being  a 
fitting  one,  even  if  thought  by  many  to  be  too  satirical. 
The  Anarchiad,  A  Poem  on  the  Restoration  of  Chaos 
and  Substantial  Right,  was  its  full  title.  The  various 
portions  were  alleged  to  be  extracts  from  a  long  epic 
poem,  with  that  title,  found  in  one  of  the  prehistoric 
mounds  of  the  Ohio  valley,  which  were  then  attracting  the 
popular  attention.  The  first  number  appeared  in  the  New 
Haven  Gazette  of  October  26,  1786,  under  the  title  of 
"American  Antiquities  No.  i , "  and  was  extensively  copied. 
It  at  once  attracted  attention  and  was  read  by  men  of 
all  political  parties.  It  is  to  this  article  that  Humphreys 
alluded  in  the  letter  to  Washington,  which  has  just  been 
given,  when  he  says,  * '  I  would  have  sent  several  of  the  late 
papers  &c. "  These  essays  were  continued  until  twelve 
numbers  had  been  issued,  the  last  appearing  September 
I3>  J787,  in  the  New  Haven  Gazette.  The  ''Hartford 
Wits ' '  however  still  continued  to  sting  their  opponents  by 
a  succession  of  squibs,  letters  and  essays.  In  comparing 
The  Anarchiad  with  the  acknowledged  writings  of  Hum 
phreys  there  is  found  to  be  a  singular  similarity  of  thought 
and  expression.  While  it  cannot  be  said  how  many,  or 
which,  came  from  the  pen  of  Humphreys  yet  it  may  be 
safely  assumed  that  the  majority  of  the  papers  were  his. 
Trumbull  and  Barlow  were,  as  he  tells  Washington,  his 
collaborateurs.  John  Trumbull  was  a  son  of  the  Rev. 
John  Trumbull,  pastor  of  the  first  Church  in  Westbury,  a 
district  of  Waterbury,  and  now  Watertown.  He  grad- 


Joel  Barlow  383 

uated  from  Yale  in  1771.  With  Timothy  Dwight  he  was 
made  a  tutor  in  Yale,  in  1771.  He  formed  an  intimate 
friendship  with  David  Humphreys. x 

Joel  Barlow,  the  other ' '  collaborates  "  to  The  Anarchiad, 
was  a  native  of  Redding,  Connecticut,  being  the  youngest 
of  ten  children.  He  graduated  at  Yale  in  1778.  There 
he  made  the  friendship  of  Humphreys,  who,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  endeavoured  to  obtain  for  him  a  chaplaincy 
in  the  army. 

While  Mr.  Barlow  was  in  the  army  Humphreys  was  able 
to  aid  his  friend  socially  by  introducing  him  to  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief,  General  Greene,  and  other  officers  of 
high  rank.  The  inactivity  of  the  army  at  that  time 
allowed  him  to  work  upon  his  great  poem  The  Vision  of 
Columbus.  Portions  of  it  were  read  in  manuscript  at 
headquarters  by  Col.  Humphreys  and  were  highly 
praised.  After  the  war  Barlow  returned  to  Hartford  and 
continued  the  study  of  law,  and  was  admitted  to  the  Bar 
in  1785.  He  also  opened  a  printing  office,  from  which  he 
issued  The  Mercury.  In  this  periodical,  which  had  a  com 
paratively  wide  circulation,  many  of  his  poems  and  those 
of  his  friends  appeared.  The  Vision  of  Columbus  was 
published  in  the  spring  of  1787,  and  at  once  sprang  into 
popularity.  Mr.  Barlow  had  the  honour  of  delivering 
before  the  Connecticut  Society  of  the  Cincinnati  the  first 
of  the  annual  orations,  on  July  4,  1787,  in  the  Centre 
Church  in  Hartford.  At  the  request  of  some  of  his 

1  Trumbull's  most  successful  attempt  in  mock  heroic  is  McFingal,  written 
early  in  the  Revolution  and  which  was  widely  read  by  all  classes.  He 
studied  law,  was  admitted  to  the  Bar  in  1773,  and  gained  distinction  in  his 
profession.  McFingal  was  published  in  1 78 1 ,  and  in  1 786  he  was  one  of  the 
small  but  brilliant  company  of  men  who  were  known  as  the  "Hartford 
Wits."  In  1800  he  became  a  member  of  the  General  Assembly,  and  in 
1808  was  appointed  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Errors.  He  remained 
on  the  bench  until  1819,  when  his  bodily  infirmities  made  his  retirement 
from  public  life  necessary.  In  1825  he  went  to  Detroit  making  his  home 
with  his  daughter,  Mrs.  Woodbridge,  and  died  there  in  May,  1831. 


384      Tumults  and  Controversies  of  1786 

brethren  in  the  congregation,  he  undertook  in  connection 
with  Dr.  Hopkins  and  Judge  Trumbull  a  revision  of 
Watts'  Psalms.  In  this  work  while  improving  the  versi 
fication  he  took  great  liberties  with  the  text  of  the  evangeli 
cal  divine;  also  translating  several  of  the  psalms  which 
had  been  omitted  by  the  original  compiler.  In  his 
Diary,  President  Stiles  gives  an  elaborate  criticism  of  the 
book,  in  the  course  of  which  he  says:  "I  think  he  has 
corrected  too  much,  and  unnecessarily  hurt  the  poetry.  "x 

Mr.  Barlow's  epic  poem  had  given  him  a  reputation  in 
Europe.  He  accepted  the  offer  of  the  Scioto  Company, 
composed  of  New  York  capitalists  and  politicians,  of 
whom  Col.  Duer  was  the  chief,  to  represent  it  in  France 
and  induce  French  officers  and  others  to  settle  upon  their 
tract  of  land  which  adjoined  that  of  the  Ohio  Company 
in  the  North-West  Territory.  Mr.  Barlow  remained  abroad 
for  many  years,  consorting  with  literary  and  political 
leaders  and  engaging  in  some  successful  business  ventures. 
He  wore  the  liberty  cap,  made  friends  among  the  people, 
was  affectionately  greeted  by  the  Republicans,  and  became 
a  member  of  the  Constituent  Assembly.  The  good  offices 
of  Col.  Humphreys  were  exerted  for  his  friend  among  his 
European  acquaintances,  and  helped  Mr.  Barlow  greatly 
in  his  career  there.  Subsequent  incidents  in  his  life  will 
be  given  later  on. 

Some  literary  histories,  without  much  warrant,  add 
Dr.  Lemuel  Hopkins  to  those  already  mentioned  as  con 
tributors  to  The  Anarchiad.  Many  of  these  historians, 
however,  have  not  studied  the  matter  at  first  hand,  as  is 
evident  from  the  fact  that  one  of  them  leaves  out  all  men 
tion  of  Humphreys  as  one  of  the  writers  of  these  satires. a 

Dr.  Lemuel  Hopkins,  to  whom  is  ascribed  this  honour, 
was  a  native  of  Waterbury,  the  son  of  a  wealthy  farmer. 

1  President  Stiles's  Diary,  ii.,  p.  156. 

2  Mr.  J.  W.  Barber,  in  his  Connecticut  Historical  Collections,  see  p.  267. 


Joel  Barlow  385 

He  studied  under  a  skilful  physician  in  Wallingford, 
practised  a  short  time  in  Litchfield  and  then  entered  the 
army  as  a  volunteer.  At  the  conclusion  of  peace,  he 
settled  in  Hartford  where  he  established  a  large  practice, 
for  he  was  a  " physician  of  great  skill  and  reputation." 
The  doctor  was  possessed  of  a  lively  imagination,  a  keen 
sense  of  the  ludicrous,  and  found  opportunity  for  the 
cultivation  of  his  literary  tastes.  He  was  a  strong 
Federalist  and  gave  his  political  opponents  many  hard 
blows  in  prose  and  verse. 

He  was  associated  with  Richard  Alsop  of  Middletown 
in  writing  The  Echo,  The  Political  Greenhouse,  and  other 
versified  political  pamphlets  and  in  the  enjoyment  of  the 
pleasant  society  of  such  men  as  Col.  Wadsworth,  his  fellow 
poets,  and  others  who  made  this  dignified  and  charming 
old  Connecticut  town  a  centre  of  literature  and  learning, 
where  he  passed  the  remainder  of  his  life.  That  he  wrote 
no  part  of  The  Anarchiad  cannot  positively  be  said. 

The  probability  is  that  his  share  was  the  smallest  of  the 
four  ''Wits,"  Humphreys,  Trumbull,  Barlow,  and  Hop 
kins.  That  he  was  the  chief  writer  is  abundantly  dis 
proved  by  the  Humphreys  correspondence. 

The  Anarchiad  more  than  served  its  turn.  It  did  much 
to  hearten  the  supporters  of  good  government  and  to 
render  the  views  of  its  opponents  ridiculous. 

As  Humphreys  truly  said  to  Washington,  "Pointed 
ridicule  is  found  to  be  of  more  efficacy  than  serious  argu 
mentation.  " 

The  gross  injustice  that  had  been  done  to  the  character 
of  Washington  by  misrepresentations  of  his  attitude 
toward  the  unfortunate  Capt.  Charles  Asgill  had  aroused 
the  indignation  of  his  friend.  Humphreys  desired  that  the 
fair  fame  of  the  Commander-in-Chief  should  not  be  tar 
nished.  At  his  request  the  papers  concerning  the  im 
prisonment  of  the  young  British  officer  were  carefully 

VOL.    I — 25 


386      Tumults  and  Controversies  of  1786 

gone  over,  and  copies  made.     After  he  had  left  Mount 
Vernon  they  were  sent  to  him  with  this  letter : 

MOUNT  VERNON, 

i  September  1786. 

MY  DEAR  HUMPHREYS: — 

Enclosed  are  all  the  documents  Mr.  Lear  could  find  respect 
ing  the  confinement  and  treatment  under  it  of  Captain  Asgill. 
For  want  of  recurrence  to  them  before  I  wrote  Mr.  Tilghman, 
I  perceive  that  a  bad  memory  has  run  me  into  an  error  in  my 
narrative  of  the  latter  in  one  particular.  For  it  should  seem 
by  that  as  if  the  loose  and  unguarded  manner  in  which  Captain 
Asgill  was  held  was  sanctioned  by  me;  whereas  one  of  my 
letters  to  Colonel  Dayton  condemns  this  conduct,  and  orders 
Asgill  to  be  closely  confined.  Mr.  Lear  has  given  all  the 
letters  at  length,  extracts  might  have  answered,  but  I  judged 
it  better  that  the  whole  tenor  of  the  correspondence  should 
appear  that  no  part  might  seem  to  be  hidden. 

I  well  remember  Major  Gordon's  attending  Asgill ;  and  by  one 
of  my  letters  to  Dayton  it  is  evident  that  Gordon  had  written 
to  me,  but  my  letter  books  have  registered  no  reply.  In  what 
manner  it  would  be  best  to  bring  the  matter  before  the  public 
I  am  at  a  loss  and  leave  it  to  you  to  determine  under  a  consider 
ation  of  the  circumstances  which  are  as  fully  communicated 
as  the  documents  in  my  hands  will  enable  me  to  do.  There 
is  one  mystery  in  the  business  which  I  cannot  develope  nor 
are  there  any  papers  in  my  possession  which  explain  it.  Hazen 
was  ordered  to  send  an  unconditional  prisoner.  Asgill  comes ; 
Hazen  or  some  other  must  have  given  information  of  a  Lieu 
tenant  Turner  (under  the  former  description),  Turner  is  ordered 
on,  but  never  came.  Why?  I  am  unable  to  say;  nor  is  there 
any  letter  from  Hazen  (to  be  found)  which  accounts  for  a  non- 
compliance  with  the  order.  If  I  had  not  too  many  causes  to  mis 
trust  my  memory,  I  should  ascribe  it  to  there  having  been  no 
such  officer,  or  that  he  was  also  under  capitulation,  for  Captain 
Schaach1  seems  to  have  been  held  as  a  proper  victim  after  this. 

1  Note  in  Ford's  Washington,  ix,  p.  61 :  "Probably  an  error  of  the  tran 
scriber  for  Asgill." 


Washington  to  Humphreys  387 

I  will  write  as  soon  as  I  am  able  to  Mr.  Tilghman,  request 
ing  him  to  withhold  my  first  accounts  of  Asgill's  treatment 
from  his  correspondent  in  England,  promising  him  an  authen 
tic  one  from  original  papers.  It  may,  however,  have  passed 
him.  In  that  case  it  will  be  necessary  for  me  to  say  something 
to  reconcile  my  own  accounts. 

I  write  you  with  a  very  aching  head  and  disordered  frame, 
and  Mr.  Lear  will  copy  the  letter.  Saturday  last,  by  an 
imprudent  act  I  brought  on  the  ague  and  fever  on  Sunday, 
which  returned  with  violence  Tuesday  and  Thursday ;  and  if 
Dr.  Craik's  efforts  are  ineffectual  I  shall  have  them  again  this 
day. 

The  family  join  me  in  every  good  wish  for  you.  It  is  un 
necessary  to  assure  you  of  the  friendship  and  affection  with 
which  I  am  &c. 

P.  S.  We  have  found  Gordon's  letters.  They  contain  a 
demand  of  Asgill;  as  an  officer  protected  by  the  capitulation 
of  Yorktown.  This  I  suppose  is  the  reason  they  were  not 
answered.1 

1  Ford's  Washington,  xi.,  pp.  60,  61, 1785-1790.  Also  Sparks's  Washing 
ton,  ix.,  pp.  196,  197. 


CHAPTER  XX 

SHays's  Rebellion 

The  Winter  of  1786 — Humphreys'  "Vindication"  in  the  Asgill  Case  Com 
mended  by  Washington — Humphreys'  Reply — Sends  Washington  Full 
Description  of  State  of  Affairs  in  New  England — And  on  the  Proposed 
Convention — Advises  Washington  not  to  Attend  it — States  his 
Reasons — Refers  Again  to  the  Anarchiad  Papers — Prompt  Action  of 
Gen.  Lincoln  and  Governor  Bowdoin  Quells  the  Shays  Rebellion — 
Details  Given  by  Humphreys  to  Washington — Humphreys  Marches 
with  his  Regiment  to  Springfield — Further  Describes  the  Situation  to 
Washington — Annapolis  Convention — Convention  at  Philadelphia 
Recommended — Humphreys  Writes  thereon  to  Washington — He 
Again  Advises  Washington  not  to  Attend  it — In  a  Subsequent  Letter 
Modifies  his  Views  somewhat  Owing  to  the  Plan  of  a  Convention 
Having  Been  Sanctioned  by  Congress — Intimates  his  Desire  to  Re 
tire  into  Private  Life  and  Marry — Humphreys  Issues  his  Regimental 
Orders  on  the  Disbanding  of  his  Regiment  at  Springfield. 

THE  outlook  in  the  winter  of  1786  was  indeed  gloomy. 
It  is  true  that  the  advices  from  the  Indian  posts  were 
more  favourable  than  had  been  anticipated,  and  this  re 
lieved  the  situation  somewhat  and  enabled  men  to  turn 
their  undivided  attention  to  the  Eastern  States.  Here 
the  tumults  and  disorders  had  culminated  in  violence. 
Shays's  Rebellion  was  growing  apace,  the  insurgents  were 
terrorizing  the  people  of  Massachusetts,  "  breathing  out 
threatenings  and  slaughter,"  and  demanding  immediate 
redress  of  their  real,  or  fancied,  wrongs.  Hence  the  need 
of  troops  to  protect  United  States  property  was  hourly 

388 


Washington  to  Humphreys  389 

growing  more  urgent.  Colonel  Humphreys,  therefore, 
was  actively  engaged  in  filling  up  his  regiment  to  its  full 
quota,  and  held  himself  in  readiness  to  proceed  to  Spring 
field,  where  a  United  States  Armory  with  ten  thousand 
stand  of  arms  had  been  established. 

In  the  intervals  of  his  military  work  he  employed  him 
self  in  poetical  diversions  and  in  watching  carefully  the 
political  signs  of  the  times. 

The  unreasoning  dislike  to  the  Cincinnati,  and  his  firm 
allegiance  to  that  institution,  his  opposition  to  all  who 
sought  in  any  way  to  impair  the  usefulness  or  impugn  the 
motives  of  its  members  is  shown  in  his  correspondence 
with  Washington.  In  the  excited  state  of  public  feeling 
and  the  failure  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation  to  be  a  real 
bond  of  union  there  was  still  much  hesitation  on  the  part 
of  the  companions  in  arms  of  Washington  in  assenting  to 
the  plan  of  a  convention  for  revision  of  the  Articles  of  Con 
federation  or  the  drafting  of  a  new  Constitution.  They 
were  afraid  that  the  present  disturbers  of  the  public  peace 
and  those  who  did  not  regard  as  essential  any  central  power 
would  gain  the  majority  in  such  an  assembly.  They  did 
not  desire  that  the  General  should  have  imputed  to  him 
motives  of  ambition  or  self-seeking.  His  reputation  was 
dear  to  them  and  they  gave  him  the  advice  they  thought 
best  adapted  to  the  present  crisis.  The  decisive  opinion  of 
his  friends  Col.  Humphreys  voiced  in  his  letter  of  Novem 
ber  i,  1786,  concerning  the  attitude  which  Washington 
ought  to  take,  is  referred  to  in  the  General's  letter  written 
in  December  of  the  same  year. 

MY  D*  HUMPHREYS, 

I  am  much  indebted  to  you  for  your  several  favours  of  the 
ist,  Qth  &  1 6th  of  Novr.  the  last  came  first.  Mr.  Morse  hav 
ing  in  mind  the  old  proverb,  was  determined  not  to  make  more 
haste  than  good  speed  in  prosecuting  his  journey  to  Georgia, 
so  I  get  the  two  first  lately. 


390  Shays's  Rebellion 

For  your  publication  respecting  the  treatment  of  Captn. 
Asgill  I  am  exceeding  obliged  to  you.  The  manner  of  making 
it  is  the  best  that  could  be  devised ;  whilst  the  matter  will  prove 
the  illiberality,  as  well  as  fallacy  of  the  reports  which  have 
been  circulated  on  that  occasion,  &  which  are  fathered  upon 
that  officer  as  the  author — 

It  is  with  the  deepest  &  most  heartfelt  concern  I  perceive 
by  some  late  paragraphs  extracted  from  the  Boston  Papers 
that  the  Insurgents  of  Massachusetts  far  from  being  satisfied 
with  the  redress  offered  by  their  general  Court,  are  still  acting 
in  open  violation  of  law  &  government,  &  having  obliged  the 
chief  Magistrate  in  a  decided  tone  to  call  upon  the  Militia  of 
the  State  to  support  the  Constitution.  What,  gracious  God, 
is  Man!  that  there  should  be  such  inconsistency  &  perfidious- 
ness  in  his  conduct?  It  is  but  the  other  day  that  we  were 
shedding  our  blood  to  obtain  the  Constitutions  under  which  we 
now  live.  Constitutions  of  our  own  choice  &  making  &  now 
we  are  unsheathing  the  sword  to  overturn  them.  The  thing 
is  so  unaccountable  that  I  hardly  know  how  to  realize  it,  or 
to  persuade  myself  that  I  am  not  under  the  illusion  of  a  dream. 

My  mind  previous  to  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  1st 
ulto  had  often  been  agitated  by  a  thought  similar  to  the  one 
you  have  expressed  respecting  an  old  friend  of  yours;  but 
heaven  forbid  that  a  crisis  should  come  when  he  shall  be 
driven  to  the  necessity  of  making  choice  of  either  of  the  alterna 
tives  there  mentioned.1  Let  me  entreat  you,  my  Dr.  Sir, 
to  keep  me  advised  of  the  situation  of  Affairs  in  your  quarter. 
I  can  depend  upon  your  accounts;  Newspaper  paragraphs 
unsupported  by  other  testimony,  are  often  contradictory  and 
bewildering.  At  one  time  these  insurgents  are  spoken  of  as  a 
mere  mob — at  other  times  as  systematic  in  all  their  proceedings. 
If  the  first,  I  would  fain  hope  that  like  other  Mobs  it  will, 
however  formidable,  be  of  short  duration.  If  the  latter,  there 
are  surely  men  of  consequence  &  abilities  behind  the  curtain 

1  Washington  here  refers  to  the  statement  in  Humphreys'  letter  of 
November  ist,  that,  in  case  of  civil  discord,  Washington  would  have  "to 
take  part  on  one  side  or  the  other:  or  withdraw  from  the  continent." 
See  p.  374. 


Washington  to  Humphreys  391 

who  move  the  puppets;  the  designs  of  whom  may  be  deep  & 
dangerous.  They  may  be  instigated  by  British  counsel, 
actuated  by  ambitious  motives,  or  being  influenced  by  dis 
honest  principles,  had  rather  see  the  country  in  the  horror  of 
civil  discord,  than  do  what  justice  would  dictate  to  an  honest 
mind. 

I  had  scarcely  dispatched  my  circular  letters  to  the  several 
State  Societies  of  the  Cincinnati,  when  I  received  letters  from 
some  of  the  principal  members  of  our  Assembly  expressing  a 
wish  that  they  might  be  permitted  to  name  me  as  one  of  the 
Deputies  of  this  State  to  the  Convention  proposed  to  be  held 
at  Philadelphia  the  first  of  May  next.  I  immediately  wrote 
to  my  particular  friend  Mr.  Madison  (&  gave  similar  reasons 
to  the  others)  the  answer  is  contained  in  the  extract  No.  I. 
in  reply  I  got  the  extract  No.  2.  This  obliged  me  to  be  more 
explicit  £  confidential  with  him  on  points  which  a  recurrence 
to  the  conversations  we  have  had  on  this  subject  will  bring  to 
your  mind  &  save  me  the  hazard  of  a  recital  of  it  in  this  letter. 

Since  this  interchange  of  letters  I  have  received  from  the 
Governor  the  letter  No.  4  &  have  written  No.  5.  in  answer  to 
it.  Should  this  matter  be  further  pressed  (which  I  hope  it 
will  not,  as  I  have  no  inclination  to  go),  what  had  I  best  do? 
You,  as  an  indifferent  person,  and  one  who  is  much  better 
acquainted  with  the  sentiments  £  views  of  the  Cincinnati  than 
I  am;  for  in  this  State  where  the  recommendations  of  the  Genl. 
Meeting  have  been  agreed  to  hardly  anything  is  said  about  it, 
as  also  of  the  temper  of  the  people  &  state  of  politics  at  large, 
can  determine  upon  better  ground  and  fuller  evidence  than 
myself;  especially  as  you  have  opportunities  of  knowing  in 
what  light  the  States  to  the  Eastward  consider  the  convention; 
&  the  measures  they  are  pursuing  to  contravene  or  to  give 
efficiency  to  it.  On  the  last  occasion,  only  five  States  were 
represented — none  East  of  New  York. 

Why  the  New  England  Governments  did  not  appear,  I  am 
yet  to  learn  for  of  all  others  the  distractions  £  turbulent  tempers 
of  these  people  would,  I  should  have  thought,  have  afforded 
the  strongest  evidence  of  the  necessity  of  competent  powers 
somewhere.  That  the  Federal  Government  is  nearly,  if  not 


392  Shays's  Rebellion 

quite,  at  a  stand,  none  will  deny — the  first  question  then  is, 
shall  it  be  annihilated  or  supported?  If  the  latter,  the  pro 
posed  convention  is  an  object  of  the  first  magnitude,  &  should 
be  supported  by  all  the  friends  of  the  present  Constitution. 
In  the  other  case,  if  on  a  full  and  dispassionate  revision  thereof, 
the  continuance  shall  be  adjudged  impracticable,  or  unwise,  as 
only  delaying  an  event  which  must  ere  long  take  place  would 
it  not  be  better  for  such  a  Meeting  to  suggest  some  other  to 
avoid  if  possible  civil  discord  or  other  impending  evils?  I 
must  candidly  confess  as  we  could  not  remain  quiet  more  than 
three  or  four  years  (in  time  of  peace)  under  the  Constitutions  of 
our  choosing;  which  it  was  believed  in  many  States  at  least, 
were  formed  with  deliberation  and  wisdom,  I  see  little  prospect 
either  of  our  agreeing  upon  any  other  or  that  we  should  remain 
long  satisfied  under  it  if  we  could.  Yet  I  would  wish  anything 
and  everything  essayed  to  avert  the  effusion  of  blood,  &  to 
avert  the  humiliating  &  contemptible  figure  we  are  about  to 
make  in  the  annals  of  mankind. 

If  this  second  attempt  to  convene  the  States  for  the  purposes 
proposed  by  the  report  of  the  partial  representation  at  Annapolis 
in  September,  should  also  prove  abortive,  it  may  be  considered 
as  an  unequivocal  evidence  that  the  States  are  not  likely  to 
agree  on  any  general  measure  which  is  to  pervade  the  union, 
&  of  course  that  there  is  an  end  of  Federal  Government. 
The  States  therefore  which  make  the  last  dying  essay  to  avoid 
these  misfortunes,  would  be  mortified  at  the  issue,  &  their 
deputies  would  return  home  chagrined  at  their  ill  success  & 
disappointment . 

This  would  be  a  disagreeable  circumstance  for  any  one  of 
them  to  be  in  but  more  particularly  so  for  a  person  in  my  situa 
tion.  If  no  further  application  is  made  to  me,  of  course  I 
do  not  attend;  if  there  is,  I  am  under  no  obligation  to  do  it, 
but  as  I  have  had  so  many  proofs  of  your  friendship,  know 
your  abilities  to  judge  and  your  opportunities  of  learning  the 
politics  of  the  day  on  the  points  I  have  enumerated,  you  would 
oblige  me  by  a  full  &  confidential  communication  of  your 
sentiments  thereon. 

Peace  &  tranquility  prevail  in  this  State.     The  Assembly 


Humphreys  to  Washington  393 

by  a  very  great  majority,  &  in  very  emphatical  terms  have 
rejected  an  application  for  paper  money,  &  spurned  the  idea 
of  fixing  the  value  of  military  Certificates  by  a  scale  of  depre 
ciation.  In  some  other  respects  too  the  proceedings  of  the 
present  session  have  been  marked  with  justice  &  a  strong 
desire  of  supporting  the  federal  system.  Altho'  I  lament  the 
effect,  I  am  pleased  at  the  cause  which  has  deprived  us  of  the 
pleasure  of  your  aid  in  the  attack  of  Christmas  pies : — we  had 
one  yesterday  on  which  all  the  company  tho'  pretty  numerous, 
were  hardly  able  to  make  an  impression. 

Mrs.  Washington  &  George  &  his  wife  (Mr.  Lear  I  had  occa 
sion  to  send  to  the  Western  Country)  join  in  affecte:  regards 
for  you,  and  with  sentiments  of  the  warmest  friendship,  I  am 

&c.,  &c. 

G?  WASHINGTON. 
MOUNT  VERNON  26th  Deer.  I786.1 

In  his  reply,  written  from  New  Haven  on  January  20, 
1787,  Col.  Humphreys  not  only  answers  the  questions 
asked  but  gives  a  proof  of  his  real  affection  for  Gen. 
Washington  by  commenting  at  length  upon  the  political 
situation  and  its  remedy.  His  unselfish  frankness  shows 
how  true  was  his  devotion  to  his  friend  and  chief. 

NEW  HAVEN,  Jany  20,  1787. 

(Private) 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL, 

I  am  indeed  much  flattered  by  the  private  and  confidential 
communications  contained  in  your  favour  of  the  26th  of  Dec. 

I  trust,  on  the  present  critical  &  momentous  occasion,  by 
disclosing  the  very  sentiments  of  my  soul  without  reservation ; 
I  shall  not  render  myself  less  deserving  of  your  confidence  or 
worthy  a  place  in  your  friendship. 

As  Colonel  Wadsworth  will  be  the  bearer  of  this,  I  shall 
not  be  so  minute  in  detailing  the  state  of  affairs  in  this  quarter 
of  the  Union,  as  might  otherwise  have  been  requisite.  He  is 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


394  Shays's  Rebellion 

so  well  acquainted  with  the  feelings  &  politics  that  I  shall 
principally  refer  you  to  him. 

So  near  the  scene  of  tumult  as  I  have  been,  accounts  are 
different  concerning  the  respectability  or  contemptability  of 
the  persons  &  numbers  who  compose  the  mob. 

It  seems  next  Tuesday  (the  23)  is  fixed  upon  to  produce  some 
decision  respecting  the  force  in  favour,  or  opposition  to  Govern 
ment.  The  Court  is  then  to  sit  at  Worcester.  The  executive 
has  ordered  our  4000  Militia  to  support  the  Court  &  to  be 
embodied  thirty  days — Liberal  private  subscriptions  have 
been  made  to  facilitate  the  expedition — Generals  Lincoln  & 
Sheppard  are  to  command.  It  is  said,  if  the  Insurgents 
should  not  appear,  the  force  in  arms  is  to  progress  Westward, 
apprehend  the  Leaders,  and  assist  in  re-establishing  Govern 
ment.  This  may  bring  matters  to  serious  extremities — I 
think  it  a  good  plan,  unless  by  its  secrecy  it  should  too  much 
resemble  another  Penobscot  expedition. 

I  have  lately  had  an  opportunity  of  conversing  with  several 
of  the  first  characters  from  the  neighbouring  States.  These 
Gentlemen,  viz;  Messrs.  Duane,  Chancellor  Livingston,  Eg 
bert  Benson,  Judges  Yates,  King  &  Smith  from  New  York 
with  Messrs.  Lowel,  King,  Parsons  &  Judge  Sullivan  from 
Boston,  were  Commissioners  for  setting  the  boundaries  be 
tween  the  Two  States.  They  seemed  to  be  all  of  opinion  that 
something  must  be  done,  but  what  that  something  was  ap- 
peared  to  baffle  their  deepest  penetration.  It  is  however, 
worthy  remark  that  Mr.  King,  Mr.  Sedgwick  &  several  others 
(I  believe  I  might  say  John  Jay)  who  have  been  mortally 
opposed  to  the  Cincinnati,  now  look  with  considerable  con 
fidence  to  that  quarter  for  our  political  preservation. 

As  to  a  Convention,  it  has  not  until  lately  engrossed  but 
little  share  in  the  conversation  here.  I  am  induced  to  expect 
the  only  good  it  can  do  will  be  to  demonstrate  to  the  People 
that  a  number  of  characters  in  whom  they  repose  confidence, 
believe  seriously  we  cannot  remain  as  a  nation  much  longer, 
in  the  present  manner  of  administering  our  actual  Govern 
ment.  The  evil  appears  to  me  to  consist  more  of  the  in- 
towardly  dispositions  of  the  States  (who  make  no  hesitation 


Humphreys  to  Washington  395 

in  palpably  violating  the  Confederacy  whenever  it  suits  their 
interests),  rather  than  in  the  form  of  our  national  Compact 
as  it  exists  on  paper.  What  is  to  be  done  to  cure  these  dis 
positions?  We  may  have  what  forms  we  please,  but  without 
co-ertion,  they  are  idle  as  the  wind.  Now  let  us  enquire  what 
effect  may  probably  be  produced  from  the  Convention.  In 
the  first  place  there  is  a  strong  diversity  of  sentiment  respecting 
the  legality  &  expediency  of  such  a  Meeting.  Those  who  are 
opposed  to  the  measure  say  there  cannot  be  a  full  representa 
tion  of  the  People  for  revising  the  Confederation,  because  the 
freemen  at  large  have  not  been  consulted  in  any  instance; 
and  because  the  Legislatures  who  appoint  Deputies,  are  not 
authorized  by  their  Constituents  to  make  such  appointment. 
Others  suppose  a  Convention  to  be  an  interference  with,  if 
not  an  usurpation  of  the  functions  of  Congress,  and  that  if  any 
recommendations  are  to  go  to  the  People,  they  should  originate 
with  Congress.  But  neither  of  these  is  the  reason  why  those 
members  of  our  Assembly  who  are  perfectly  federal  in  their 
policy  did  not  urge  that  the  subject  should  have  been  taken 
up  &  an  appointment  made.  The  reason  was,  a  conviction 
that  the  persons  who  would  be  elected,  were  some  of  the  most 
antifederal  men  in  the  State  who  believe  or  act  as  if  they  be 
lieved  that  Congress  is  already  possessed  of  too  unlimited 
powers  and  who  would  wish  apparently  to  see  the  Union 
dissolved.  These  Demagogues  really  affect  to  persuade  the 
people  (to  use  their  own  phraseology)  that  they  are  only  in 
danger  of  having  their  liberties  stolen  away  by  an  artful 
designing  Aristocracy.  This  jealousy,  I  presume,  exists  in 
some  other  Governments.  I  do  not  learn  that  Commissioners 
have  been  appointed  from  any  of  the  New  England  States. 
Some  of  the  Assemblies  will  not  convene  before  May,  unless 
called  on  an  extraordinary  emergency.  So  that  it  is  almost 
certain  that  the  Convention  will  be  but  partial  in  point  of 
representation.  But  should  it  be  compleat  and  should  the 
members  be  unanimous  in  recommending  in  the  most  forcible, 
the  most  glowing,  the  most  pathetic  terms,  which  language 
can  afford  that  it  is  indispensable  to  the  salvation  of  the  Coun 
try,  Congress  should  be  cloathed  with  more  ample  powers.— 


396  Shays's  Rebellion 

I  am,  as  confident  as  I  am  of  my  own  existence,  the  States  will 
not  all  comply  with  the  recommendation.  They  have  a  mor 
tal  reluctance  to  divest  themselves  of  the  smallest  attribute 
of  independent  separate  Sovereignty.  The  personal  character 
of  yourself  and  some  other  Gentlemen  would  have  a  weight  on 
individuals — but  on  democratic  Assemblies  &  the  bulk  of  the 
People,  your  opinions  &  your  eloquence  would  be  triffles  light 
as  air.  After  the  abominable  neglects,  with  which  your  recom 
mendations  of  the  Army  have  been  treated,  he  must  indeed 
have  faith  to  remove  mountains  who  can  believe  in  good  dis 
positions  of  the  Country.  We  are  already  nearly  ruined  by 
believing  that  the  Citizens  of  the  United  States  were  better 
than  the  rest  of  the  world;  and  that  they  could  be  managed 
in  Society  without  compulsion. 

In  effect,  I  conceive,  that,  if  the  Confederation  should  not 
meet  with  a  speedy  disolution,  Congress  must  &  will  gradually 
&  imperceptably  acquire  the  habits  &  the  means  of  enforcing 
their  decisions — But  if  the  people  have  not  wisdom,  or  virtue 
enough,  to  govern  themselves,  or  what  is  the  same  thing  to 
suffer  themselves  to  be  governed  by  men  of  their  own  election 
why  then  I  must  think  it  is  in  vain  to  struggle  against  the 
torrent,  it  is  in  vain  to  strive  to  compel  mankind  to  be  happy 
&  free  contrary  to  their  inclination.  The  mobility  in  that 
case  or  rather  their  jealous  &  factious  Leaders  will  produce  a 
crisis  of  a  different  nature,  All  that  Patriots  &  good  men  can  do, 
will  be  to  wait  events,  to  foresee  as  far  as  may  be,  &  make  the 
best  of  them. 

I  have  dilated  thus  largely  on  the  general  subject  to  show 
that  I  concur  fully  in  sentiment  with  you,  concerning  the 
inexpediency  of  your  attending  the  Convention.  This  is  also 
the  decided  opinion  of  our  friend  Col.  Trumbull,  with  whom  I 
have  been  since  the  receipt  of  your  letter,  on  purpose,  to  take 
his  advice  (he  begs  his  best  respects  be  presented  to  you) . 

As  to  your  particular  &  private  reasons  against  attending 
they  are  clearly  sufficient  to  convince  any  reasonable  man  of 
the  propriety  &  consistency  of  your  conduct. 

ist,  You  declared,  on  resigning  your  Commission  that  you 
would  not  interfere  again  with  public  affairs — Should  a  period 


Humphreys  to  Washington  397 

ever  arrive  &  (probably  it  may)  when  this  declaration  ought  to 
be  dispensed  with,  the  Crisis  is  certainly  not  come. 

2nd,  You  may  urge  with  peculiar  propriety  your  private 
affairs,  &  a  right  to  enjoy  the  remainder  of  life  in  tranquility. 

3dly,  You  have  happily  excused  yourself,  for  substantial 
reasons,  from  attending  in  the  General  Meeting  of  the  Cin 
cinnati. — 

This  ought  to  be  considered  as  an  additional  apology. 
Your  declining  to  attend  that  Meeting  will  not  (under  the 
present  circumstances)  be  considered  in  an  unfavourable  light 
by  any  description  of  men.  But  should  you  afterwards  attend 
the  convention  it  would  more  than  probably  produce  uneasi 
ness  among  the  Officers  in  General,  &  evidently  give  an  occa 
sion  to  a  certain  Class  to  represent  your  Conduct  as  influenced 
by  ambition  on  one  hand,  &  as  discovering  a  derilection  of  your 
old  friends,  on  the  other. 

4th,  The  result  of  the  convention  may  not  be,  perhaps  so 
important  as  is  expected :  in  which  case  your  character  would  be 
materially  affected.  Other  people  can  work  up  the  present 
scene.  I  know  your  personal  influence  &  character  is,  justly 
considered,  the  last  stake  which  America  has  to  play.  Should 
you  not  reserve  yourself  for  the  united  call  of  a  Continent 
entire  ? 

5thly,  If  you  should  attend  on  this  Convention  &  concur 
in  recommending  measures,  which  should  be  generally  adopted, 
but  opposed  in  some  parts  of  the  Union,  it  would  doubtless  be 
understood  that  you  had  in  a  degree  pledged  yourself  for  their 
execution.  This  would  at  once  sweep  you  back,  irretreivably 
into  the  tide  of  public  affairs.  One  feels  such  a  lassitude  & 
inaccuracy  in  attempting  to  unbosom  himself  in  writing  as 
makes  him  much  less  implicit  &  clear  than  he  would  be  in  an 
oral  communication.  Was  I  only  at  a  mediate  distance,  I 
should  endeavour  to  communicate  verbally  many  sentiments 
respecting  circumstances  &  characters  which  must  now  be 
suppressed. 

Mr.  Trumbull,  Mr.  Barlow  &  myself  have  written  a  good 
number  of  pieces  in  prose  &  verse  on  poetical  subjects ;  we  have 
the  satisfaction  to  find  that  they  are  reprinted  in  more  papers 


398  Shays's  Rebellion 

&  read  with  more  avidity  than  any  other  performances.  I 
enclose  two  late  papers  which  contain  specimens  of  poetry  from 
which  some  judgment  may  be  formed  of  our  various  exertions 
&  manner  of  execution. 

Pointed  ridicule  is  found  to  be  of  more  efficacy  than  serious 
argumentation. 

Entreating  you  will  be  pleased  to  present  my  best  Compli 
ments  &  wishes  to  Mrs.  Washington  &  family 

I  have  the  honour,  to  be,  my  dear  General 
Your  sincere  friend  &  Hble  Servant, 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

P .  S .  When  I  came  from  New  York  Town  with  the  Standards 
&c.  I  rec'd  100  Dollars,  by  your  warrant  from  the  Military 
Chest  to  defray  my  expenses.  I  took  vouchers  for  the  expendi 
ture  at  the  time,  but  on  settling  my  accounts  with  the  Pay 
Master  Gen  they  were  not  called  for,  they  are  now  misplaced 
or  lost — As  the  Public  is  indebted  to  me,  I  shall  have  occasion 
for  a  Certificate  of  the  tenor  of  the  enclosed  sketch  &  will 
thank  you  for  it. 1 

The  prompt  and  decisive  measures  of  Gen.  Lincoln, 
the  determination  of  Gov.  Bowdoin  that  order  should  be 
restored  and  the  presence  in  Western  Massachusetts  of  a 
large  force  of  militia  under  Gen.  Sheppard  soon  gave  con 
fidence  to  the  people  of  the  State  that  the  insurrection 
would  be  quelled. 

Capt.  Shays  and  his  lieutenants  had  been  gathering 
recruits  in  the  mountain  towns  on  the  borders  of  the  State. 
It  was  their  intention  to  march  to  the  various  county- 
seats,  and  prevent  the  sessions  of  the  Courts.  They  had 
leaders  who  exercised  over  them  as  much  military  authority 
as  their  followers  would  allow.  During  January  the  pro 
clamations  of  Capt.  Shays  were  many  and  inflammatory. 
His  men  went  in  small  detachments  into  large  towns  and 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  399 

villages  terrorizing  the  inhabitants  and  then  gathering  all 
their  scattered  bands  proceeded  towards  Worcester  and 
Springfield.  They  reached  West  Springfield  late  in  Jan 
uary,  1787.  It  was  their  intention  to  descend  in  force 
upon  the  United  States  Arsenal  at  Springfield,  seize  the 
arms  stored  there  and  proceed  eastward  to  Worcester 
and  Boston.  Humphreys,  who  was  still  with  his  regi 
ment  at  Hartford,  tells  the  sequel  in  a  letter  to  Gen. 
Washington. 

HARTFORD,  Feby.  n,  1787. 
MY  DEAR  GENERAL, 

I  had  the  honour  to  receive  last  evening  by  the  post,  your 
letter  of  the  23rd  of  Janry,  and  am  happy  to  relieve  you  from 
your  apprehension,  by  informing  that  your  confidential  favour 
of  the  26th  of  Deer,  with  its  enclosures  had  long  since  been 
safely  received  &  duly  acknowledged  in  a  private  letter  which 
was  forwarded  more  than  a  fortnight  since,  by  Col.Wadsworth. 
But  as  he  has  business  at  New  York  &  Philadelphia,  and  travels, 
like  Mr.  Morse,  at  his  leisure,  this  may  probably  reach  you, 
before  his  arrival  at  Mount  Vernon. 

In  my  last,  I  fully  accorded  with  you,  my  dear  General, 
on  the  inexpediency  of  your  attending  the  Convention  in  May 
next;  and  gave  you  my  reasons  pretty  fully  on  the  subject. 

It  now  gives  me  pleasure  to  advise  you,  that  affairs  have 
taken  as  favorable  a  turn  in  Massachusetts  as  could  be 
expected.  The  official  letters  (which  are  published)  will  in 
form  you  of  the  manner  in  which  the  mob  from  Hampshire, 
Berkshire,  &  Worcester  Counties  assembled  at  Springfield; 
how  they  attempted  (under  Shays)  to  take  possession  of  the 
Stores  &  Barracks;  and  finally  how  Sheppard  by  firing  his 
Field  Pieces  killed  four  men  &  dispersed  the  rest.  No  small 
arms  were  discharged  on  either  side.  The  next  day  Lincoln 
arrived  from  Boston  with  about  2500  men  and  routed  a  part 
of  the  Mob  at  West  Springfield,  without  bloodshed.  Shays 
soon  after  collected  the  different  parties,  who  were  in  arms 
against  government,  at  Pelham.  Gen.  Lincoln  advancing  to 


400  Shays' s  Rebellion 

Hadley  the  Insurgents  scattered,  some  retiring  home,  others 
coming  in  &  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance.  Shays  then  aban 
doned  fled  with  about  100  of  the  principals  to  the  Hampshire 
Grants;  as  is  supposed,  either  with  a  design  of  making  their 
way  to  Canada  or  of  waiting  to  see  whether  the  General  Court 
(now  sitting)  will  not  pass  an  Act  of  oblivion  in  their  favour. 
The  plans  of  the  Insurgents  do  not  appear  to  have  been  de 
vised,  or  managed  with  system,  or  even  with  common  ability. 
At  an  earlier  period  it  was  obviously  in  their  power  to  have 
seized  the  public  Magazine.  The  suppression  of  this  crude 
essay,  I  am  in  hopes,  will  give  a  firmer  tone  to  our  government 
in  the  East. 

I  beg  you  will  make  me  to  be  remembered  to  Mrs.  Washing 
ton  &  the  family  with  every  token  of  esteem  and  that  you 
will  believe  me  to  be 

With  sentiments  of  the  highest  veneration  &  respect 
Your  sincere  friend  &  Hble  Servant, 
D.  HUMPHREYS. 

GEN.  WASHINGTON.1 

After  this  repulse  on  January  25,  the  insurgents  again 
scattered  and  took  refuge  in  Vermont,  and  the  "King's 
District"  in  New  York,  in  which  were  many  small  ham 
lets  among  the  hills  where  they  could  safely  conceal 
themselves.  They  still  urged  the  debt-burdened  people 
to  join  them,  and  in  Berkshire  County,  Massachusetts, 
found  a  large  minority  of  the  people  in  their  favour. 
Small  parties  kept  coming  out  from  the  mountain  fast 
nesses  to  harass  and  trouble  quiet  people  and  to  invite  the 
bolder  and  more  daring  of  the  young  men  to  join  them. 
They  attempted  to  interfere  with  the  execution  of  the  laws 
and  intimidate  the  judges.  So  critical  seemed  the  situa 
tion  in  Berkshire  that  it  was  thought  proper  to  concen 
trate  a  large  force  in  Springfield.  The  progress  of  events 
is  well  described  in  this  letter  to  Gen.  Washington : 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  401 

SPRINGFIELD,  Feby.  28,  1787. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL:— 

Since  I  had  the  pleasure  of  writing  you  last,  I  have  received 
Orders  to  march  the  part  of  my  Regt  which  is  raised  in  Con 
necticut  to  this  place.  Two  compleat  Companies  arrived  on 
Saturday  last.  They  occupy  the  Barracks  &  take  the  guard 
of  the  Arsenal  &  Magazines.  I  intend  to  return  to  Hartford 
in  a  few  days  &  shall  remain  there  probably  for  some  time. 

As  I  conceived  you  would  be  anxious  to  know  what  is  the 
actual  situation  of  affairs  in  this  part  of  the  Country,  which 
has  been  the  scene  of  tumult  &  confusion ;  I  take  up  the  pen  to 
inform  you  in  brief  that  after  the  Insurrection  was  quelled  in 
this  Country,  General  Lincoln  marched  into  Berkshire. 

In  which  County  General  Patterson  is  Maj.  Gen.  of  Militia. 
His  conduct  is  variously  reported.  Upon  the  whole  it  is  said 
not  to  reflect  much  credit  upon  him.  As  Lincoln  approached, 
the  Insurgents  who  were  collected  in  bodies  of  from  100  to 
150  &  200  fled,  some  of  these  are  still  indispersed  &  lurk  on  the 
frontiers  of  N.  York,  &  Vermont.  The  time  for  Service  of  the 
men  who  were  raised  for  the  first  expedition  is  expired,  Govern 
ment  are  proceeding  to  raise  1000  more  for  four  months.  Lin 
coln  with  a  handful  of  Recruits  is  at  Pittsfield,  &  will  continue 
to  command  the  new  Levies.  Tho'  the  spirit  of  Rebellion  does 
not  seem  to  be  absolutely  broken  yet  it  is  to  be  presumed  with 
prudence  and  perseverance  it  may  be  utterly  subdued. x 

In  the  meantime  the  state  of  the  whole  country  and  its 
political  disorders  were  causing  many,  formerly  averse  to 
any  general  remedy  for  the  defects  of  the  Articles  of  Con 
federation,  to  become  strong  advocates  for  a  revision  or  a 
new  Constitution.  The  necessity  for  a  uniform  rate  of 
tolls  upon  the  canal  proposed  for  the  improvement  of  the 
navigation  of  the  Potomac  and  Pokomoke  rivers,  in 
which  Washington  was  greatly  interested,  had  led  to  the 
appointment  of  the  Commissioners  by  the  States  of  Vir- 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

VOL.    I  —  26 


402  Shays's  Rebellion 

ginia  and  Maryland  who  met  at  Alexandria  in  March, 
1785.  An  informal  conference  by  them  with  Washington 
at  Mount  Vernon  ended  in  a  proposal  for 

the  appointment  of  other  Commissioners,  with  power  to  make 
conjoint  arrangements,  to  which  the  assent  of  Congress  was 
to  be  solicited,  for  maintaining  a  naval  force  in  the  Chesapeak. 
The  commissioners  were  also  to  be  empowered  to  establish 
a  tariff  of  duties  on  imports  to  which  the  laws  of  both  states 
should  conform. 

During  the  consideration  of  this  proposal  by  the  Legis 
lature  of  Virginia,  the  suggestion  was  made  that  all  the 
States  be  invited  to  send  deputies  to  the  meeting,  and  that 
the  resolution  concerning  duties  on  imports  should  be  com 
municated  to  every  State.  In  this  form  the  resolutions 
were  adopted,  and  on  Jan.  21,  1786,  Commissioners  were 
chosen  to  meet  those  from  other  States,  to  take  into  con 
sideration  the  trade  of  the  United  States, r 

to  examine  the  relative  situation  and  trade  of  the  said  states; 
to  consider  how  far  a  uniform  system  in  their  commercial 
relations  may  be  necessary  to  their  common  interest  and 
their  permanent  harmony.2 

In  September,  1786,  there  were  five  States3  represented 
in  a  Convention  held  at  Annapolis  under  the  presidency 
of  Mr.  John  Dickinson  of  New  Jersey.  The  unsatis 
factory  condition  of  the  country,  the  desirability  of  strin 
gent  measures  for  the  uniform  regulation  of  trade,  the 
necessity  of  a  review  of  the  expenses  of  the  central 
government  and  a  closer  union  between  the  States  were 
discussed.  As  some  of  the  Commissioners  had  no  power 
to  bind  their  States  by  action  taken  there,  only  debate 

1  Marshall's  Washington,  v.,  p.  90.  3  Ibid.,  v.,  p.  91. 

3  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia. 


Trade  Conditions  403 

and  recommendation  could  be  the  outcome  of  the  meeting. 
The  Convention  empowered  its  President  to  address  a 
circular  to  the  several  State  Legislatures  setting  forth  the 
evils  of  the  present  system  of  government,  and  advising 
the  appointment  of  delegates  to  a  convention  to  be  held  in 
the  city  of  Philadelphia  on  the  second  Monday  in  May, 
1787.  These  delegates  were  to  have  full  power  to  prepare 
a  new  Constitution,  or  revise  the  Articles  of  Confederation, 
their  work  to  be  subject  to  the  review  and  approval  of  the 
Congress  and  the  Legislatures  of  the  States.  This  letter, 
which  was  approved  by  the  Convention,  was  issued  on 
September  14,  1786,  and  widely  discussed.  The  strong 
supporters  of  the  government,  those  who  thought  that  the 
Confederation  could  and  should  enforce  its  recommenda 
tions,  were  doubtful  of  any  favourable  outcome  of  a  con 
vention;  they  considered  Capt.  Shays  and  his  followers 
typical  representatives  of  those  who  desired  a  convention 
and  that  greater  evils  than  were  then  endured  might  be 
foisted  on  the  country.  But  the  pecuniary  troubles  that 
were  so  apparent  and  the  absolute  contempt  shown  for 
Congressional  recommendation  by  many  of  the  States 
put  some  energy  into  the  members  of  Congress.  A  Grand 
Committee,  Mr.  Dane,  Mr.  Varnum,  Mr.  S.  Mitchell, 
Mr.  Forest,  Mr.  Blouet,  Mr.  Bull,  and  Mr.  Few,  to  whom 
the  letter  had  been  referred  by  Congress,  reported  on 
February  21,  1787.  It  had  carefully  considered  the 
letter  and  reasons  for  a  convention.  It  thus  expressed 
itself:  as 

entirely  coinciding  with  them  as  to  the  inefficiency  of  the 
federal  government,  and  the  necessity  of  devising  such  further 
provision  as  shall  render  the  same  adequate  to  the  exigencies 
of  the  Union,  [we]  do  strongly  recommend  to  the  different 
Legislatures  to  send  forward  delegates  to  meet  the  proposed 
Convention. 


404  Shays's  Rebellion 

In  the  discussion  which  followed,  the  members  from 
New  York,  under  written  instructions,  moved  for  a  con 
vention  to  be  held  on  an  unspecified  day  for  the  revision 
of  the  Articles  of  Confederation.  This  was  defeated. 
Three  States,  Massachusetts,  New  York  and  Virginia, 
voted  for  it,  and  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  North  Caro 
lina,  South  Carolina,  Delaware  and  Maryland  voted 
against  it,  and  Connecticut  and  Georgia  were  divided. 
The  consideration  of  the  report  was  then  postponed.  A 
Preamble  and  Resolutions  were  offered  by  a  member  from 
Massachusetts  and  adopted. 

They  provided  for  a  convention  to  be  held  in  Phila 
delphia  on  the  second  Monday  in  May.  Its  conclusions 
were  subject  to  approval  and  revision  by  Congress  and  the 
people  of  the  several  States. 

Upon  this  action,  Col.  Humphreys  says  in  the  conclu 
sion  of  his  letter  from  Springfield  of  February  28,  the 
first  part  of  which  we  have  already  given : 

You  will  see  in  the  public  papers  the  Proceedings  of  the 
Legislature  of  this  State ;  which  carry  much  stronger  marks  of 
energy  &  decision,  than  have  been  exhibited  on  any  former 
occasion. 

I  am  just  informed  that  in  consequence  of  the  refusal  of 
the  Legislature  of  New  York  to  comply  satisfactorily  with  the 
Requisitions  of  Congress  respecting  the  five  per  Cent.  Im 
post: — the  last  mentioned  Body  have  recommended  all  the 
States  to  send  a  Representation  to  the  Convention  which  is 
to  be  held  at  Philadelphia  in  May  next.  This  may  give  a 
new  complexion  to  that  Business.  Requesting  to  be  remem 
bered  to  Mrs.  Washington  &  the  family, 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  sincerest  esteem  &  affection 
Your  friend  &  humble  Servant, 
D.  HUMPHREYS. 

GEN.    WASHINGTON.1 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  405 

Many  of  Washington's  most  devoted  friends,  including 
Humphreys,  were  reluctant  to  have  him  in  any  way  con 
cerned  in  the  proposed  convention.  In  a  letter  written 
from  New  Haven  on  March  24,  1787,  Humphreys  again 
gives  his  reasons  against  this  course. 

NEW  HAVEN  March  24th  1787. 
MY  DEAR  GENERAL, 

I  have  but  just  had  the  pleasure  to  receive  your  favours  of 
the  1 8th  of  Feby  and  8th  instant.  Nor  will  I  delay  a  moment 
giving  my  sentiments  on  the  subject  of  the  latter,  for  the  sake 
of  throwing  them  into  a  more  elegant  dress  or  methodical 
arrangement.  I  need  hardly  preface  my  observations  by 
saying  that  I  feel  myself  superlatively  happy  in  your  con 
fidential  communications,  and  in  opportunities  of  proving  that 
I  do  not  write  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  a  reputation  for 
fine  composition,  but  for  the  sake  of  justifying  the  favourable 
opinion  you  have  been  pleased  to  form  of  my  attachment  & 
sincerity. 

I  may  then,  wich  justice,  assert  that  so  far  from  having  seen 
any  reason  to  change  my  opinion  on  respecting  the  inexpedi 
ency  of  your  attending  the  Convention  in  May  next,  addi 
tional  arguments  have  occured  to  confirm  me  in  the  sentiment. 
The  probability  which  existed  when  I  wrote  before  that  noth 
ing  general  or  effectual  would  be  done  by  the  Convention, 
amounts  now  almost  to  a  certainty.  For  the  Assembly  of 
Rhode  Island  (as  I  am  lately  given  to  understand)  have  de 
cided  against  sending  any  Representation.  Connecticut  is 
under  the  influence  of  a  few  such  miserable,  narrow  minded  & 
I  may  say  wicked  Politicians,  that  I  question  very  much 
whether  the  Legislature  will  chuse  Members  to  appear  in  the 
Convention;  and  if  they  do,  my  apprehension  is  still  greater 
that  they  will  be  sent  on  purpose  to  impede  any  salutary 
measures  that  might  be  proposed.  This,  there  is  little  doubt, 
is  actually  the  case  with  N.  York,  as  it  is  asserted,  two  out  of 
their  three  delegates  are  directly  antifederal.  What  chance 
is  there  then  that  entire  unanimity  will  prevail.  Should  this 


406  Shays's  Rebellion 

be  the  fact,  however,  would  not  the  several  members,  as  it 
were  pledge  themselves  for  the  execution  of  their  system  launch 
you  again  on  a  sea  of  Politics  ?  As  you  justly  observe  matters 
must  probably  grow  worse  before  they  will  be  better. 

Since  I  had  the  honour  of  addressing  you  last  on  this  sub 
ject,  I  have  been  in  the  way  of  hearing  the  speculations  of 
many  different  Characters  on  the  proposed  Convention,  and 
their  conjectures  on  the  part  you  would  act  in  consequence  of 
your  appointment  to  it. 

I  have  heard  few  express  any  sanguine  expectations  con 
cerning  the  successful  issue  of  the  Meeting  &  I  think  not  one 
had  judged  it  elegible  for  you  to  attend. 

In  this  part  of  the  Union,  your  not  attending  will  not  be 
considered  either  by  the  federal,  or  antifederal  party,  as  a 
dereliction  of  Republicanism.  The  former  believe  it  unim 
portant,  or  perhaps,  injurious,  to  the  national  interests  for 
you  to  come  forward  at  present,  the  latter  look  upon  the  Con 
vention  as  rather  intended  to  subvert  than  support  Repub 
licanism:  and  will  readily  excuse  your  non  attendance. 

Notwithstanding  your  circular  letter  to  the  Cincinnati,  I 
think  it  probable  the  General  Meeting  will  re-elect  you  Presi 
dent.  I  hope  they  will — for  matters,  I  am  confident,  will  in 
some  way  or  another  work  right  before  all  is  over. 

Congress  appears  to  be  in  a  state  of  moral  stupefaction  or 
lethargy.  It  seems  probable  the  Troops  will  be  disbanded.  I 
shall  go  to  N.  York  next  week  but  shall  return  in  a  few  days  & 
your  letters  addressed  to  me  at  Hartford  will  still  continue  to 
be  regularly  received. 

I  wish  all  my  friends  at  Mount  Vernon  to  be  persuaded  that 
something  more  heart  felt  than  common  Compl'ts  is  offered 
them  on  my  part;  while  you,  my  dear  General,  should  do  me 
the  justice  to  believe,  that  there  is  no  one,  in  your  numerous 
circle  of  acquaintances  more  sincerely  attached  to  you  than 

Your  affectionate  friend, 
D.  HUMPHREYS. 

GEN   WASHINGTON.1 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  407 

The  plan  for  the  convention  was  in  the  interval  being 
vigorously  discussed  in  New  York  and  elsewhere.  All 
looked  to  Washington  as  their  leader.  All  hoped  he  would 
guide  the  members  of  this  untried  body  through  all  its 
manifold  perplexities. 

Writing  again,  on  April  9,  1787,  from  Fairfield,  Hum 
phreys  mentions  this  change  on  the  part  of  particular 
friends  of  Washington : 

(Private) 
MY  DEAR  GENERAL: — 

Since  I  did  myself  the  honour  to  address  you  on  the  24th 
ult.  I  have  been  in  New  York  &  find  such  a  variety  of  opinions 
prevailing  with  respect  to  the  Convention,  that  I  think  it 
expedient  to  write  to  you  again  on  the  subject. 

General  Knox  has  shown  to  me,  in  confidence,  his  last  letter 
to  you;  tho'  I  cannot  concur  in  Sentiments  altogether,  yet, 
I  think  with  him  should  you  decide  to  be  present  at  the  Con 
vention,  it  will  be  indispensable  to  arrive  in  Philadelphia  the 
preceding  week  in  order  to  attend  the  Gen.  Meeting  of  the 
Cincinnati.  This  may  palliate,  perhaps,  obviate  one  of  my 
former  objections. 

I  mentioned  in  my  last,  that  I  had  not  conversed  with  a 
single  character  of  consideration,  who  judged  it  proper  for 
you  to  attend  the  Convention.  I  have  now  seen  several  who 
think  it  highly  interesting  that  you  should  be  there.  Gouver- 
neur  Morris  &  some  others  have  wished  me  to  use  whatever 
influence  I  might  have  to  induce  you  to  come.  I  could  not 
have  promised  this  without  counteracting  my  own  judgment. 
I  will  not,  however,  hesitate  to  say  that  I  do  not  conceive  your 
attendance  can  hazard  such  personal  ill  consequences  as  were 
to  be  apprehended,  before  the  proposed  Meeting  had  been 
legitimated  by  the  sanction  of  Congress. 

If  the  difference  of  opinion  amongst  the  members  of 
this  national  Assembly  should  be  as  great  as  the  variety 
of  sentiments  concerning  the  results,  the  progress  of  busi 
ness  before  it,  will  be  attended  with  infinite  perplexity 


408  Shays's  Rebellion 

&  embarrassment;  besides  the  two  primary  objects  of  dis 
cussion,  viz; 

ist — Whether  the  old  Constitution  can  be  supported  or 
2nd  whether  a  new  one  must  be  established:  I  expect  a 
serious  proposal  will  be  made  for  dividing  the  Continent  into 
two  or  three  separate  Governments,  Local  politics  &  diversity 
of  interests  will  undoubtedly  find  their  way  into  the  Conven 
tion.  Nor  need  it  be  a  matter  of  surprise  to  find  there,  as 
subjects  of  disagreement,  the  whole  Western  country  as  well 
as  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi. 

Should  you  think  proper  to  attend  you  will  indisputably 
be  elected  President.  This,  would  give  the  measures  a 
degree  of  national  consequence  in  Europe  &  with  Posterity; 
but  how  far  under  some  supposable  case  your  personal  influ 
ence  unattended  with  other  authority  may  compose  the  jarring 
interests  of  a  great  number  of  discordant  Individuals,  &  con 
trol  events,  I  will  not  take  upon  me  to  determine.  We  cannot 
augur  anything  very  favourable,  if  we  are  to  judge  of  future 
dispositions  by  those  exhibited  since  the  War. 

The  United  States  at  large  with  a  Sovereign  contempt, 
(as  if  it  was  the  only  boast)  have  neglected  your  most  earnest 
recommendations  for  doing  justice  to  the  Army.  Congress 
continues  to  sport  with  your  feelings  by  refusing  for  a  course 
of  years  a  compliance  with  their  explicit  promises  respecting 
the  confidential  Persons,  who  were  recommended  in  your 
farewell  address  to  their  notice.  The  declaration,  on  that 
occasion,  was  void  of  ambiguity,  nor  could  circumstances  or 
language  add  to  its  solemnity.  But  hear,  oh  Heaven!  &  be 
astonished  oh  Earth!  Congress,  as  an  acknowledgement  of 
your  influence  a  proof  of  their  gratitude  and  a  reward  for  your 
services,  have  (not  to  say  pertinaciously)  but  with  a  series  of 
consistencies  not  always  discoverable  in  their  proceedings, 
denied  to  accord  the  last  &  only  favour  you  asked  at  their 
hands.  Your  friends  Cobb  &  Trumbull  can  testify  the  infrac 
tion  of  them.  I  only  mention  this  as  one  instance  of  national 
infamy  to  prove  how  much  lighter  than  the  least  of  all  con 
ceivable  triffles  are  the  faith  &  honour  of  the  United  States; 
&  to  show  how  little  credit  their  future  promises  ought  to 


Troops  Disbanded  409 

obtain.  Should  a  candid  History  survey  the  turbulence  &  ras 
cality  of  the  times  on  which  we  are  fallen  Posterity  will  doubtless 
stand  amazed,  while  they  appreciate  the  conduct  of  the  age. 

I  imagine  there  will  be  no  representation  from  this  State 
at  the  Genl  Meeting  of  the  Cincinnati  unless  I  attend  myself, 
should  I  be  disengaged  from  Military  affairs  in  season,  I  shall 
probably  come  on,  &  may  pass  the  summer  at  Mt.  Vernon. 
But  everything  depends  upon  contingencies. 

I  am  sick  of  public  men  &  public  measures — Tranquility, 
elegant  speculations,  would  accord  best  with  my  disposition. 
It  begins  to  be  time  for  me  to  think  of  domestic  life  if  ever  I 
intend  it.  Indeed  could  I  find  an  amiable  Lady,  with  a  prop 
erty  which  would  put  one  at  his  ease,  &  who  could  like  a  man 
circumstanced  as  I  am,  I  would  marry  to-morrow. 

My  best  &  most  respectful  Complts  attend  Mrs.  Washington 
&  every  soul  at  Mount  Vernon. 

With  Sentiments  of  the  sincerest  friendship  &  esteem  I  have 
the  honour  to  be  my  dear  General 

Yours  affectionately 
D.  HUMPHREYS. 

GEN.    WASHINGTON.1 

Congress  having  provided  for  a  Convention  felt  relieved 
of  all  responsibility  for  the  future.  The  Indians  were  not 
then  demonstrative  and  public  sentiment  was  still  op 
posed  to  any  army  even  on  the  western  frontier.  On 
Monday,  April  9,  1787,  upon  report  of  a  Committee,  Mr. 
Varnum,  Mr.  Carrington,  Mr.  Few  and  Mr.  Madison,  it 
was  voted  that  two  companies  of  artillery  be  formed  out  of 
the  troops  already  enlisted  in  the  State  of  Massachusetts 
and  the  remaining  troops  enlisted  under  the  resolution  of 
October  20,  1786,  were  discharged.2 

When  the  order  for  disbanding  the  troops  was  received 
by  Col.  Humphreys,  he  issued  from  the  "Barracks, 
Springfield ' '  on  April  1 7,  1 787,  these  ' '  Regimental  Orders ' '  : 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

3  Journal  of  Congress,  1787,  p.  28.     FolwelTs  Reprint,  1801. 


410  Shays's  Rebellion 

Congress  having  deemed  it  inexpedient  to  retain  in  service 
any  of  the  troops  ordered  to  be  raised  by  their  resolution  of 
the  2Oth  October,  1786,  excepting  two  companies  of  artillery, 
consequently  the  third  Regiment  of  Infantry  commanded  by 
Colonel  Humphreys  is  to  be  disbanded. 

The  Companies  at  the  barracks  to  be  mustered  to-morrow 
morning  at  ten  o'clock.  Colonel  Humphreys  has  it  in  com 
mand  from  the  Secretary  at  War  to  present  his  thanks  to  the 
officers  for  their  industry  and  attention  in  the  recruiting  ser 
vice — the  Colonel  is  happy  in  adding  his  own  to  both  officers 
and  men  for  the  soldier-like  conduct  exhibited  on  every 
occasion ;  particularly  to  the  recruits  for  completing  the  forti 
fications  and  making  so  rapid  a  progress  in  acquiring  a  knowl 
edge  of  military  exercise  and  manoeuvres.  He  thinks  he  is 
justified  in  saying  that  greater  proficiency  has  not  been  made 
in  the  same  space  of  time;  and  that  he  has  never  seen  in  any 
service  a  corps  superior  in  the  composition  of  its  men  to  the 
Regiment  he  has  had  the  honour  to  raise. 

Indeed  the  character  of  the  officers  the  appearance  and 
behaviour  of  the  men  afforded  the  most  solid  expectation  of 
their  future  utility,  had  their  continuance  in  service  been 
judged  necessary. 

He  flatters  himself  that  they  have  not  passed  their  time 
altogether  unprofitably,  that  they  will  carry  the  germ  of  dis 
cipline  into  civil  life  with  them  and  that  should  the  exigencies 
of  the  Public  (which  heaven  avert)  demand  their  military 
services,  and  should  their  present  officers  be  honoured  with  a 
command  they  would  have  no  reluctance  to  repair  again  to 
the  standard  of  their  country.1 

rThe  Connecticut  Courant,  Monday  April  23,  1787.     No.  1161. 

The  authorities  for  "Shays's  Rebellion"  are: 

The  History  of  the  Insurrection  in  Massachusetts  in  the  year 
MDCCLXXXVI—and  the  Rebellion  Consequent  Thereon,  by  George  Rich 
ards  Minot,  A.M.  Boston:  Published  by  James  W.  Burditt  &  Co.,  1810. 

Smith's  History  of  Pitts  field,  i.,  pp.  389-407. 

Dr.  Stiles's  Diary,  iii.,  pp.  249,  253,  258. 

Disturbances  began  as  early  as  1782,  after  the  passing  of  the  Tender  Act, 
July  3»  1782.  The  actual  rebellion  began  in  August,  1786  and  lasted  about  a 
year.  The  Governor  discharged  all  the  State  troops  on  September  12,  1787. 


Humphreys'  " Regimental  Orders"      411 

It  is,  however,  a  flattering  circumstance  for  the  commanding 
officer,  and  an  instance  so  novel  in  the  military  history  of  our 
country  that  he  takes  a  conscious  pride  in  having  it  known  that 
although  the  substantial  part  of  discipline,  which  regards 
subordination  and  promptitude  in  obedience  to  orders  was 
never  more  firmly  fixed  in  any  veteran  corps  or  any  permanent 
establishment,  yet  there  is  not  a  man  belonging  to  the  regiment 
who  has  received  corporal  punishment  by  the  judgment  of  a 
court  martial,  or  a  blow  from  any  of  his  officers  for  two  months 
past  since  the  institution  of  a  disgraceful  punishment  for 
drunkenness  has  there  been  a  single  instance  of  intoxication. 

Before  the  dissolution  of  the  corps,  the  arms  and  accoutre 
ments  (which  have  been  kept  in  the  best  possible  condition) 
together  with  camp-utensils  of  every  kind  are  to  be  restored 
into  the  public  store. 

As  soon  as  all  the  necessary  arrangements  can  be  made  and 
the  two  companies  of  artillery  shall  have  arrived  to  take  charge 
of  the  arsenal  and  magazine,  the  officers,  the  non-commissioned 
officers  and  privates  are  to  be  discharged  from  the  Federal 
Service. 

Colonel  Humphreys  takes  an  affectionate  leave  of  them  and 
most  sincerely  wishes  every  species  of  happiness  may  attend 
his  gallant  soldiers. 


CHAPTER  XXI 

Washington  Elected  President 

The  Life  of  Putnam — Material  Placed  at  Humphreys'  Disposal  by  Dr. 
Waldo — Meeting  of  the  Cincinnati  at  Philadelphia — Washington 
Attends  it — Convention  Held  at  Philadelphia — Jefferson's  Attacks  on 
the  Cincinnati — Humphreys  Sends  Draft  of  a  Reply — Death  of 
Humphreys'  Parents — Their  Funeral — Writes  to  Acquaint  Washing 
ton  of  his  Loss — Gives  the  General  Sentiment  of  New  England  on 
the  Proceedings  of  the  Philadelphia  Convention — Washington  Urges 
Humphreys  to  Take  up  his  Home  at  Mount  Vernon — Warville's 
Description  of  the  Life  at  Mount  Vernon — Also  Reminiscences  of 
Custis — Humphreys  Translates  Widow  of  Malabar — Meeting  of  the 
Connecticut  Cincinnati — Humphreys  Sends  his  Essay  on  the  Life  of 
Putnam  in  Place  of  an  Oration — It  is  Well  Received — And  Request 
Made  that  it  be  Printed — It  is  Published — Ratification  of  the  New 
Constitution — Humphreys  Writes  to  Jefferson  Giving  Account  of 
Matters  in  America — Organization  of  the  First  Congress— Election  of 
Washington  as  President — Accompanied  by  Humphreys  he  Leaves 
Mount  Vernon — Triumphal  Progress — Reaches  New  York — Hum 
phreys  Superintends  Inaugural  Preparations — Washington  Takes  the 
Oath — Attends  Service  in  St.  Paul's  Chapel — Appoints  the  Heads  of 
Departments — Questions  of  Ceremony  Considered — Suggestions  of 
Hamilton  and  Madison — Rules  Laid  Down  by  Washington — Unre 
liable  Anecdote  about  Humphreys. 

IT  had  long  been  Humphreys'  intention  to  present  a 
sketch  of  his  old  commander  Israel  Putnam  to  the  young 
men  of  America  that  should  be  authentic  and  interesting. 
While  aide  to  the  brusque  old  veteran  and  sharing  his 
privations  on  the  Hudson  and  at  Redding  Ridge,  he 
had  learned  many  incidents,  told  in  the  inimitable 
manner  of  "Old  Put,"  as  he  was  affectionately  called. 

412 


Humphreys  to  Waldo  4J3 

In  the  intervals  Of  duty  with  his  regiment  at  Hartford 
and  Springfield  he  not  only  wrote  his  satires  on  political 
events,  but  also  gathered  the  material  for  the  life  of  his 
former  chief. 

Dr.  Albigence  Waldo,  a  physician  of  reputation  who  had 
been  a  surgeon  in  the  army  and  was  then  established  at 
Pomfret,  had  begun  a  compilation  of  anecdotes  illustrating 
the  character  of  Gen.  Putnam.  It  is  probable  that  it  was 
through  the  son  of  Gen.  Putnam  that  he  was  made  aware 
of  the  design  of  Col.  Humphreys,  and  he  courteously 
placed  all  his  manuscripts  at  his  disposal. 

Col.  Humphreys  thus  acknowledged  this  generous  offer: 

HARTFORD,  March  2ist,  1787. 
DEAR  SIR, 

I  have  been  honoured  by  the  receipt  of  letter  in  which  you 
inform  me  of  your  having  compiled  authentic  Documents  for 
an  essay  on  the  life  of  Major  Genl.  Putnam.  I  am  truly 
happy  the  task  has  fallen  to  your  lot,  because  I  know  it  is  in 
good  hands,  and  I  shall  be  obliged  if  you  will  transmit  them 
(under  cover  to  me)  to  the  care  of  Col.  Wadsworth  in  Hartford, 
thro'  this  channel  of  conveyance  I  shall  become  regularly 
possessed  of  them. 

At  one  time  or  another  I  hope  to  have  leisure  to  do  as  much 
justice  to  the  subject,  as  can  be  affected  by  the  pen  of  one  who 
is  an  ardent  admirer  of  the  Hero  of  the  intended  Memoir. 

I  beg  my  best  regards  may  be  presented  to  the  General,  and 
that  you  will  believe  me  to  be,  Sir, 

Your  most  sincere  friend  and  Humble  Servant, 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

DOCTR.  WALDO, 

(Endorsed  "From  Colonel  Humphreys 

New  Ambassador  at  the  Court  of  Lisbon  in  Portugal") 

The  general  meeting  of  the  Cincinnati  which  was  held 
in  Philadelphia  on  the  first  Monday  in  May  had  aroused 
much  public  notice.  The  fears  that  it  would  in  some 


414          Washington  Elected  President 

manner  abridge  the  liberties  of  the  people,  that  its  whole 
aim  was  to  exalt  the  officers  of  the  army  above  the  other 
people  of  the  nation,  were  not  yet  fully  allayed.  The 
long  discussion  that  had  been  held  by  letter  among  the 
friends  of  Washington  as  to  the  advisability  of  his  attend 
ance,  after  issuing  a  circular  letter  to  the  members  of  the 
State  societies,  giving  excellent  reasons  why  he  could  not 
be  present,  or  again  serve  as  its  President  General,  was 
associated  with  the  question  of  his  taking  part  in  the 
convention  for  revision  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation. 

Col.  Humphreys'  opinion  was  that  of  many  other  close 
associates  of  Washington.  After  collecting  these  opin 
ions  and  also  considering  the  letters  of  other  friends  who 
vehemently  and  cogently  urged  his  attendance  he  wrote 
on  March  28,  1787,  to  the  Governor  of  Virginia  that  "as 
my  friends  with  a  degree  of  solicitude  which  is  unusual, 
seem  to  wish  for  my  attendance  on  this  occasion,  I  have 
come  to  the  resolution  to  go  up  if  my  health  will  permit. "  x 

Col.  Humphreys  was  the  only  one  of  the  Connecticut 
delegates  to  the  general  meeting  of  the  Cincinnati  in 
attendance. 2  His  colleagues  were  all  detained  by  various 
duties ;  Dr.  Stiles  being  confined  with  his  College  duties. 3 

At  Philadelphia  Col.  Humphreys  enjoyed  the  pleasure 
of  seeing  his  dear  General  once  more,  and  also  many  of 
his  companions  in  arms.  The  meeting  of  the  Society  was 
a  happy  reunion  for  those  who  had  suffered  for  their 
country. 

They  were  anxiously  discussing  the  results  of  the  Con 
vention  for  which  the  most  distinguished  and  conservative 

'Marshall's  Washington,  v.,  pp.  126,  127;  also  pp.  98,  109,  127,  129, 
for  the  opinion  of  his  friends  on  the  question. 

2  See  account  of  his  expenses  in  the  Appendix. 

3  The  Connecticut  delegation  was  Gen.  Parsons,  Colonel  Wadsworth, 
Colonel  Humphreys,  Lieutenant  Pomeroy,  and  Dr.  Stiles. — MS.  Records 
Connecticut  Society  of  the  Cincinnati  in  possession  of  the  Connecticut 
Historical  Society. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  415 

men  in  the  country  were  then  gathering.  They  con 
fidently  hoped  that  as  Washington  had  brought  to  his 
country  honourable  peace  by  his  skill  in  war,  so  now  by  his 
sound  and  calm  judgment  a  sure  and  stable  government 
might  be  given  to  the  United  States. 

While  in  Philadelphia  General  Washington  and  Hum 
phreys  conferred  upon  the  false  impression  given  of  the 
origin  of  the  Cincinnati  in  the  account  of  the  United  States 
in  that  famous  work  of  French  savants,  the  Encyclopedic. 

M.  Meunier  applied  to  Gov.  Jefferson,  then  Minister 
to  France,  for  facts  upon  the  history  and  government  of 
this  country.  Mr.  Jefferson  promptly  seized  the  occasion 
to  air  his  views  and  sent  an  extended  account  which  was 
incorporated  by  M.  Meunier  in  the  article  he  had  prepared. 

When  that  volume  reached  the  United  States  there  was 
much  dissatisfaction  with  many  of  its  statements.  Mr. 
Jefferson  was  known  to  have  aided  the  writer  and  also 
to  have  been  one  of  those  who  distrusted  the  institution 
of  the  Cincinnati.  He  had  also  written  a  letter  on  the 
Encychpedie  article.  It  was  thought  expedient  that  a 
calm  statement  of  the  "Institution"  and  Washington's 
connection  with  it  should  be  printed.  Col.  Humphreys 
promised  to  prepare  the  draft  of  such  a  letter.  This  he 
did  after  his  arrival  at  New  Haven,  and  sent  it  to  the 
General  with  this  brief  note : 

NEW  HAVEN,  May  28,  1787. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL, 

I  intended  fully,  when  I  left  Philadelphia  to  have  written 
to  you  from  New  York,  but  on  my  arrival  there  my  servant 
(who  was  a  German)  ran  away,  and  I  was  so  occupied  in  pro 
curing  another  that  I  have  not  been  able  to  take  up  the  pen 
until  the  present  moment. 

Recollecting  imperfectly,  as  I  do  the  purport  of  Mr.  Jeffer 
son's  letter  as  well  as  of  the  Extract  from  the  Encyclopedic,  I 


4i6          Washington  Elected  President 

have  found  myself  embarrassed  in  attempting  to  say  anything 
on  so  delicate  a  subject  especially  considering  it  a  subject  on 
whose  merits  Posterity  is  to  judge,  &  concerning  which  every 
word  that  may  be  drawn  from  you,  will  probably  hereafter  be 
brought  into  question  &  scrutinized. 

Under  this  view  I  have  thought  the  less  that  could,  with 
decency  be  said  the  better. 

With  sentiments  of  respect,  friendship  &  consideration  I 
have  the  honour  to  be,  My  dear  General,  your  most  Obed  & 
Hble  Servt. 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

GEN.    WASHINGTON.1 

Sketch  in  Answer  to  Mr.  Jefferson's  letter. 

I  scarcely  know  what  to  say  respecting  that  part  of  your  com 
munication  which  concerns  the  Cincinnati.  It  is  a  delicate, 
it  is  a  perplexing  subject.  Not  having  the  extract  from  the 
Encyclopedia  before  me,  I  cannot  now  undertake  to  enter  into 
the  merits  of  the  publication.  It  may,  therefore,  perhaps  be  as 
much  as  will  be  expected  from  me,  to  observe  that  the  Author 
appears  in  general  to  have  detailed  very  candidly  &  ingeniously 
the  motives  &  inducements  which  gave  birth  to  the  Society. 
Some  of  the  subsequent  facts  which  I  cannot  however,  from 
memory  pretend  to  discuss  with  precision,  are  thought  by 
gentlemen  who  have  seen  the  publication  to  be  misstated; 
in  so  much  that  it  is  commonly  said  truth  &  falsehood  are  so 
intimately  blended,  that  it  will  become  very  difficult  to  sever 
them.  For  myself  I  only  recollect  two  or  three  circumstances 
in  the  narration  of  which  palpable  mistakes  seem  to  have  in 
sinuated  themselves.  Major  L'Enfant  did  not  arrive  &  bring 
the  Eagles  during  the  session  of  the  General  Meeting,  but  some 
time  before  that  Convention.  The  Legislature  of  Rhode 
Island  never  passed  any  Act  whatever  on  the  subject  notwith 
standing  what  Mirabeau  &  others  had  previously  advanced. 
Nothing  can  be  more  ridiculous  than  the  supposition  of  the 
author  that  the  Society  was  instituted  partly  because  the 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Humphreys  in  the  Cincinnati  417 

Country  could  not  pay  the  Army  except  the  assertion  that 
the  United  States  have  now  made  full  &  compleat  provision  for 
paying,  not  only  the  arrearages,  due  to  the  Officers,  but  the  half 
pay  or  commutation  at  their  option.  From  whence  the  author 
deduces  an  argument  for  its  dissolution.  Tho'  I  conceive  this 
never  had  anything  to  do  with  the  Institution,  yet  the  Officers, 
in  most  of  the  States  who  never  have,  nor,  I  believe,  ever 
expect  to  receive,  one  farthing  of  the  principal  or  interest  on 
their  final  settlement  securities  would  doubtless  be  much 
obliged  to  the  author  to  convince  them  how  &  when  they 
received  a  compensation  for  their  services.  No  foreigner,  nor 
American,  who  has  been  absent  some  time,  will  easily  com 
prehend  how  tender  those  concerned  are  on  this  point,  I  am 
sorry  to  say  a  great  many  of  the  Officers  consider  me  as  having 
in  a  degree  committed  myself,  by  inducing  them  to  trust  too 
much  in  the  justice  of  their  country.  They  heartily  wish  no 
settlement  had  been  made,  because  it  has  rendered  them 
obnoxious  to  their  fellow  citizens,  without  affording  the  least 
emolument. 

For  the  reasons  I  first  mentioned  I  cannot  think  it  expedient 
for  me  to  go  into  an  investigation  of  the  Writer's  deductions. 
I  shall  accordingly  content  myself  with  giving  you  some  idea 
of  the  part  I  have  acted,  posterior  to  the  first  formation  of  the 
Association.  When  I  found  that  you  &  many  of  the  most 
respectable  characters  in  the  country  would  entirely  acquiesce 
with  the  Institution  as  altered  &  amended  in  the  first  General 
Meeting  of  1784  and  that  the  objections  against  the  hereditary 
&  other  obnoxious  parts  were  wholly  done  away  I  was  prevailed 
upon  to  accept  the  Presidency.  Happy  in  finding  (so  far  as 
I  could  learn  by  assiduous  enquiry)  that  all  the  clamour  & 
jealousies  which  had  been  excited  against  the  original  associa 
tion  had  ceased.  I  judged  it  a  proper  time  in  the  last  autumn 
to  withdraw  myself  from  any  farther  agency  in  the  business 
and,  to  make  my  retirement  compleat,  agreeably  to  my  original 
plan,  I  wrote  circular  letters  to  all  the  States  Societies  announc 
ing  my  wishes,  informing  them  that  I  did  not  propose  to  be  at 
Philadelphia  at  the  triennial  Meeting  &  requesting  not  to  be 
reelected  President.  This  was  the  last  step  of  a  public  nature 

VOL.    I — 27 


4i 8          Washington  Elected  President 

I  expected  ever  to  have  taken.  But  having  since  been  ap 
pointed  by  my  native  State  to  attend  the  National  Conven 
tion,  &  having  been  pressed  to  a  compliance  in  a  manner  which 
it  hardly  becomes  me  to  describe;  I  have  in  a  measure  been 
obliged  to  sacrifice  my  own  Sentiments  &  to  be  present  in 
Philadelphia  at  the  very  time  of  the  General  Meeting  of  the 
Cincinnati.  After  which  I  was  not  at  liberty  to  decline  the 
Presidency  without  placing  myself  in  an  extremely  disagree 
able  situation  with  relation  to  that  brave  and  faithful  class  of 
Men  whose  persevering  friendship  I  have  experienced  on  so 
many  trying  occasions. 


There  are  no  letters  available  from  which  to  trace 
Humphreys'  life  during  the  summer. 

Various  productions  in  the  Connecticut  papers  on  the 
Convention  then  sitting  at  Philadelphia  seem  to  be  by 
him,  although  they  cannot  positively  be  identified.  He 
was  following  with  interest  the  deliberations  in  Phila 
delphia,  but  little  was  allowed  to  escape  from  the  chamber 
under  the  presidency  of  General  Washington. 

During  this  summer  the  children  and  friends  of  the 
Rev.  Daniel  Humphreys  and  his  wife  felt  much  anxiety 
for  the  health  of  "Lady  Humphreys."  The  couple  had 
lived  together  in  peace  for  nearly  fifty  years.  The  affec 
tion  and  respect  of  the  community  had  been  given  to 
them,  and  they  were  known  far  and  wide  for  their  benevo 
lence  and  hospitality. 

They  had  seen  their  children  grow  up  to  be  an  honour 
and  comfort  to  them  and  of  use  to  the  town  and  nation, 
and  now  they  were  not  to  be  long  divided  by  death,  for  on 
July  29,  in  the  seventy-sixth  year  of  her  age,  Sarah  Hum 
phreys  passed  away,  and  on  the  2d  of  the  following 
September,  the  Rev.  Daniel  Humphreys  died  in  his  eighty- 
first  year,  and  the  fifty-fourth  of  his  ministry. 

His  funeral  was  largely  attended  in  the  house  of  worship 


Death  of  Daniel  Humphreys  419 

from  whose  sacred  desk  he  had  for  more  than  half  a  cen 
tury  taught  the  people  of  his  charge. 

Dr.  Stiles  gives  this  account  of  it  in  his  Diary: 

[September]  4.  Rode  over  to  Darby  &  attended  the  Fun 
eral  of  the  Revd  Daniel  Humphreys.  The  Corps  was  in 
the  Meet8  house  the  service  began  by  Prayer  by  Dr  Edw*8.1 
Then  the  yist.,  Ps.  Watts,  was  sung.  The  Rev?  Mr.  Leaven- 
worth  preached  on  2  Tim.  IV.,  6-8,  an  hour  &  5.*  After 
prayer  an  Anthem  from  the  7th  Chapter  of  Job.  One  hour  & 
three  Qure  in  Exercise.  Procession  to  the  Grave.  After  In 
terment,  I  made  a  speech  at  the  desire  of  Col.  Humphreys  & 
the  Family.  Returned  home.  Twelve  ministers  attended 
the  Funeral  &  a  numerous  Concourse.3 

The  entry  made  by  his  son,  the  Hon.  John  Humphreys, 
seems  to  be  both  just  and  discriminating : 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Humphreys  having  received  a  liberal  educa 
tion  at  Yale  College,  and  devoted  his  future  to  books  and  con 
templation,  his  mind  was  embellished  with  human  literature, 
but  the  study  of  theology  was  his  favourite  employment.  He 
was  possessed  of  a  masculine  understanding,  particularly 
calculated  to  reason  and  distinguish.  His  manner,  instead  of 
being  tinctured  with  the  austere  gloom  of  supers titition, 
exhibited  that  hilarity  which  made  him  the  delight  of  his 
acquaintances.  A  consciousness  of  intentional  rectitude  was 
productive  of  cheerfulness  and  serenity,  a  desire  of  making 
others  happy  was  the  effect  of  philanthropy  and  religion. 
This  conspired  to  give  him  a  peculiar  faculty  and  dignity  of 
manner  on  every  occasion.  The  honourable  discharge  of  all 

1  The  Rev.  Jonathan  Edwards,  Jr.,  D.D.,  a  son  of  the  famous  New 
England  theologian,  and  himself  a  voluminous  author,  pastor  of  White 
Haven  Church,  New  Haven,  1769-1795. 

2  The  Rev.  Mark  Leavenworth,  Pastor  of  the  First  Church  of  Christ,  in 
Waterbury,  1740-1797. 

*  Dr.  Stiles 's  Diary,  iii.,  p.  280. 


420          Washington  Elected  President 

the  duties  of  the  domestic,  the  social,  the  sacred  functions,  and 
the  undeviating  practice  of  unaffected  piety  through  a  long 
life  will  be  the  best  comment  on  his  creed  and  complete  his 
character. J 

Upon  the  monument  in  the  old  cemetery  of  "Up  Town" 
may  be  read  this  inscription : 

The  Revd.  Daniel  Humphries  died  Sept.  2,  1787  in  the  8ist 
year  of  his  age.  For  more  than  half  a  century  he  was  the 
established  minister  of  the  first  Society  in  this  town.  Mrs. 
Sarah  Humphries  the  affectionate  wife  of  his  youth  and  the 
tender  Companion  of  his  advanced  age  died  July  29,  1787  just 
five  weeks  before  him. 

The  seasons  thus 

As  ceaseless  round  a  jarring  world  they  roll 
Still  find  them,  happy  and  consenting  spring 
Sheds  her  own  rosy  garland  on  their  heads 
Till  evening  comes  at  last  serene  and  mild 
When  after  the  long  vernal  day  of  life 
Enamored  more  as  more  resemblance  swells 
With  many  a  proof  of  recollected  love 
Together  down  they  sink  in  social  sleep 
Together  freed  their  gentle  spirits  fly 
To  scenes  where  love  and  bliss  immortal  reign. 

With  this  sundering  of  home  ties,  and  with  the  natural 
sadness  which  seeks  in  change  of  scene  to  divert  the  mind 
after  some  deep  affliction  David  Humphreys  turned  to  his 
sympathetic  friend  at  Mt.  Vernon.  The  successful  issue  of 
the  Constitutional  Convention  in  producing  an  instrument 
for  the  government  of  the  country,  which  although  confess 
edly  a  compromise,  and  acceded  to  by  some  of  the  mem 
bers  with  dismal  forebodings,  secured  a  stable  government 
to  the  people  of  the  United  States. 

1  The  Humphreys  Family  in  America,  p.  130.  See  Orcutt's  History  of 
Derby,  p.  594. 


The  Rev**  DANIEL  HUMPHREYS 

Died  SeptTa?i787  in  the  8ifnltar  of  his 
For  more  than  halt  a  century  he  w 
=blished  Minister,  of  the  first  Society  in  this 

,Town .    Mr3  SARAH  HUMPHREYS. 
the  affectionate  Wife  of  his  Youth  and  the 
tender  Companion  of  his  advanced  age  died 
July  29^  1 78 7  just  five  weeks  before  htm. 


st/ffs  round 


The  Jea  sons  thus. 


j 


world 


,ey 


Siil/Jind  ihem  happy,  end  concent tn 
Sheds  her  own  rosy  garland  on  their  heads. 
Till  evening  comes  at  last  Jcrtnc  and  mild: 
When   after  the  long  vernal  day    of  life. 
Enamour'd  more  as  more  remem  bra  nee  Jwells 
Wiih  many  ahroof  of  recollec  iaJ/oue 
Together  down  they  Jink,  (n  Jocialj7eep: 
Together  fried  their  gentle  Jpl 


Daniel  Humphreys  Tombstone 


Humphreys  to  Hamilton  421 

The  following  letter  to  Col.  Hamilton  upon  a  forged 
document  circulated  in  Connecticut  gives  the  trend  of 
opinion  among  some  politicians  of  that  State. 

NEW  HAVEN,  Sept.  16,  1787. 
MY  DEAR  SIR; 

Our  friend,  Col.  Wadsworth  has  communicated  to  me  a  let 
ter,  in  which  you  made  inquiries  respecting  a  political  letter 
which  has  lately  circulated  in  this  State.  I  arrived  in  this 
town  yesterday,  and  have  since  conversed  with  several  intelli 
gent  persons  on  the  subject.  It  appears  to  have  been  printed 
in  a  Fairfield  paper  as  long  ago  as  the  25th  of  July.  I  have 
not  been  able  to  trace  it  to  its  source.  Mr.  Wetmore  informs 
me  that  when  he  first  saw  the  letter  it  was  in  the  hands  of  one 
Jared  Mansfield,  who,  I  believe  has  formerly  been  reputed  a 
Loyalist. 

Indeed  it  seems  to  have  been  received  and  circulated  with 
avidity  by  that  class  of  people  whether  it  was  fabricated  by 
them,  or  not.  I  think,  however,  there  is  a  little  doubt  it  was 
manufactured  in  this  State.  I  demanded  of  Mr.  Wetmore 
what  he  thought  were  the  wishes  and  objects  of  the  writer  of 
that  letter.  He  said  he  believed  it  might  be  written  princi 
pally  for  the  amusement  of  the  author,  and  perhaps  with  some 
view  to  learn  whether  the  people  were  not  absolutely  indiffer 
ent  to  all  government  and  dead  to  all  political  sentiment. 

Before  I  saw  the  letter  in  question,  a  paragraph  had  been 
published  by  Mr.  Meig's,  giving  an  account  of  it,  and  attempt 
ing  to  excite  the  apprehensions  of  the  Anti-federalists  with  an 
idea  that  the  most  disastrous  consequences  are  to  be  expected, 
unless  we  shall  accept  the  proceedings  of  the  Convention. 
Some  think  this  was  the  real  design  of  the  fictitious  perform 
ance,  but  others  with  more  reason,  that  it  was  intended  to  feel 
the  public  pulse,  and  to  discover  whether  the  public  mind 
would  be  startled  with  propositions  of  Royalty.  The  quon 
dam  tories  have  undoubtedly  conceived  hopes  of  a  future 
union  with  Great  Britain  from  the  inefficacy  of  our  Govern 
ment,  and  the  tumults  which  prevailed  in  Massachusetts 
during  the  last  Winter.  I  saw  a  letter  written  at  that  period, 


422          Washington  Elected  President 

by  a  Clergyman  of  considerable  reputation  in  Nova  Scotia,  to 
a  person  of  eminence  in  this  State,  stating  the  impossibility  of 
our  being  happy  under  our  present  Constitution,  and  propos 
ing  (now  we  could  think  and  argue  calmly  on  all  the  conse 
quences)  that  the  efforts  of  the  virtuous,  the  moderate,  and 
the  brave,  should  be  exerted  to  effect  a  reunion  with  the 
parent  State.  He  mentioned  among  other  things  how  instru 
mental  the  Cincinnati  might  be,  and  how  much  it  would  re 
dound  to  their  emolument.  It  seems  by  a  conversation  I 
have  had  here  that  the  ultimate  practicability  of  introducing 
the  Bishop  of  Osnaburgh1  is  not  a  novel  idea  among  those 
who  were  formerly  termed  Loyalists.  Ever  since  the  Peace  it 
has  been  occasionally  talked  of  and  wished  for.  Yesterday 
where  I  dined,  half  in  jest — half  in  earnest — he  was  given  as 
the  first  toast. 

I  leave  you  now,  my  dear  friend,  to  reflect  how  ripe  we  are 
for  the  most  mad  and  ruinous  project  that  can  be  suggested, 
especially  when  in  addition  to  this  view,  we  take  into  consider 
ation  how  thoroughly  the  patriotic  part  of  the  community — 
the  friends  of  an  efficient  Government,  are  discouraged  with  the 
present  system,  and  irritated  at  the  popular  demagogues  who 
are  determined  to  keep  themselves  in  office  at  the  risk  of  every 
thing.  Thence  apprehensions  are  formed,  that  though  the 
measures  proposed  by  the  Convention,  may  not  be  equal  to 
the  wishes  of  the  most  enlightened  and  virtuous,  yet  that  they 
will  be  too  high-toned  to  be  adopted  by  our  popular  assemblies. 

Should  that  happen,  our  political  ship  will  be  left  afloat  on 
a  sea  of  chance  without  a  rudder  as  well  as  without  a  pilot. 

I  am  happy  to  see  you  have  (some  of  you)  had  the  honest 

1  The  second  son  of  George  III.,  Frederick  Duke  of  York,  was  at  that 
time  the  secular  Bishop  of  Osnaburgh,  a  town  in  the  Prussian  Province  of 
Hanover,  in  the  Valley  of  the  Hesse,  seventy-five  miles  south-west  of 
Bremen  and  seventy  miles  west-south-west  of  Hanover.  By  the  peace 
of  Westphalia,  October  24,  1648,  it  was  provided  that  the  Bishopric, 
founded  by  Charlemagne  in  810,  should  be  held  alternately  by  a  "Catho 
lic  prelate"  and  a  Protestant  secular  Prince  of  the  House  of  Brunswick, 
Luneburg.  In  1802  the  chapter  was  dissolved.  The  Bishopric  was  re 
established  in  1857. 


Humphreys  to  Washington  423 

boldness  to  attack  in  a  public  paper  the  Anti-federal  dogmas 
of  a  great  personage  in  your  State.  Go  on  and  prosper.  Were 
the  men  of  talents  and  honesty  properly  combined  into  one 
phalanx,  I  am  confident  that  they  would  be  competent 
to  hew  their  way  through  all  opposition.  Were  there  no  little 
jealousies,  bickerings  and  unworthy  sinister  views  to  divert 
them  from  their  object,  they  might  by  perseverance  establish 
a  Government  calculated  to  promote  the  happiness  of  mankind 
and  to  make  the  Revolution  a  blessing  instead  of  a  curse. 

I  think  it  is  probable  that  I  shall  soon  go  to  the  southward ; 
in  the  meantime,  I  beg  you  to  be  persuaded  that  I  am, 

With  sentiments  of  sincere  friendship  and  esteem, 
My  dear  Hamilton, 

Your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  serv't. 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

COL.  HAMILTON.1 

In  a  letter  to  his  "dear  General"  written  from  New 
Haven  September  26,  1787,  he  mentions  with  repressed 
emotion  the  death  of  his  parents,  and  skilfully  touches 
upon  the  topics  of  the  hour  and  announces  his  inclination 
to  accept  the  repeated  invitations  to  visit  Mt.  Vernon. 

NEW  HAVEN,  Septr.  28,  1787. 
MY  DEAR  GENERAL, 

I  would  not  trespass  on  your  attention,  while  you  was  occu 
pied  with  such  momentuous  affairs  as  the  revisal  of  the  confed 
eration;  the  last  time  I  had  the  honour  of  addressing  a  letter  to 
you  was,  I  believe,  in  the  beginning  of  June,  from  this  place — 
in  that  letter  was  enclosed  the  sketch  of  an  Answer  to  Mr. 
Jefferson.  I  hope  it  came  safe  to  your  hands. 

We  have  been  a  few  days  since  gratified  with  the  publication 
of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Convention.  I  must  acknowledge 
myself  to  have  been  favourably  disappointed  &  highly  pleased 
with  the  general  tenor  of  them.  Altho'  to  collect  the  senti- 

1  The  Works  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  Published  by  Order  of  the  Joint 
Library  Committee  of  Congress,  edited  by  John  C.  Hamilton,  New  York, 
Charles  S.  France  &  Co.,  MDCCCLL,  vol.  i.,  p.  442. 


424          Washington  Elected  President 

ments  of  the  Public  with  certainty  and  altho'  attempts  to 
prevent  the  adoption  must  be  expected,  yet  I  cannot  but  hope, 
from  what  I  hear  that  the  opposition  will  be  less  than  was 
apprehended.  All  the  different  Classes  in  the  liberal  profes 
sions  will  be  in  favour  of  the  proposed  Constitution.  The 
Clergy,  Lawyers,  Physicians  &  Merchants  will  have  consider 
able  influence  on  Society.  Nor  will  the  officers  of  the  late  Army 
be  backward  in  expressing  their  approbation.  Indeed  the  well 
affected  have  not  been  wanting  in  efforts  to  prepare  the  minds 
of  the  Citizens  for  the  favourable  reception  of  whatever  might 
be  the  result  of  your  Proceedings.  I  have  had  no  inconsider 
able  agency  in  the  superintendance  of  two  Presses  from  which 
more  News  Papers  are  circulated  I  imagine,  than  from  any 
others  in  New  England.  Judicious  &  well  timed  publications 
have  great  efficacy  in  ripening  the  judgment  of  men,  in  this 
quarter  of  the  Continent. 

In  case  that  everything  succeeds  in  the  best  manner,  I  shall 
certainly  be  the  first  to  rejoice  in  finding  that  my  apprehensions 
were  not  verified ;  as  well  as  to  felicitate  you  upon  having  con 
tributed  your  assistance  on  so  interesting  &  important  an 
occasion.  Your  good  Angel,  I  am  persuaded,  will  not  desert 
you.  What  will  tend,  perhaps  more  than  anything  to  the 
adoption  of  the  new  system  will  be  an  universal  opinion  of  your 
being  elected  President  of  the  United  States,  and  an  expecta 
tion  that  you  will  accept  it  for  a  while.  Since  I  had  the  honour 
of  seeing  you,  in  Philadelphia,  I  have  made  the  tour  of  the 
New  England  States  as  far  as  Portsmouth,  I  was  happy  to 
find  in  Massachusetts  the  spirit  of  Insurrection  pretty  gener 
ally  subsided,  and  an  impression  left  on  the  minds  of  People, 
in  most  of  the  States,  that  something  energetic  must  be 
adopted  respecting  the  national  Government  or  we  shall  be  a 
ruined  nation. 

I  have  lately  lost  both  my  Father  and  Mother  in  a  good  age . 
The  former  was  upwards  of  eighty  the  latter  seventy-six  years 
old.  They  had  lived  in  circumstances  of  more  happiness  than 
commonly  falls  to  the  lot  of  Mortality.  They  were  the  best 
of  Parents.  I  feel  myself  less  attached  to  this  particular  part 
of  the  Country  than  formerly. 


Washington  to  Humphreys  425 

And  now,  my  dear  General,  I  know  not  of  anything  that  will 
prevent  me,  very  soon,  from  paying  a  visit  to  Mount  Vernon 
and  a  visit  for  the  Winter.  I  propose  coming  with  my  Servant 
&  Horses.  I  should  have  been  apprehensive  of  occasioning  too 
much  trouble  had  I  not  believed  your  unequivocal  &  warm 
expressions  of  kindness  &  friendshp  were  the  indication  of  a 
cordial  reception. 

Let  the  ship  of  the  Public  float  towards  the  harbour  of 
tranquillity  &  safety  or  let  her  be  in  danger  of  being  stranded 
on  the  rocks  of  discord  &  anarchy;  we  shall  be  conscious  that 
some  individuals  have  done  their  duty,  &  I  flatter  myself  we 
shall  enjoy  in  the  bosom  of  your  family  such  hours  of  domestic 
satisfaction,  as  I  recollect  we  have  experienced  formerly  at 
Mount  Vernon.  I  am  in  full  hopes  of  being  on  the  spot  this 
year  to  do  ample  justice  to  the  Christmas  Pye. 

I  beg  that  every  sentiment  of  affectionate  regard  may  be 
presented  on  my  part,  to  Mrs.  Washington  and  the  good  family 
under  your  roof. 

With  the  sincerest  friendship, 
I  am,  my  dear  General, 

Your  Most  obedient  &  Most  humble  Servt. 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 

His  Excellency 

GEN.    WASHINGTON.1 

The  answer  of  the  General  was  prompt^  He  condoled 
with  him  upon  his  affliction,  and  cordially  renewed  his 
previous  invitations,  assuring  his  friend  of  a  warm  welcome. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  10  October,  1787. 
MY  DEAR  HUMPHREYS, 

Your  favor  of  the  28th  ulto  came  duly  to  hand  as  did  the 
former  of  June.  With  great  pleasure  I  received  the  intimation 
of  your  spending  the  winter  under  this  Roof.  The  invitation 
was  not  less  sincere  than  the  reception  will  be  cordial.  The 
only  stipulations  I  shall  contend  for  are,  that  in  all  things  you 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


426          Washington  Elected  President 

shall  do  as  you  please.  I  will  do  the  same ;  and  that  no  cere 
mony  may  be  used  or  any  restraint  be  imposed  on  any  one. 

The  Constitution  that  is  submitted,  is  not  free  from  imper 
fections  but  there  are  as  few  radical  defects  in  it  as  could  well 
be  expected,  considering  the  heterogeneous  mass  of  which  the 
Convention  was  composed  and  the  diversity  of  interests  that 
are  to  be  attended  to.  As  a  Constitutional  door  is  open  for 
future  amendments  and  alterations,  I  think  it  would  be  wise 
in  the  People  to  accept  what  is  offered  to  them  and  I  wish  it 
may  be  by  as  great  a  majority  of  them  as  it  was  by  that  of  the 
Convention;  but  this  is  hardly  to  be  expected  because  the 
importance  and  sinister  views  of  too  many  characters  will  be 
affected  by  the  change.  Much  will  depend  however,  upon 
literary  abilities,  and  the  recommendation  of  it  by  good  pens 
should  be  openly,  I  mean,  publickly  afforded  in  the  Gazettes. 
Go  matters  however  as  they  may,  I  shall  have  the  consolation 
to  reflect  that  no  objects  but  the  public  good — and  that  peace 
and  harmony  which  I  wished  to  see  prevail  in  the  Convention, 
obtruded  even  for  a  moment  in  my  bosom  during  the  whole 
Session  long  as  it  was — What  reception  this  State  will  give  to  its 
proceedings  in  all  its  extent  of  territory,  is  more  than  I  can  in 
form  you  of;  in  these  parts  it  is  advocated  beyond  my  expecta 
tion — the  great  opposition  (if  great  there  should  be)  will  come 
from  the  Southern  and  Western  Counties,  from  whence  I  have 
not  as  yet,  received  any  accounts  that  are  to  be  depended  on. 

I  condole  with  you  at  the  loss  of  your  Parents;  but  as  they 
lived  to  a  good  old  age  you  could  not  be  unprepared  for  the 
shock,  tho'  it  is  painful  to  bid  an  everlasting  adieu  to  those  we 
love,  or  revere.  Reason,  Religion  and  Philosophy  may  soften 
the  anguish  of  it,  but  time  alone  can  eradicate  it. 

As  I  am  beginning  to  look  for  you,  I  shall  add  no  more  in 
this  letter  but  the  wishes  of  the  Family  and  the  affectionate 
regards  of  a  Sincere  friend  &c. x 

The  exact  date  is  not  known,  but  it  must  have  been 
shortly  after  the  above  letter,  when  with  his  servant  and  his 

1  Ford's  Washington,  xi.f  pp.  166,  167. 


Humphreys  at  M*  Vernon  427 

favourite  horses  Col.  Humphreys  left  for  ever  the  ancestral 
home  and  commenced  a  new  era  in  his  life  upon  the  broader 
field  of  national  affairs,  for  all  knew  that  General  Washing 
ton  would  soon  be  drawn  from  his  retirement  to  guide  the 
frail  bark  of  the  infant  Republic  and  that  his  friends  and 
intimate  associates  would  share  his  glory  and  his  peril. 

The  life  at  Mount  Vernon  is  described  by  those  privi 
leged  to  enjoy  the  delights  of  a  well  ordered  household  as 
a  mingling  of  stately  etiquette  and  unaffected  simplicity. 
Gen.  Washington  was  a  careful  and  scientific  planter 
and  personally  superintended  the  work  of  his  overseer 
and  slaves.  He  was  a  kind  but  exacting  master.  Within 
the  house  much  of  the  care  that  oppressed  him  was 
thrown  off,  and  he  became  the  courteous  host. 

Lady  Washington  combined  many  of  the  qualities  that 
made  her  an  ideal  hostess.  In  the  immediate  family  were 
the  General  and  Mrs.  Washington,  the  children  of  Col. 
John  Parke  Custis,  whom  Washington  had  adopted,  George 
Washington  Parke,  and  Eleanor,  or  Nelly  as  she  was 
usually  called. 

Mr.  Tobias  Lear,  a  young  graduate  of  Harvard,  was  the 
tutor  of  these  lively  and  sometimes  mischievous  young 
Virginians,  and  also  acted  as  Secretary  to  the  General. 
The  relations  of  the  heads  of  the  family  were  often  visiting 
there;  Col.  Bassett  and  his  daughter  Fanny,  whose  mother 
was  the  favourite  sister  of  Washington,  Col.  Fielding 
Lewis  and  his  wife,  another  sister,  Mrs.  David  Smart  with 
her  family,  and  the  mother  of  the  Mount  Vernon  children 
were  among  those  often  seen  on  the  cool  verandas,  or  by 
the  river  banks,  or  in  the  woods  that  diversified  the  estate. 

An  observing  Frenchman,  M.  Brissot  de  Warville,  thus 
records  his  impressions : 

Everything  has  an  air  of  simplicity  in  his  house;  his  table 
is  good  but  not  ostentatious;  and  no  deviation  is  seen  from 


428          Washington  Elected  President 

regularity  and  domestic  economy.  Mrs.  Washington  superin 
tends  the  whole,  and  joins  to  the  quality  of  an  excellent  house 
wife,  that  simple  dignity  which  ought  to  characterise  a  woman 
whose  husband  has  acted  the  greatest  part  on  the  theatre  of 
human  affairs;  while  she  possesses  that  amenity  and  mani 
fests  that  attention  to  strangers  which  renders  hospitality  so 
charming. x 

Into  this  family  life  Col.  Humphreys  was  admitted. 
His  social  qualities,  his  urbanity  of  manner,  his  fund  of 
information  and  poetic  temperament  and  readiness  to  en 
gage  in  whatever  business  or  pleasure  there  was  on  hand 
made  him  an  acceptable  member  of  the  household.  He 
could  aid  in  entertaining  guests,  he  could  ride  to  the 
hounds  with  the  General  and  his  guests,  he  could  discuss 
the  state  of  the  crops,  or  turn  a  compliment  or  sonnet  for 
the  young  demoiselles  that  were  the  companions  of 
Nellie  Custis. 

In  his  old  age  Mr.  Custis,  who  long  occupied  the  historic 
mansion  on  Arlington  Heights,  sometime  the  home  of  Gen. 
Robert  E.  Lee,  and  now  a  part  of  the  Soldiers'  Home 
domain,  wrote  his  recollections  of  the  life  at  Mount 
Vernon.  As  a  boy  he  admired  Col.  Humphreys  for  his 
athletic  qualities  and  for  his  devotion  to  the  Muses.  He 
tells  an  amusing  story  of  the  crowded  bedchamber  in 
which  slept  the  Colonel,  young  Custis,  and  two  other 
young  relatives,  at  various  times. 

The  Colonel  was  then  translating  from  the  French  into 
the  English  verse  the  tragedy  of  The  Widow  of  Malabar. 
After  the  lights  were  out  at  night  he  would  lie  awake 
revolving  the  couplets  in  his  mind,  polishing  and  per 
fecting  them,  and  at  times  jump  out  of  bed  to  recite  his 
completed  work  aloud  to  judge  of  its  effect,  and  thus 
awaken  his  companions. 

1  Miss  Wharton's  Martha  Washington,  pp.  166,  167. 


Humphreys  at  M*  Vernon  429 

He  also  preserved  this  anecdote  of  a  display  of  horse 
manship  by  the  Colonel.  As  Washington  and  the  Colonel 
were  one  day  riding  about  Mount  Vernon  the  Colonel 
challenged  his  companion  to  jump  over  a  hedge. 

Washington,  always  ready  to  accept  a  challenge  where  riding 
was  concerned,  told  the  Colonel  to  go  on.  Humphreys  put 
his  horse  at  the  hedge,  cleared  it  and  landed  in  a  quagmire 
on  the  other  side  up  to  his  horse's  girths;  whereupon  Wash 
ington  rode,  stopped,  and  looking  blandly  at  his  struggling 
friend,  remarked,  "Ah,  Colonel,  you  are  too  deep  for  me."1 

Serious  work  also  occupied  his  time.  He  finished  his 
translation  of  the  Widow,  and  it  was  placed  in  the  hands 
of  an  able  company  of  players  then  wandering  about  the 
country,  and  who  acted  new  plays  for  the  first  time  much 
as  plays  are  now  performed  in  some  country  place  before 
being  acted  on  a  New  York  stage. 

In  conversation  with  the  General  and  military  visitors 
and  in  his  sketch  of  General  Putnam  he  renewed  the 
scenes  of  the  Revolution. 

It  is  uncertain  whether  he  made  any  progress  with  a 
complete  History  of  the  Revolution  to  which,  as  has  been 
previously  seen,  Gen.  Washington  urged  him.  Since  he 
had  first  mentioned  the  subject  to  the  General,  many  had 
taken  in  hand  the  preparation  of  such  a  history. 

Several  persons  had  applied  to  Washington  to  allow 
them  access  to  his  papers.  It  is  understood  that  although 
willing  to  answer  specific  questions  and  to  converse  with 
those  who  contemplated  writing  upon  that  theme,  his 
military  papers,  which  had  been  carefully  arranged  and 
some  of  them  copied  under  the  supervision  of  Col.  Richard 
Varick,  were  not  opened  until  used  by  Judge  Marshall  for 
his  Life  of  Washington. 

1  As  quoted  by  Hon.  Henry  C.  Lodge,  in  George  Washington,  ii.,  p.  370, 
in  American  Statesmen  Series,  Boston,  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co. 


43°          Washington  Elected  President 

Among  the  earliest  writers  was  the  Rev.  Dr.  Gordon, 
sometime  minister  of  Roxbury,  Massachusetts,  who  had 
the  advantage  of  examining  many  private  papers  before 
his  departure  for  England,  and  had  received  personal 
reminiscences  from  various  Revolutionary  officers.1 

Echoes  from  the  busy  world  reached  Mt.  Vernon  by 
every  postrider,  and  many  of  the  private  travellers.  Let 
ters  from  all  over  the  country  assured  Washington  that 
the  work  of  the  Convention  would  be  approved  by  a  suffi 
cient  number  of  States  for  the  government  under  it  to  be 
soon  organized.  In  the  newspapers,  in  the  taverns,  and 
other  places  of  meeting,  the  merits  and  defects  of  the 
Constitution  were  eagerly  discussed.  There  was  a  large 
and  noisy  minority  who  could  see  in  it  nothing  but  tyranny 
and  aristocracy. 

New  York  and  Virginia  hesitated  a  long  while  and  their 
conventions  for  the  purpose  were  eagerly  watched  by  the 
friends  of  order  and  permanence.  General  Knox,  then 
Secretary  at  War,  writes  from  "New  York,  5  o'clock  morn 
ing  of  the  2d.  July,  1788  "  to  his  friend  Colonel  Wadsworth 
at  Hartford: 

My  dear  friend  Rejoice — Heaven  has  influenced  the  Vir 
ginia  Convention  to  adopt  the  Constitution  by  a  majority  of 
ten.  This  great  event  took  place  on  Wednesday,  the  25th 
of  June.  Some  amendments  will  be  stated  in  the  manner  of 
Massachusetts.2 

The  meeting  of  the  Connecticut  Society  of  the  Cincin 
nati  was  held  in  the  Centre  Church,  Hartford,  on  July  3, 

1  His  book  appeared  in  London  in  1788,  in  four  volumes  of  octavo  size. 
It  was  republished  in  New  York  in  three  volumes,  in  1789.     Its  title  is: 
History  of  the  Rise,  Progress  and  Establishment  of  the  Independence  of  the 
United  States. 

2  MS.  Wadsworth  Papers,  in  the  Collection  of  the  Connecticut  Histor 
ical  Society,  Hartford,  Conn. 


Humphreys'  Life  of  Putnam  431 

1788,  when  a  sermon  was  preached  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Na 
than  Strong.  The  business  meeting  was  held  in  the  State 
House. 

Through  its  President,  Col.  Wadsworth,  the  MS.  of 
An  Essay  on  the  Life  of  the  Honorable  Major-General 
Putnam  was  presented  to  the  Society  by  Colonel  Hum 
phreys  in  place  of  the  oration  that  he  had  been  asked  to 
deliver.  In  his  letter  of  presentation  written  from 
" Mount  Vernon  in  Virginia,"  June  4,  1788,  addressed  to 
Col.  Wadsworth,  he  says  that 

unavoidable  absence  will  prevent  me  from  performing  the 
grateful  task  assigned  to  me  by  the  State  Society  of  the  Cin 
cinnati  on  the  fourth  of  July  next.  Though  I  cannot  person 
ally  address  them  I  wish  to  demonstrate  by  some  token  of 
affectionate  remembrance,  the  sense  I  entertain  of  the  honour 
they  have  more  than  once  conferred  on  me  by  their  suffrages . 
Meditating  in  what  manner  to  accomplish  this  object  it 
occurred  to  me,  that  an  attempt  to  preserve  the  actions  of  Gen 
eral  Putnam,  in  the  Archives  of  our  State  Society  would  be 
acceptable  to  its  members;  as  they  had  all  served  with  great 
satisfaction  under  his  immediate  orders.1 

The  Essay  was  received  by  his  brother  officers  with 
much  gratification.  It  is  possible  portions  of  it  were  read 
at  the  meeting,  and  it  was  resolved  "the  thanks  of  the 
Society  to  be  given  to  Col.  Humphreys  for  his  History 
of  the  Life  of  Major  Genl.  Putnam  communicated  to 
the  Society,  and  expressing  their  wish  that  the  same  may 
be  printed."2 

He  was  also  chosen  one  of  the  delegates  to  the  next 
General  Meeting  and  orator  for  the  next  year.  The 
Essay  was  printed  in  the  fall  of  that  year  by  Hudson  and 

1  An  Essay  on  the  Life  of  the  Honorable  Major-General  Israel  Putnam, 
Col.  David  Humphreys. 

3  MS.  Records  of  the  Connecticut  Society  of  the  Cincinnati. 


432          Washington  Elected  President 

Goodwin  in  Hartford  in  a  duodecimo  volume  of  one 
hundred  and  eighty-seven  pages.1 

While  at  Mt.  Vernon,  Col.  Humphreys  spent  some  of 
his  time  in  other  literary  work  than  that  upon  his  Life 
of  Putnam. 

Mr.  Matthew  Carey  in  Philadelphia  was  then  attempt 
ing  to  make  his  American  Museum  the  exponent  of  what 
was  best  in  American  literature.  Young  and  ambitious 
writers  were  welcomed  and  their  poems,  sketches  and 
other  " pieces"  willingly  published. 

Col.  Humphreys  had  previously  published  some  poems 
in  the  magazine.  This  letter  shows  that  he  was  a  writer  of 
good  prose  as  well  as  polished  verse. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  Septr.  ist,  1786. 

(Private) 
SIR, 

I  forward  some  pieces  for  your  Museum.  The  account  of 
Mr.  Pierce  was  a  subject,  which  I  was  rather  impelled  to  handle, 
from  an  apprehension  no  other  person,  acquainted  with  the 
circumstances  would  do  it.  If  you  suppose  the  facts  will 
acquire  authenticity,  or  your  Miscellany  credit,  from  the  name 
of  the  writer,  you  are  at  liberty  to  announce  from  what  part 
you  received  it.  I  only  wish  that  it  may  be  correctly  printed. 
If  a  tolerably  good  profile,  or  other  engraving  of  Mr.  Pierce 
could  be  procured  for  your  Museum  it  would  doubtless  be 
very  acceptable  to  his  friends,  who  are  numerous.  Attention 
to  matters  of  this  kind,  on  suitable  occasions,  might  serve  to 
give  your  publication  an  advantage  over  other  periodical 
works  in  America.  Mr.  Pierce's  countenance  was  so  peculiar 
that  a  stronger  likeness  of  him  might  be  more  easily  given, 
than  of  almost  any  other  person  in  the  Union.  I  think  an 
Artist  might  almost  draw  it  from  my  description. 

1  It  is  advertised  in  the  Connecticut  Courant  of  Monday  September  I  f 
1788,  as  "published  this  day."  For  the  advertisement  see  Appendix: 
for  the  various  editions  and  additions  to  the  Essay,  see  Bibliography. 


Election  of  a  President  433 

The  other  Manuscripts  I  imagine  will  be  novel  &  interesting 
to  your  Readers. 

I  enclose  also  the  only  copy  I  have  ever  been  able  to  find 
of  the  Bermudias,  a  Poem  by  an  American,  which  I  conceive 
(when  you  are  barren  of  Politics)  will  not  disgrace  your  col 
lection.  I  wonder  you  never  republished  the  poem,  entitled 
"Philosophic  Solitude"  &  written  by  Governor  Livingstone,  a 
great  many  years  ago.  It  has  much  merit. 

Genl.  Washington  has  had  the  complaisance  to  frank  this 
letter  without  knowing  the  contents.  I  shall  be  glad  to  know 
it  has  been  safely  received. 

With  great  regard 
I  am,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  &  most  humble 
Servt. 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 
Mr.  M.  CAREY.1 

Late  in  the  summer  of  1788  it  was  known  that  eleven 
of  the  thirteen  States  had  ratified  the  Constitution,  Rhode 
Island  and  North  Carolina  not  accepting  or  rejecting  it. 

On  September  13,  the  Continental  Congress  passed  an 
Act  for  an  election  throughout  the  Union  to  choose  elec 
tors  of  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

It  was  to  be  held  on  the  first  Wednesday  in  January, 
1789,  and  the  electors  Were  to  meet  on  the  first  Wednesday 
in  February  to  make  a  choice. 

Washington  was  honestly  reluctant  to  enter  once  more 
into  public  life.  His  judicious  friends  Hamilton,  Jay, 
Knox,  Col.  Henry  Lee,  and  others,  wrote  frequently 
urging  him  to  accept  the  Presidency  which  would  be 
offered  to  him  by  the  voice  of  the  whole  people. 

In  his  replies  he  deprecated  the  excellence  they  ascribed 
to  him  and  thought  some  other  person  could  as  acceptably 
fill  the  office. 

1  The  original  of  this  letter  is  in  the  possession  of  the  author. 
VOL.  i — 28 


434          Washington  Elected  President 

It  was  while  the  preliminaries  to  the  organization  of  the 
new  government  were  being  arranged  and  the  people  were 
awaiting  with  some  impatience  the  leisurely  procedure  of 
Congress  that  Col.  Humphreys  sent  to  Mr.  Jefferson  a 
pleasant  letter  in  which  he  commented  on  political  events 
and  surveyed  the  state  of  the  country.  It  is  in  answer  to 
the  following  long  letter  from  Jefferson  from  Paris  a 
year  before. 

PARIS,  Aug.  14,  1787. 
DEAR  SIR:— 

I  remember  when  you  left  us,  it  was  with  a  promise  to  sup 
ply  all  the  defects  of  correspondence  in  our  friends,  of  which 
we  complained,  &  which  you  had  felt  in  common  with  us.  Yet 
I  have  received  but  one  letter  from  you  which  was  dated  June 
5,  1786  and  I  answered  it  Aug.  14,  1786.  Dropping  that,  how 
ever,  and  beginning  a  new  account,  I  will  observe  to  you  that 
wonderful  improvements  are  making  here  in  various  lines  in 
architecture  the  wall  of  circumvallation  round  Paris  and  the 
palaces  by  which  we  are  to  be  let  in  &  out  are  nearly  com- 
pleated,  two  hospitals  are  to  be  built  instead  of  the  old-hotel 
dieu,  one  of  the  old  bridges  is  begun  at  the  Place  Louis  XV. 
the  Palais  royal  is  gutted,  a  considerable  part  in  the  center  of 
the  garden  being  dug  up,  and  a  subterranean  circus  begun 
wherein  will  be  equestrian  exhibitions,  so  in  society  the  habit 
habille*  is  almost  banished,  and  they  begin  to  go  even  to  great 
suppers  in  frock ;  the  court  &  diplomatic  corps,  however,  must 
always  be  excepted,  they  are  too  high  to  be  reached  by  any 
improvement.  They  are  the  last  refuge  from  which  Etiquette, 
formality  &  folly  will  be  driven.  Take  away  these  &  they 
would  be  on  a  1evel  with  other  people.  The  Assembled  des  No 
tables  have  done  a  great  deal  of  good  here.  Various  abolitions 
of  abusive  laws  have  taken  place  &  will  take  place.  The  gov 
ernment  is  allotted  into  subordinate  administrations,  called 
Provincial  Assemblies,  to  be  chosen  by  the  people ;  great  reduc 
tions  of  expence  in  the  trappings  of  the  king,  queen  &  princes 
in  the  department  of  war  notwithstanding  this.  The  dis- 


Jefferson  to  Humphreys  435 

covery  of  the  abuses  of  public  money,  some  expences  of  the 
court  not  in  unison  with  the  projects  of  reform,  &  the  new 
taxes,  have  raised  within  a  few  weeks  a  spirit  of  discontent  so 
loud  &  so  general  as  I  did  not  think  them  susceptible  of.  They 
speak  in  all  companies,  in  coffee-houses,  in  the  streets,  as  if 
there  were  no  Bastile;  &  indeed  to  confine  all  offenders  in  this 
way,  the  whole  Kingdom  should  be  converted  into  a  Bastile. 
The  Parliament  of  Paris  puts  itself  at  the  head  of  this  opposi 
tion.  The  king  has  been  obliged  to  hold  a  bed  of  justice  to 
enforce  the  registering  the  new  taxes.  The  parliament  pro 
poses  to  forbid  their  execution,  and  this  may  possibly  be 
followed  by  their  exile.  The  mild  and  patriotic  spirit  of  the 
new  ministry,  &  the  impossibility  of  finding  subjects  to  make 
a  new  parliament  may  perhaps  avoid  this  extremity.  It  is 
not  impossible  but  that  all  the  domestic  disturbances  may  be 
calmed  by  foreign  difficulties.  War  has  within  a  few  days  past 
become  more  probable.  Tho'  the  kings  of  England  and  Prussia 
had  openly  espoused  the  views  of  the  Stad-holder,  yet  negotia 
tions  were  going  on  which  gave  hopes  of  accommodation.  But 
the  stoppage  of  the  Princess  of  Orange,  on  her  way  to  excite 
commotion  at  the  Hague,  kindled  the  kingly  pride  of  her 
brother,  &  without  consulting  anybody  he  ordered  20,000  men 
to  march  instantly  to  revenge  this  insult.  The  stoppage  of  the 
sister  of  a  king  then  is  sufficient  cause  to  sacrifice  the  lives  of 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  better  people  &  to  lay  the  most  fertile 
parts  of  Europe  in  ashes.  Since  this  hasty  movement,  which 
is  pertinaciously  pursued,  the  English  squadron  has  sailed 
westwardly,  and  will  be  followed  by  a  squadron  from  Brest, 
while  a  land  army  moves  on  to  the  confines  of  Holland.  Still, 
however,  the  negotiations  are  continued,  and  it  is  thought  that 
the  fiscal  distress  of  the  provincial  powers  may  yet  prevent 
war.  So  much  for  the  blessings  of  having  kings,  from  these 
events  our  young  republics  may  learn  many  useful  lessons, 
never  to  call  on  foreign  powers  to  settle  their  differences,  to 
guard  against  hereditary  magistrates,  to  prevent  their  citizens 
from  becoming  so  established  in  wealth  &  power  as  to  be 
thought  worthy  of  alliance  by  marriage  with  the  nieces,  sisters, 
etc.  of  kings,  and  in  short  to  besiege  the  throne  of  heaven  with 


436          Washington  Elected  President 

eternal  prayers  to  extirpate  from  creation  this  class  of  human 
lions,  tygers  &  mammouts  called  kings;  from  whom,  let  him 
perish,  who  does  not  say  "good  lord  deliver  us"  and  that  so 
we  may  say  one  &  all,  or  perish,  is  the  fervent  prayer  of  him 
who  has  the  honour  to  mix  with  it  sincere  wishes  for  your 
health  £  happiness,  &  to  be  with  real  attachment  &  respect, 
dear  Sir,  your  affectionate  friend  &  humble  servant. 

TH.  JEFFERSON. 

P.  S.  Aug.  1 4th  Parliament  is  exiled  to  Troyes  this 
morning. x 

MOUNT  VERNON,  Nov.  2gth,  1788. 
DEAR  SIR, 

It  was  not  until  a  few  days  ago  &  more  than  fourteen  months 
from  its  date,  that  I  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  your  favour 
of  the  1 4th  of  August  1787.  I  have  at  different  times  been 
honoured  by  several  others,  some  of  which  had  marks  on  the 
seal,  indicative  of  their  having  undergone  an  inspection.  To 
all,  I  generally  gave  answers  immediately  after  their  receipt. 
But  a  letter  must  commonly  be  rather  insipid,  where  one  is 
obliged  to  take  into  the  calculation,  that  it  is  very  probable  it 
will  be  opened  before  it  reaches  its  destination.  Having  now 
a  sure  conveyance  by  Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris,  I  should  hold 
myself  inexcusable  not  to  make  use  of  it. 

There  has  been  an  extraordinary  revolution  in  the  senti 
ments  of  men,  respecting  political  affairs  since  I  came  to 
America;  and  much  more  favourable  in  the  result  than  could 
have  been  reasonably  expected. 

At  the  close  of  the  war  after  the  little  season  of  unlimited 
credit  was  passed,  the  people  in  moderate  circumstances 
found  themselves  very  much  embarrassed  by  the  scarcity  of 
money  by  debts  &  taxes.  They  affected  to  think  that  the  part 
of  Society  composed  of  men  in  the  liberal  professions  &  those 
who  had  considerable  property,  were  in  combination  to  distress 
them,  &  to  establish  an  Aristocracy.  Demagogues  made  use 
of  these  impressions  to  procure  their  own  elections  to  carry 
their  own  schemes  into  execution.  Lawyers,  in  some  States, 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Humphreys  to  Jefferson  437 

by  these  artifices,  became  indiscriminately  odious.  In  others, 
men  of  the  strongest  local  prejudices  &  narrowest  principles 
had  the  whole  direction  of  the  affairs  of  their  States.  You  will 
feel  the  force  of  this  assertion  the  more  readily,  when  you  shall 
have  been  informed  that  the  same  Genl.  Wadsworth,  who  was 
in  Congress  with  you  at  Annapolis  became,  in  conjunction  with 
two  or  three  of  his  subalterns,  the  director  of  every  political 
measure  in  Connecticut  and  prevented  in  almost  every  instance, 
a  compliance  with  the  Requisitions  of  Congress.  On  the  other 
part  great  numbers  of  those  who  wished  to  see  an  inefficient 
federal  government  prevail,  began  to  fear  that  the  bulk  of  the 
people  would  never  submit  to  it. 

In  short  some  of  them,  who  had  been  utterly  averse  to 
Royalty,  began  to  imagine  that  hardly  anything  but  a  King 
could  cure  the  evil.  It  was  truly  astonishing  to  have  been 
witness  to  some  conversations,  which  I  have  heard.  Still, 
all  the  more  reasonable  men  saw  that  the  remedy  would  be 
infinitely  worse  than  the  disease.  In  this  fluctuating  & 
irritable  situation  the  public  mind  continued  for  some  time. 
The  insurrection  in  Massachusetts  was  not  without  its  benefits. 
From  a  view  of  the  importance  of  the  general  government,  of 
the  contempt  in  which  we  were  held  abroad,  &  of  the  want  of 
happiness  at  home,  the  Public  was  thus  gradually  wrought  to  a 
disposition  for  receiving  a  government  possessed  of  sufficient 
energy  to  prevent  the  calamities  of  Anarchy,  or  civil  war;  & 
yet  guarded,  as  well  as  the  nature  of  circumstances  will  admit, 
so  as  to  prevent  it  from  degenerating  into  Aristocracy,  Anarchy, 
or  Monarchy.  True  it  is,  that  honest  &  wise  men  have  differed 
in  sentiment  about  the  kind  of  checks  &  balances  which  are 
necessary  for  this  purpose;  but  equally  true  is  it  that  there 
is  not  an  honest  &  wise  man  who  does  not  see  &  feel  the  indis 
pensable  necessity  of  preserving  the  Union.  You  will  have 
been  informed,  long  since,  that  all  the  states,  Rhode  Island 
&  North  Carolina  excepted,  have  acceded  to  the  proposed 
form  of  government.  In  the  former,  paper  money  &  dis 
honesty  are  the  sole  causes  of  their  perseverance  in  opposi 
tion. — the  same  reasons  are  also  assigned  for  the  conduct  of 
North  Carolina;  how  justly,  how  unjustly,  I  know  not.  It  is 


438          Washington  Elected  President 

believed,  however,  that  the  latter  will  come  into  the  pale  of  the 
new  Union  at  the  eleventh  hour. 

The  general  opinion  of  the  Advocates  for  the  Government 
is,  that  some  explanations  &  amendments  are  highly  necessary. 
They  conceive,  however,  that  it  might  be  dangerous  to  put 
everything  afloat,  in  seeking  that  object  before  some  degree  of 
stability  shall  have  been  given  to  the  system,  by  its  being 
carried  into  effect. 

But  it  is  thought  that  some  who  push  for  premature  amend 
ments,  wish  to  sap  its  very  existence. 

That  is  to  say,  its  opponents  in  the  State  of  New  York. 
Be  that  as  it  may,  the  probabilities  amount  almost  to  a  cer 
tainty  that  it  will  be  quietly  carried  into  effect  in  March  next. 
The  Senators  are  as  yet  chosen  only  in  three  States,  viz; 
in  Connecticut,  Dr.  Johnson  &  Mr.  Ellsworth,  than  whom 
better  men  for  the  purpose  could  not  have  been  found  there; 
in  Pennsylvania  Mr.  R.  Morris  &  Mr.  McClay,  the  former  you 
know  personally  the  latter  is  well  spoken  of.  Col.  R.  H.  Lee  & 
Col.  Gray  son,  the  Senators  of  this  State,  are  not  yet  com 
prehended  under  the  denomination  of  Federalists — but,  it 
is  generally  believed,  they  will  be  less  violent,  than  many  of 
their  party.  Mr.  Madison  was  in  nomination  with  those  two 
gentlemen  &  lost  his  election  by  8  or  9  votes.  This  was  owing 
entirely  to  Mr.  Patrick  Henry,  who  openly  opposed  his  elec 
tion,  &  who  carries  every  measure  he  espouses  in  the  Assembly. \ 
In  throwing  the  State  into  Districts  for  the  choice  of  Represen 
tatives  to  Congress,  it  is  said  he  has  taken  particular  pains 
to  prevent  Mr.  Madison  from  being  chosen.  Some  who  wish 
equally  well  to  the  government  and  Mr.  Madison  imagine  it 
may  be  the  means  of  having  him  better  employed  as  Minister 
for  the  Home  Department.  The  Report  is  prevalent  on  good 
authority,  that,  in  Maryland,  Mr.  Carrol  of  Carrolton,  and 
Mr.  Henry  of  the  Eastern  Shore,  will  be  appointed  Senators; 
&  that  nearly  or  quite  all  the  Representatives  will  be  men  of 
federal  characters. 

The  opinion  seems  to  be  universal  that  Genl.  Washington 
will  be  elected  President.  Should  that  be  the  case,  I  am 
unable  to  say  whether  he  will  accept  or  refuse.  In  conformity 


Humphreys  to  Jefferson  439 

to  the  prudence  of  his  character,  he  will  postpone  giving  his 
ultimate  decision  as  long  as  possible.  His  inclinations  will 
certainly  lead  him  to  refuse.  Should  circumstances  overcome 
his  inclinations,  I  know  it  will  occasion  more  distress  to  him, 
than  any  other  event  of  his  life.  Mr.  John  Adams,  Mr. 
Hancock,  &  Gen.  Knox  are  spoken  of  as  Candidates  for  the 
Vice-Presidency.  It  is  rather  probable  that  the  first  will  be 
appointed,  than  either  of  the  others.  Very  much  will  depend 
upon  having  men  in  the  higher  offices,  in  whom  the  Public 
can  naturally  place  the  greatest  confidence.  Upon  the  whole 
we  may  augur  much  more  favourable  things,  than  appearance 
heretofore  promised. 

The  habits  of  industry  and  economy,  which  have  been 
introduced  by  necessity,  require  only  an  efficient  general  gov 
ernment  to  ensure  prosperity  and  the  people  of  the  different 
States  seem  disposed  to  acquiesce  in  such  a  government  pro 
vided  care  be  taken  not  to  touch  their  purses  too  deeply. 

The  Count  du  Moustier,  his  sister,  her  son,  and  Mr.  Du 
Pont,  have  lately  been  at  Mount  Vernon. 

The  Minister  appears  to  be  a  very  well  informed  man  and 
extremely  desirous  of  promoting  the  commercial  connection 
between  France  and  this  country.  The  little  misunderstand 
ings  that  existed  shortly  after  his  arrival  have  been  explained 
away.  He  affects  plainness  in  dress  &  simplicity  of  manners, 
but  perhaps,  not  so  much  to  fall  into  American  customs  as  the 
Chr  Luzerne  did.  It  is  questionable,  therefore,  whether  he 
will  be  so  popular.  Mile  de  Brehan  appears  very  inquisitive 
after  information.  She  does  not  find  the  country  answer  M. 
Crevecoeur's  description  of  it.  Some  Ladies  have  thought  she 
rather  undervalued  them,  when  she  appeared  in  a  consider 
able  company,  with  a  three-cornered  muslin  Handkerchief 
tyed  round  her  head,  nearly  in  the  fashion  of  the  Negro  Women 
in  the  West  Indies. 

On  general  topics  I  will  only  observe  that  the  country 
has  recovered  greatly  from  the  devastations  which  had  been 
impressed  on  it  by  the  war.  Emigrations  from  the  old  settle 
ments  to  the  west  continue  to  be  immense.  The  establish 
ment  at  Washington  from  its  systematical  organization  as 


440          Washington  Elected  President 

well  as  from  the  character  of  its  inhabitants,  promises  to  be 
come  numerous  &  flourishing  in  a  short  period.  In  the  mean 
while,  the  arts  of  peace  are  progressing  in  the  old  State,  per 
haps  more  rapidly  than  they  have  ever  before  done.  The 
opening  of  the  Potomac  (whose  several  falls  I  have  lately  vis 
ited)  goes  on  well  &  will  be  accomplished.  The  works  on  the 
James  River  &  the  Susquehannah,  I  believe,  are  carried  for 
ward  more  slowly. 

Mayo's  bridge  has  been  completed  &  by  a  great  storm  within 
a  few  weeks  afterwards,  was  carried  away.  It  was  so  pro 
ductive  while  in  use  that  he  received  an  offer  for  his  property 
in  it,  from  a  company,  of  1000  in  hand,  of  having  it  kept  in 
repair  &  having  half  the  annual  income  of  the  Toll,  for  ever. 
The  spirit  of  improvement  is  gaining  grounds. 

The  three  great  bridges  lately  erected  in  Massachusetts  do 
that  State  vast  credit.  The  enterprise  in  trade  &  manufac 
ture  supported  by  domestic  economy,  has,  during  the  last  year 
for  the  first  time  made  the  exports  from  thence  considerably 
more  valuable  than  the  imports  into  it.  To  this  the  trade  to 
the  east  Indies  has  not  a  little  contributed.  Though  the 
means  of  public  travelling  are  passably  good;  I  cannot  yet 
commend  the  American  roads.  In  this  neighbourhood,  viz; 
at  the  town  of  Alexandria,  the  first  turnpikes  in  America  have 
been  established.  They  have  answered  good  purposes,  so 
far  as  may  be  judged  from  a  partial  experiment ;  and  either  a 
similar  or  some  other  effectual  mode  ought  to  be  adopted 
throughout  the  Continent. 

As  much  attention  is  paid  to  the  cultivation  of  literature  as 
can  be  expected  in  a  country  that  is  so  young  &  whose  inhabi 
tants  are  obliged  to  apply  themselves  to  some  profession  for  a 
maintenance. 

Dr.  Ramsey  is  about  to  extend  his  History  to  the  whole 
Revolution. 

A  Mr.  O'Connor,  from  Ireland  is  going  through  the  States 
to  obtain  subscriptions  for  a  work  of  a  similar  kind  which  he 
asserts,  he  is  on  the  point  of  publishing.  I  have  not  learned 
that  any  copies  of  Dr.  Gordon's  have  reached  America; 
though  he  wrote  to  Gen.  Washington  sometime  ago  that  the 


Election  of  Washington  441 

2nd  volume  was  in  the  press;  Mr.  Warville,  I  conclude,  is 
collecting  material  for  some  works  relative  to  America,  he 
was  here  a  few  days  ago.  I  have  not  yet  had  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  Mr.  Mazzei's  Researches,  but  have  heard  a  good  ac 
count  of  their  Merits.  To  him,  to  Mr.  Short  and  all  my  par 
ticular  acquaintances  I  wish  to  be  remembered  with  cordiality. 
I  beg  my  compliments  may  be  given  to  Miss  Jefferson,  and 
that  you  will  ever  believe  me,  with  sincerest  gratitude  and 
unalterable  friendship, 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  much  obliged  and  very  humble  Servant, 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 
His  Excy. 

THOMAS  JEFFERSON  ESQ: 
&c,  &c,  &c.x 


Various  causes  delayed  the  organization  of  the  first 
Congress  under  the  Constitution.  The  people  were  prac 
tically  without  any  government  from  March  4,  1789, 
when  the  Constitution  went  into  effect,  until  the  first 
week  in  April  when  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa 
tives  had  a  quorum  for  business,  the  votes  for  President 
and  Vice-President  could  be  canvassed  and  formal  an 
nouncement  made  of  the  result. 

George  Washington  had  been  unanimously  elected 
President,  and  John  Adams  of  Massachusetts  Vice-Presi 
dent,  by  a  large  majority. 

A  certified  copy  of  this  result  was  sent  to  Gen.  Washing 
ton  by  a  special  messenger,  Mr.  Charles  Thompson,  the 
competent  and  faithful  Secretary  of  the  former  Congress. 
He  arrived  at  Mount  Vernon  on  April  14,  1789. 

Washington  received  the  news  with  outward  calm 
but  inward  perturbation,  for  he  had  said  in  a  recent  letter 
to  Gen.  Knox:  "My  movements  to  the  chair  of  govern- 

1  U.  S.  Archives,  State  Dept.,  Washington,  D.  C. 


442          Washington  Elected  President 

ment  will  be  accompanied  by  feelings  not  unlike  those  of 
a  culprit,  who  is  going  to  the  place  of  his  execution. " J 

When  the  summons  came  he  was  ready  to  obey  it 
promptly  for  he  recognized  it  as  the  call  of  duty. 

Col.  Williams,  who  was  the  chairman  of  the  committee 
of  the  citizens  of  Baltimore  to  extend  a  welcome  to  Gen. 
Washington  on  his  passage  through  the  city,  was  anxious 
to  be  assured  of  the  General's  feelings  in  the  matter  of  a 
presentation  of  an  address  from  the  citizens  of  Baltimore, 
and  was  naturally  desirous  of  not  making  any  arrange 
ments  for  public  functions  which  might  not  be  thoroughly 
agreeable  to  Gen.  Washington,  and  he  therefore  wrote  a 
letter  to  Col.  Humphreys  on  the  subject  on  April  5,  1789, 
knowing  that  no  one  was  better  able  to  give  him  the 
desired  information  than  the  General's  most  intimate 
friend  and  companion.  Col.  Humphreys  immediately 
sent  the  following  reply : 


MOUNT  VERNON, 

April  7,  1789. 
DEAR  SIR, 

On  the  subject  of  your  letter  of  the  5th  (which  needed  no 
apology)  I  can  only  give  you  the  general  information  which  I 
have  in  my  power  to  do  from  a  knowledge  of  the  sentiments  of 
the  person  alluded  to,  as  drawn  from  him  on  some  indispens 
ably  necessary  occasions.  The  time  has  been  so  long  delayed 
beyond  the  period  in  which  the  two  houses  of  Congress  were 
to  have  assembled,  and  the  public  impatience  for  the  organiza 
tion  of  the  Government  appears  to  be  so  great  that  the  Person 
in  question  will  not  think  it  advisable  to  subject  himself  to 
the  contingencies  of  a  water  passage  by  crossing  the  Bay,  nor 
consider  himself  at  liberty  to  make  any  delay  (beside  what 
may  be  necessary  for  refreshing  his  horses)  on  the  route.  He 
will  go  by  the  common  Post  Road  and  probably  remain  the 
night  at  Baltimore.  The  more  quietly  he  may  be  permitted 

1  Marshall's  Washington,  v.,  p.  152.     living's  Washington,  iv.,  p.  466. 


Humphreys  to  Williams  443 

to  make  his  journey  the  more  agreeable  will  it  be  to  him. 
But  it  is  not  necessary  I  should  explain  his  feelings  to  you  who 
are  so  well  acquainted  with  him  yourself.  However,  he 
would  not,  I  imagine  take  any  measure  which  might  prevent 
the  respectable  Citizens  from  gratifying  their  reasonable  in 
clinations:  His  neighbours,  the  people  of  Alexandria,  after 
deliberating  a  long  time  in  what  manner  they  could  testify 
their  affection  to  him  in  the  more  acceptable  manner  have 
prepared  a  short  and  really  affectionate  address ;  which  I  have 
seen  and  which  I  conceive  he  cannot  (with  a  good  grace) 
refuse  to  receive.  I  hardly  know  whether  I  am  justifiable  in 
mentioning  these  last  circumstances ;  but  I  am  willing  to  give 
you  all  the  light  and  offer  you  all  the  services  which  may  be  in 
my  power,  being  with  sentiments  of  real  esteem  and  the  highest 
consideration, 

Dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  &  very  humble  Servt, 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 
GENL.  WILLIAMS.* 

On  April  16  Washington  made  this  entry  in  his  Diary: 

About  ten  o'clock,  I  bade  adieu  to  Mount  Vernon,  to  private 
life,  and  to  domestic  felicity;  and  with  a  mind  oppressed  with 
more  anxious  and  painful  sensations  than  I  have  words  to 
express,  set  out  for  New  York  in  company  with  Mr.  Thompson 
and  Colonel  Humphries,  with  the  best  dispositions  to  render 
service  to  my  country,  in  obedience  to  its  call,  but  with  less 
hope  of  answering  its  expectations.2 

The  whole  journey  was  one  continual  triumphal  march. 

His  old  friends  and  associates  entertained  him  on  that 
day  at  dinner  in  Alexandria,  and  presented  an  address  in 
which  affection  for  their  neighbour  and  love  of  country  are 
equally  shown. 

1  Dreer  Collection,  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

2  Marshall's  Washington,  v.,  p.  154. 


444          Washington  Elected  President 

Washington  thanked  them  in  a  short  speech  which  he 
could  hardly  read  for  emotion,  and  spoke  of  the  reluctance 
with  which  he  again  entered  upon  "the  tempestuous  and 
uncertain  ocean  of  public  life. ' ' 

He  was  accompanied  to  Georgetown  by  a  cavalcade  of 
gentlemen,  where  he  was  met  by  a  company  of  Maryland 
gentlemen,  who  formally  welcomed  him  to  their  State. 

Everywhere  he  was  greeted  with  music,  song,  speech, 
and  banquet ;  he  was  hailed  as  the  chief  who  should  over 
come  civil  disorder  as  he  had  overcome  hostile  forces. 
Trenton  with  its  triumphal  arch,  its  chorus  of  thirteen 
young  girls  who  sang  an  original  ode;  New  Brunswick 
where  the  Governor  of  New  Jersey  met  him,  and  Eliza 
beth  town  Point  where  he  was  to  embark  for  New  York, 
showed  by  demonstrations  of  joy  the  love  they  felt  for 
the  chosen  head  of  the  nation. 

A  handsomely  decorated  barge,  rowed  by  thirteen  se 
lected  members  of  the  New  York  Pilots'  Association  in 
white  uniforms,  was  in  waiting.  As  he  entered  it,  martial 
music  filled  the  air,  and  salutes  were  fired  from  various 
batteries.  He  was  accompanied  to  the  city  by  Mr. 
Thompson  and  Col.  Humphreys,  and  a  committee  from 
each  House  of  Congress.  All  this  display  and  spontaneous 
expression  of  the  people's  joy  touched  Washington  deeply. 
He  landed  at  Murray's  wharf,  gaily  and  tastefully  adorned 
with  flags  and  bunting,  and  thronged  with  people.  He 
was  formally  received  by  the  Governor  of  New  York,  who 
was  accompanied  by  the  representatives  of  foreign  nations, 
a  large  military  escort  and  many  distinguished  citizens. 

Declining  to  ride  in  the  carriage  which  had  been  pro 
vided  he  was  escorted  by  a  special  guard  and  the  whole 
company  to  the  house  prepared  for  his  reception  on  the 
corner  of  Pearl  and  Cherry  streets,  the  former  home  of 
Walter  Franklin,  and  considered  one  of  the  handsomest 
in  the  city. 


Washington's  Entry  into  New  York     445 

In  his  Diary,  Washington  writes  of  this  entry  into  the 
city  on  April  23 : 

The  display  of  boats  which  attended  and  joined  on  this  occa 
sion,  some  with  vocal,  and  others  with  instrumental  music 
on  board,  the  decorations  of  the  ships,  the  roar  of  cannon, 
and  the  loud  acclamation  of  the  people,  which  rent  the  sky  as 
I  passed  along  the  wharfs,  filled  my  mind  with  sensations  as 
painful  (contemplating  the  reverse  of  this  scene,  which  may 
be  the  case  after  all  my  labours  to  do  good)  as  they  were 
pleasing. x 

Col.  Humphreys  who  knew  the  wishes  and  desires  of 
his  General  was  of  great  service  in  putting  the  house  in 
order  and  in  making  the  final  preparations  for  the  inaugu 
ration  which  was  arranged  to  take  place  on  Thursday, 
April  30.  Upon  that  day  which  had  long  been  looked 
forward  to  with  eager  expectation  the  whole  city  was  astir 
at  an  early  hour.  The  roll  of  drums  and  the  music  of 
martial  bands  was  heard,  members  of  military  companies 
were  hurrying  to  take  their  places,  from  all  the  surround 
ing  towns  hundreds  came  on  horseback,  by  coach,  by 
carriage,  by  boat  and  on  foot,  to  view  the  imposing  cere 
mony. 

At  nine  o'clock  the  church  bells  with  jubilant  peals 
summoned  all  to  enter  and  join  in  the  services  in  which 
prayers  for  the  prosperity  of  the  new  government  and  the 
first  President  were  offered. 

At  noon  the  city  troops  formed  in  front  of  the  Presi 
dent's  house.  They  were  followed  by  the  committees 
appointed  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives 
and  the  heads  of  departments  under  the  Confederation. 

The  procession  was  then  formed  with  the  troops  as  an 
escort,  followed  by  the  committees  and  department 

1  Marshall's  Washington,  v.,  p.  160. 


446          Washington  Elected  President 

chiefs.  Washington  entered  a  coach  of  state  drawn  by 
white  horses  and  surrounded  by  a  special  escort.  Col. 
Humphreys  and  Mr.  Lear  followed  in  the  General's  own 
carriage ;  after  them  came  the  foreign  ministers  and  a  long 
train  of  citizens.  By  the  most  direct  route  the  long  line 
went  to  the  Federal  Hall  on  the  corner  of  Wall  and  Nassau 
streets,  a  building  which  had  originally  served  for  Colonial 
assemblies  but  had  been  remodelled  and  enlarged  for  the 
use  of  the  Federal  government  by  the  city  and  state  of 
New  York. 

Through  the  shouting  multitudes  the  brilliant  array 
advanced.  Two  hundred  yards  from  the  hall  a  halt  was 
made,  Washington  and  his  suite  left  their  carriages  and 
passed  through  the  lines  of  troops  into  the  hall  and  en 
tered  the  Senate  Chamber,  where  he  was  formally  wel 
comed  by  the  Vice-President  and  the  Senators,  who  rose 
to  receive  him. 

He  was  then  conducted  by  the  Vice-President  to  a  chair 
of  state  at  the  upper  end  of  the  room.  His  suite  stood 
near  him.  A  silence  fell  upon  the  assembly  broken  by 
the  voice  of  the  Vice-President  saying  that  all  things  were 
now  ready  for  the  President-elect  to  take  the  oath  of 
office. 

In  a  calm  but  low  voice  Washington  said:  "I  am 
ready." 

Robert  B.  Livingston,  Chancellor  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  and  other  state  and  national  officials,  the  members 
of  the  Senate  and  the  House  went  to  the  balcony  over 
looking  Wall  Street.  It  is  described  as  "a  kind  of  open 
screen  with  lofty  columns  supporting  the  roof." 

Upon  a  table  covered  with  crimson  cloth,  near  the 
centre,  was  an  elegantly  bound  copy  of  the  Holy  Bible, 
with  silver  clasps  and  corners.  It  had  been  loaned  for  the 
occasion  by  St.  John's  Masonic  Lodge.  An  armchair  was 
placed  by  the  table.  As  the  President-elect  stepped  out 


Washington  Inaugurated  President     447 

upon  the  balcony  the  shouts  of  the  multitudes  that  filled 
the  whole  space  in  front  of  the  hall  overcame  Washington, 
who  advanced  to  the  front  of  the  balcony,  laid  his  hand 
upon  his  heart,  bowed  several  times,  and  then  sat  down 
in  the  chair. 

Deep  stillness  succeeded.  Washington  arose ;  near  him 
stood  John  Adams,  on  his  right;  the  Chancellor  on  his 
left,  slightly  in  the  rear  Col.  Hamilton,  Roger  Sherman, 
General  Knox,  General  St.  Clair,  Baron  Steuben,  Col. 
Humphreys,  Mr.  Lear,  and  others. 

With  great  dignity  the  Chancellor  approached  Washing 
ton.  Mr.  Otis  held  up  the  Bible  on  its  crimson  cushion. 
The  oath  was  read,  solemnly  and  slowly  repeated  by 
Washington,  who  reverently  bent  to  kiss  the  Book,  and 
the  Chancellor  in  a  clear,  penetrating  voice  said  from  the 
front  of  the  balcony,  "Long  live  George  Washington, 
President  of  the  United  States."  At  that  moment  a 
flag  was  unfurled  from  the  cupola  of  the  Hall,  the  artillery 
boomed  forth  salutes  on  the  Battery,  all  the  bells  in  the 
city  rang,  and  a  heartfelt  shout  went  up  once  more  from 
the  people,  as  the  President,  with  the  distinguished  com 
pany  on  the  balcony,  returned  to  the  Senate  Chamber. 
In  a  low  but  clear  voice  the  President  then  delivered  a 
brief  inaugural  address. 

Once  more  the  procession  re-formed,  and  passing  through 
the  people  who  lined  Broadway,  went  to  St.  Paul's  Chapel 
where  a  special  service  was  held.  This  service  was  ar 
ranged  by  the  Rt.  Rev.  Dr.  Provoost,  Bishop  of  New  York 
and  Rector  of  Trinity  Church.  He  was  also  a  chaplain 
of  Congress,  and  officiated  on  this  historic  occasion. 

The  President  and  the  whole  company  which  filled  the 
Chapel  joined  in  it  with  thankful  devotion. 

Several  public  and  private  dinners  with  illuminations 
and  fireworks  in  the  evening  closed  this  auspicious  day. 

Washington  applied  himself  with  great  diligence  to  his 


448          Washington  Elected  President 

new  duties  and  chose  his  official  advisers  with  excellent 
judgment.  Thomas  Jefferson  he  named  for  the  Depart 
ment  of  Foreign  Affairs;  Alexander  Hamilton  for  the 
Treasury;  Henry  Knox  for  the  War  Department;  and 
Edmund  Randolph  for  Attorney  General.  They  were  all 
men  eminent  and  fit.  Much  debate  had  been  held  in 
Congress  over  the  official  designation  of  the  President. 
A  committee  of  the  Senate  on  May  14,  1789,  reported  in 
favour  of  "His  Highness,  the  President  of  the  United 
States  of  America  and  Protector  of  their  Liberties/* 
Before  his  inauguration  he  had  been  frequently  spoken 
of  as  "His  Highness"  and  "His  Excellency."  Finally 
the  opinion  of  the  chairman  of  the  conference  committee 
from  the  House,  Mr.  Benson,  prevailed  and  it  was  deter 
mined  to  use  only  the  style  or  title  in  the  Constitution. 

Another  source  of  some  perplexity  was  the  social  state 
to  be  observed  by  the  President.  Was  he  to  see  all  per 
sons  who  came,  or  was  he  only  to  have  interviews  with 
those  who  came  by  appointment?  Was  he  to  return  all 
visits  or  only  those  of  persons  in  official  life  ?  There  were 
some  who  thought  that  the  representative  of  a  free  and 
equal  people  should  be  accessible  at  all  times  to  everyone. 
They  would  have  him  live  in  the  greatest  plainness  and 
simplicity.  The  experience  of  a  few  days  of  office  and 
the  constant  interruptions  to  the  necessary  business  of 
the  station  impelled  him  to  seek  advice  from  several  ju 
dicious  friends  as  to  the  proper  etiquette  of  the  President's 
office.  Hamilton  thought  "care  should  be  taken  to  avoid 
so  high  a  tone  in  the  demeanour  of  the  occupant  as  to  shock 
the  prevalent  notions  of  equality."  He  proposed  one 
levee  a  week  at  a  fixed  time,  the  President  to  attend  for 
half  an  hour  and  then  retire. 

He  should  not  accept  invitations,  but  give  formal  en 
tertainments  two  or  four  times  a  year,  the  suggested 
days  being  those  of  Independence,  Inauguration,  French 


Washington's  Levees  449 

Alliance  and  Treaty  of  Peace,  1783.  On  levee  days  the 
President  should  entertain  at  a  family  dinner  six  or  eight 
persons  in  official  life. 

The  heads  of  departments  to  have  access  to  him  at  all 
times — certain  foreign  ministers  and  the  members  of  the 
Senate  should  also  have  this  privilege. 

The  Vice-President  thought  that  a  large  degree  of 
splendour  and  reserve  should  surround  the  head  of  the 
nation  to  enable  the  United  States  to  obtain  the  respect 
of  foreign  nations.  He  suggested  aides-de-camp,  masters 
of  ceremony,  and  chamberlains.  He  thought  two  days 
necessary  in  the  week  to  be  set  apart  for  receiving  visits 
of  ceremony  and  compliment.  Interviews  should  be 
arranged  through  the  minister  of  state.  The  hours  for 
these  interviews  should  be  limited  to  a  certain  time  in  the 
morning.  The  President  should  be  at  liberty  to  invite 
such  persons  in  public  life  to  call  upon  him  in  small  com 
panies  as  he  might  desire.  His  private  life  he  should 
arrange  as  he  thought  best. 

Washington  listened  to  his  friends,  noted  their  answers, 
and  then  proceeded  to  arrange  his  official  life  as  he  thought 
best,  acting  upon  the  substance  of  their  advice  which 
agreed  with  his  own  ideas. 

He  determined  to  return  no  calls  and  receive  official 
visits  at  appointed  hours.  His  dinner  parties  were  to  be 
small  and  include  both  officials  and  noted  strangers. 

After  he  had  established  his  rules  for  his  daily  public 
life  he  arranged  a  series  of  weekly  receptions  or  ''levees'* 
every  Tuesday,  from  three  to  four  in  the  afternoon. 

Mrs.  Washington  held  a  weekly  reception  every  Friday 
from  eight  to  ten. 

Tradition  and  gossip  ascribe  to  Gen.  Knox  and  Col. 
Humphreys  the  details  of  the  ceremony  observed  at  these 
public  functions. 

Mr.   Jefferson   in    his    Ana    relates    a    rather    stupid 

VOL.    I—2Q 


450         Washington  Elected  President 

anecdote  in  regard  to  Washington's  first  levee.  It  has 
little  wit  or  point,  but  here  it  is.  Col.  Humphreys  he 
states  acted  as  master  of  ceremonies  and  admitted  all 
visitors  to  an  outer  room  or  antechamber.  When  all 
were  assembled  he  threw  open  the  door  of  the  inner  large 
room  in  which  was  the  President,  and  preceding  them  an 
nounced  with  a  loud  voice,  "The  President  of  the  United 
States. "  The  sequel  to  his  story  is  that  Washington  was 
perplexed,  annoyed,  and  angry  and  showed  his  annoyance 
during  the  reception.  When  the  guests  had  gone  he  said 
to  the  Colonel,  "Well,  you  have  taken  me  in  once,  and  by 

—you  shall  never  take  me  in  a  second  time. " 

What  proves  that  this  anecdote  is  either  apocryphal  or 
exaggerated  is  that  what  is  said  of  both  parties  to  it  is  at 
variance  with  their  character.  Humphreys  had  too  much 
good  breeding  and  too  much  experience  of  good  society 
to  commit  a  breach  of  manners  or  social  etiquette.  More 
over  he  would  never  have  done  anything  of  this  nature 
without  consulting  his  friend  and  chief.  The  story 
possibly  originated  from  a  disappointed  seeker  for  the 
President's  favour,  as  during  the  early  months  of  the 
President's  incumbency  the  Colonel  acted  as  his  confiden 
tial  secretary.  Or  else  the  story  was  manufactured  out  of 
whole  cloth  by  Jefferson  for  his  own  ends.  As  we  all 
know  Washington  was  aristocratic;  Jefferson,  demagogic; 
and  the  latter,  in  order  to  curry  favour  with  the  unthinking 
masses,  aped  some  of  the  leaders  of  the  French  Revolution 
in  their  affectation  of  simplicity  and  disregard  of  the  cour 
tesies  of  gentle  life.  This  affectation  and  playing  to  the 
groundlings  in  the  pit  is  accountable  for  most  of  his  ill- 
natured  and  sarcastic  remarks  in  his  Ana.1 

Col.  Humphreys  continued  to  act  as  private  secretary 
to  Gen.  Washington  as  he  had  always  done  in  the  past. 
No  matter  how  long  his  absences  might  be,  it  is  evident 

1  For  a  version  of  this  story  see  Irving 's  Washington,  v.,  pp.  13,  14. 


Humphreys  to  Varick  451 

that  just  as  soon  as  he  returned  within  "the  family  of 
General  Washington"  he  seemed  to  have  assumed  that 
honoured  position.  The  following  letter  written  at  this 
period  is  interesting  on  account  of  its  historical  association. 

NEW  YORK,  May  8th,  1789. 

SIR, 

I  am  commanded  by  the  President  of  the  United  States  to 
inform  you  that  he  has  this  day  received  the  Answer  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  to  his  speech;  and  that  it  will  be 
convenient  for  him  to  receive  the  Address  of  the  Mayor, 
Aldermen  and  commonalty  of  New  York,  to-morrow  at  12 
o'clock,  or  any  other  day  at  the  same  hour,  provided  the  time 
shall  be  notified  to  him  in  season  for  making  his  arrangements 
accordingly. 

I  am,  with  great  esteem,  Sir, 

Your  most  humble  servant, 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 
RICHARD  VARICK,  ESQR., 

Recorder  of  the  City  of  New  York. x 

1  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 


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